Skip to main content

Full text of "The Union cause in St. Louis in 1861 : an historical sketch"

See other formats


Purchased from the 

funds of 

The Lewis H. Beck Foundation 



ST. LOUIS IN 1861 




St. Louis Municipal Centennial Year 


Robert J. Rombauer 

Press of 

Nixon-Jones Prtg. Co. 

St. Louts 


The object of these lines is to give a comprehensive History of the 
St. Louis Union movement of 1861, and of the general conditions in 
the State of Missouri and the Union, which reacted upon local events. 
While the statements of details will be restricted to the spring and 
summer months of 1861, even their remote causes will be sought. 
This seems to he all the more necessary, because in a community of 
freemen, where every one does his own thinking, and acts upon his 
own feelings, the disposition of the masses makes History, whose way 
stations onlv are signalized bv the names of the leaders. 

When two antagonistic momentous issues arise in a nation, only 
the one which is conducive to the welfare of the entire country 
deserves success, notwithstanding that persons who stake their lives 
upon these issues, are honestly convinced of the righteousness of 
their cause. Besides this, it may be considered as an uncontroverti- 
ble axiom, that no party should ever rush into a hostile conflict, in 
which inherent conditions of power entail its inevitable defeat. Thus 
it is that through the study of History, we may be enabled judi- 
ciously to shape our actions, in order to meet present exigencies and 
forestall individual and national disasters. Our era may properly 
be designated as the epoch of the assertion of human rights, as divi- 
sions in History have generally been made by the leading and origi- 
nating cause- and resulting events Thus the patriarchal sway of 
Abraham established the rule of experienced age, the monotheism 
and theocracy of Moses, the priest rule in Palestine; on the Dualism 
and utilitarian tendency of Zoroaster rose the Persian realm, the 
beautiful naturalism of Greece culminated in a Periclean age; the 
stern realism of Koine paved the way to a world's empire; the divine 
doctrine of love laid the foundation to modern civilization; Moham- 
ed's consequential fatalism broke rotten empires; a second edition 
of priest rule under Gregor VII. bent the knee of the feudal knight 
and curbed the passions of Kings, the reformation of Luther and 
his coevals freed the conscience of men and the; radical philosophy 
of the Eighteenth Century established rationalism while the war of 
Independence, the French revolution, the popular upheaval of 1818. 
vindicated national independence and natural rights and by the aid 


iv Preface. 

of the free press of the nineteenth century, liberated downtrodden 
"humanity from privileged oppression, which the cohesive power of 
plunder, had legally saddled upon it. All these past epochs only 
confirm the lesson, that there is nd -lasting greatness without truth 
and no lasting happiness without morality It is the object of this 
sketch, to inculcate a thorough appreciation of the heavenly twins 
of truth and morality, and great stress hao been laid upon their 
value, pointing them out by calling attention to biographical rela- 
tions upon important actions. Nevertheless great liberality is 
claimed from the .reader, for even with the most sincere intentions, 
no one can free himself from the bias of his own individuality and 
no one can claim to stand on the balance beam of the historic scale. 
Observing the sequel of dates, as far as possible, portions of the 
work present special phases collectively Thus, Chapter I gives the 
Introduction to the leading ideas and political measures in the Union 
bearing Upon the great questions at issue, to the year 1861. Chapter 
II treats upon the people of St. Louis and those features of their past 
History, which shaped their convictions and character and shows 
that the ancestors exhibited qualities of virtue, worthy the imitation 
of the most ambitious genius. Chapter III gives the events in the 
Union immediately preceding Lincoln's taking office; and Chapter 
IV those specially relating to St. Louis and Missouri, during the 
same period, Chapter V and VI deal with the first steps of War; 
Chapter VII with the organization of the Union and Secession host 
in St. Louis; Chapter VIII, IX and X wifh Lyon's Command and 
Camp Jackson; Chapter XI with Fremont's accession. Chapter XII 
the battle of Wilson's Creek. An outline of complete Emancipation 
in Missouri precedes the Conclusion. 

In the course of the narration, it will be found, that the State 
troops organized by Governor Jackson are almost invariably called 
Secessionists, because all their higher and most of their lower officers 
and men eventually became Confederate troops and were either con- 
ditional or unconditional Secessionists from the start. After the 
Missouri State Convention had been elected by a very large majority, 
(80,000) the supreme authority of the State vested in it, and even 
from an extreme State Rights' standpoint, the Secessionists in State 
Guard garb were logically bound to submit to the authority of the 
United States, which, however, they failed to do. The word "Rebel" 
is not used in these lines, except in quotations from other writers. 
The Confederates held that they had a right to secede under their 

Preface. v 

State Constitutions, saying that as they had formed the pact -of the 
Union, they had also the right to dissolve it. The name of Seces- 
sionist and Rebel had been used interchangeably during the war, 
often abbreviated to "Secesh" or "Rebs," for which the latter retali- 
ated by the terms of "Feds" and "Yanks." The terms of "Volun- 
teer," "Reserve Corps" and "Home Guard," were also used indiscrim- 
inately in the hostile camps of Missouri, which will be chiefly noted 
in reading quotations from them. 

There is no disposition in this work to glorify military achieve- 
ments, well aware of the fact that "Peace has her victories no less 
renowned than War." However, culture of thought and sentiment 
have only a value when they lead to correct action, and it would be 
a false policy to obliterate the memory of the Civil War, for it was 
the most serious, most important, and most far-reaching lesson which 
this nation ever received, and to hide its causes, disregard its conse- 
quences and shun its warnings, could have only disastrous results in 
the future. Just because war is a terrible calamity,, should its lessons 
be heeded. If the arbitrament of arms is invoked, its consequences 
cannot be avoided. Fatigue, sickness, poverty, death and destruction 
follow in the wake of the furies of war ; even though the object be the 
victory of a just cause and not revenge or cruelty. Incidentally it 
may be said, that today he is considered the greatest general who 
will attain victorv with the least amount of suffering. 

In compiling this work, many contemporaneous writers have been 
read. Billons excellent chronicle of Missouri in its Territorial days; 
Henry Boernstein's autobiography of 75 years; Wherry's Wilson's 
Creek; F. Schnake s Geschichte; Schlosser's Welt Geschichte; John 
Minor Botts, The Great Rebellion ; J. C. Abbot's History ; the United 
States Records of the War of the Rebellion , J C. Moore's, Galusha 
Anderson's, J. Thomas Scharff's History of St. Louis, and Books, 
Charts, Maps and Lists have been consulted by the aid of Libraries 
and the very valuable collection of the St. Louis Historical Society 
Particular mention deserves in this connection John M. Schofield's 
"49 Years in the Army;" Colonel Peckham's "Life of Lyon;" 
Thomas L. Snead's "A Fight for Missouri," and the last three are 
specially recommended to every student of History, because their 
writers took an active and prominent part in the events of 1861, and 
as Schofield and Peckham were Union men and Snead a Secessionist, 
a better and more reliable representation can be secured bv com- 
paring views of opposing parties. 

vi Preface. 

Credit was given in this sketch, wherever the. opinion of others 
was quoted or their words used. In gathering the details of Com- 
pany or Regimental organizations and actions, a great many com- 
rades cheerfully aided with advice and information of details, and 
this valuable assistance and that of the sons of the writer, made this 
publication possible. Upon the organization of Union troops in St. 
Louis, more details are and could be given from the First Volunteer 
and First Reserve Regiment, for their story came more within per- 
sonal experience, and is also characteristic for the development of the 
others, while a repetition of a similar detail, would have only a very 
limited interest to the general reader. 

Important documents, orders, reports, speeches, resolutions, proc- 
lamations, letters, have been given in the original, as the best evi- 
dence of their faithful interpretation, and the sketch was verified by 
the recollection of yet living men of that period. 

Discrepancies in dates, names, 1 and numbers are almost unavoida- 
ble , they are caused by the failing memory upon events that passed 
forty-eight years ago; but it is hoped that the main object was 
attained, and that was to do justice and give a true picture and 
reliable characterization upon one of the most memorable popular 
upheavals in modern History. 

1 Page 104, second line, read "Preetorius" instead of "Pretorius" 
Page 104, third line, read "Enno Sander" instead of "Eno Sanders." 





Considerations T 1 

Slavery 2 

Local Differences 6 

Territorial and Economic Relations 9 

Louisiana Purchase 13 

Segregation of Parties 15 

State Rights „ 16 

Missouri Compromise 19 

Tariff and Nullification 21 

Abolition Movement 26 

Elijah P. Lovejoy 30 

Incentives to Mobs 33 

Florida and Texas 36 

Effects of a Liberal Movement 40 

Compromise of 1850 41 

Fugitive Slave Law 44 

The Kansas Contest 46 

Presidential Election of 1856 54 

Dred Scott Decision '. 56 

Monroe Doctrine and Slavery 58 

Spirit of North and South 61 

Lincoln-Douglas Debate 62 


Origin; First Settlement 65 

Indians and Fortifications 69 

Louisiana Territory in the Union 71 

Territorial Days of Missouri 78 

Settlers of American Era 80 

Admission of Missouri 84 

German Immigration of 1830 87 

Immigration of 1848 92 


Presidential Election of 1860 105 

Causes of the Civil War 110 


viii Contents. 


Secession 113 

Vain Compromise Plans 117 

A Square Issue 119 

Treason in the Cabinet ..■ .':•:. </.\ i I :.-..>.< .<~j . v 123 


The Southwest Campaign 126 

The St. Louis Turnverein 127 

The St. Louis Press ,... 129 

Last Days of 1860 .' 132 

Missouri Legislature in 1861 . 135 

Fears and Doubts in St. Louis : . . . . 139 

A Tell-Tale Letter 142 

The Missouri State Convention 145 

Nathaniel Lyon .....!. '.....' 150 


Drifting Towards War 156 

Alexander Stephens' Great Effort 158 

Peace Conference and Schemes '...-..: 162 

Lincoln's Journey to Washington .: ...• 164 

Lincoln's Inauguration . ; : :■',■ 166 

Secession Constitution " 167 

Loyalty of the Missouri State Convention .V. . ,. 168 

Legislature Tries to Curb St. Louis 174 

The Dawn of Relief ■--. . ..: 176 


Fort Sumter 178 

Lincoln's Call for 75,000 men , 179 

Governor Jackson's Treason ; 180 

General Frost's Advice 182 

Harney Sees Danger , ,. 184 


On to Washington ...,., 186 

Union Military Organization in"St. Louis ; 188 

The Safety Committee 190 

St. Louis Minute Men 193 

The Three Months Volunteers >. . .. ., 195 

The St. Louis Home Guard or United States Reserve Corps, Missouri 

Volunteers . x . 200 

The Muster for Anns 205 

Secession Schemes 212 

Camp Jackson Established 216 

Contents. ix 

Arming the Home Guard, or United States Reserve Corps, Missouri 

Volunteers 219 

War Democrats : ! : . ' 223 


Union Schemes 224 

Capture of Camp Jackson 226 

Days of Excitement . . : ... 238 

Secessionist War Measures 242 

General Harney's Failure 245 


Limited Means 254 

Moves for Time and Position 260 

Hostilities Commence 263 

Lyon's Advance Into the State , :...... 266 

Battle of Boonville '. 270 


The Disposition of Secession Forces ; 278 

The Southwest Union Column 280 

The Battle of Carthage 281 

Lyon's March South 286 

Southeast Missouri 288 

Missouri State Convention Ousts Governor 290 

The Battle of Fulton 292 

The Situation at St. Louis 294 


John C. Fremont 297 

Cairo and Bird's Point 300 

Lyon at Springfield 304 


The Battle of Wilson's Creek . . .- 314 

Resolute Measures 334 

The First Emancipation Proclamation 337 

Conclusion of First Part 342 

x Contents 




General Remarks 349 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, Partly Three Months' and 

Three Years' Service 351 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, Completed List of Three 

Months' Service 364 

Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 367 

Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 380 

Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 394 

Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 407 

First Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 417 

Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 431 

Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 441 

Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 452 

Fifth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 464 

Pacific Battalion, Company B, United States Reserve Corps 475 

Note Relative to Artillery and Pioneer Company 475 


The illustrations in this book are characteristic representations of its con- 
tents. They comprise leaders, officers and privates of the several Regiments 
of different ranks, ages and callings. Hundreds of others could have been 
added who were prominent men at the time, or who rendered excellent service 
during the war, and attained a high usefulness after their return. A like 
praise could be given to many champions of the other camp in their later life, 
but that would lead beyond the aim and limits of the present sketch. 

The ranks stated under the photos are those of 1861. 

Facing Page 

Abraham Lincoln — President United States of America ; born in 

Kentucky , fifty-two years old in 1861 ; died in 1865 Title 

Francis Preston Blair, Jr. — Colonel First Infantry Missouri Volun- 
teers ; lawyer ; born in Kentucky ; forty years old in 1861 ; 
Private in Mexican War ; Free Soiler in the Missouri Legislature ; 
Member of Congress from 1856 to 1862 ; Major General ; United States 
Senator ; in 1868 candidate of the Democratic party for Vice-President 
of the United States ; (see p. 104) ; died in 1875 176 

Constantin Blandovski — Captain Third Infantry Missouri Volun- 
teers; instructor St. Louis Turnverein ; born in Poland; thirty-four . 
years old in 1861 ; took part in the Hungarian war of 1848 ; mortally 
wounded at the capture of Camp Jackson, May 10th ; died May 25, 1861. 232 

Henry Boernstein — Colonel Second Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; 
author; born in Austria; fifty-six years old in 1861; had a military 
education; active in the revolution of 1848; editor Anzeiger des 
Westens; rationalist and agitator; for a brief period Military Governor 
of Missouri 272 

B. Gratz Brown— Colonel Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, 
Missouri Volunteers; lawyer and editor; born in Kentucky; thirty-five 
years old in 1861; started Free Soil movement in the Missouri Legis- 
lature, whose member he was from 1852 to 1859; United States 
Senator from 1863 to 1866; Governor of Missouri in 1871; candidate for 
United States Vice-President in 1872; died in 1885 64 

Adolphus Busch — Corporal Third Regiment United States Reserve 
. Corps, Missouri Volunteers, merchant and brewer; born in Germany; 
nineteen years old in 1861; graduate of Belgian College; organized the 
Anheuser-Busch Brewery, the second largest in the world; likewise 
the South Side Bank, the Manufacturers' Railroad, glass factories, 
many other companies and hundreds of ice plants, employing many 
thousand people, and is a most generous supporter of all charities and 
public enterprises 240 


xii Illustrations. 


Isidor Bush — Private Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps. 
Missouri Volunteers; merchant; born in Bohemia; thirty-nine years 
old in 1861; appointed Captain and Commissary on Fremont's staff; 
member of the City Council, School Board and of the Missouri Con- 
vention of 1861, farmer and philanthropist; died 1898 168 

James B. Eads — Captain of steamboats; civil engineer and ship builder; 
born in Indiana; forty-one years old in 1861; planned and constructed 
armored fleet and gunboats, originated Mississippi delta jetties; 
financier and chief engineer of Ead's Bridge across the Mississippi, 
which was started in 1867; member Mississippi River Commission; ■ 
died in 1887. 224 

John T. Fiala— Lieutenant-Colonel Second Regiment United States 
Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; topographical engineer; born in 
Hungary; thirty-nine years old in 1861; Major in Hungarian army of 
1848; made and published the first large sectional and topographical 
map of Missouri, Colonel on Fremont's staff; suggested to General 
Lyon the St. Louis forts built by Fremont 216 

Gustav A. Finkblnburg— Lieutenant First Infantry Missouri Volunteers; 
Captain Company A before muster; Speaker of St. Louis Turnverein; 
lawyer; born in Germany; twenty- four years old in 1861; in Missouri 
Legislature from 1864 to 1866; in Congress from 1868 to 1872; candi- 
date for Governor; United States Judge in 1907 and 1908; died 1908. . 192 

Henry T. Flad — Private Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, 
Missouri Volunteers; civil engineer; born in Germany; thirty-seven 
years old in 1861; commanded engineer company of 'German revolu- 
tionists in 1848; Colonel of Engineers in the Civil War; afterwards 
Water Commissioner of St. Louis, President Board of Public Improve- 
ments for three terms; President Mississippi River Commission, also 
of American Society of Engineers; leading assistant engineer of Eads 
Bridge; died 1898 '. 104^ 

John C. Fremont — Major-General and Commander of Department; West- 
pointer; born in Georgia; fifty-two years old in 1861; pathfinder over 
the Rocky Mountains; Free-Soil candidate for President in 1856; (see 
page 385) ; died 1890 336 

Friederich Hecker — Born in Germany; fifty years old in 1861; lawyer 
and farmer; Member of Parliament and leader in the Republican up- 
rising of 1848 in Germany; entered United States military service in 
1861 as private; elected Colonel; after the war an effective lecturer, 
vindicating the gospel of rationalism through his speeches and writ- 
ings; died March 24, 1881 96 

Nathaniel Lyon — Captain United States Army; Brigadier-General of 
Volunteers; Westpointer; born in Connecticut; forty-two years old in 
1861; fell at Wilson's Creek, August 10, 1861; had bequeathed $30,000 
by will for the maintenance of the Union; (see page 208) 152 

Peter J. Osterhads — Captain Second Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; army 
officer in Europe; born in Germany; thirty-eight years old in 1861; 
commander of Manheim during revolutionary war of 1848; Brigadier- 
General and Major-General in the Union army and successful leader in 
many campaigns and battles; later Consul in Europe 320 

Illustrations. xiii 

Roderick E. Rombauer — Private First Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; 

afterwards Captain First Regiment United States Reserve Corps, 
Missouri Volunteers; lawyer; born in Hungary; twenty-eight years 
old in 1861; active in the revolution of 1848; after the Civil War Judge 
of Law Commissioners, Circuit Court and Court of Appeals; legal ad- 
visor of School Board for years; one of the ablest jurists of Missouri. 200 

Johx M. Schofield— Lieutenant United States Army; later Major First 
Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; Westpointer: professor at Washington 
University; mustering officer; born in New York; thirty years old in 
1861; Lyon's Adjutant; became successful commander and Lieutenant- 
General of all armies of the United States; died in 1906 208 

Nicolaus Schuettneh — Colonel Fourth Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; car- 
penter and builder; manufacturer of brick molds; born in Germany; 
forty years old in 1861; leader of the Schwarze Jager Schuetzenver- 
ein, a hunter's society; held Bird's Point in Southeast Missouri; died 
in 1868 288 

Francis Sigel — Colonel Third Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; teacher; born 
in Germany; thirty-seven years old in 1861; artillerist and command- 
ing officer in Baden during the revolutionary war of 1848-9; principal 
German institute of education in St. Louis; organized Third Regiment 
and Battery, Brigadier-General and Major-General in the Union Army, 
holding important commands; after the war editor in Baltimore and 
civil officer in New York; (see page 262) ; died in 1902. 280 

Joseph Spiegelhalter — Lieutenant Fifth Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; 
medical student of Humboldt Institute and teacher; graduated as 
doctor in 1862; twenty-six years old in 1861; surgeon of the Twelfth 
Missouri Regiment during the war; later health officer, coroner; mem- 
ber of the Board of Health and of medical societies; President of St. 
Louis Turnverein and other associations; died in 1909 304 

St. Louis Turnverein Building — Tenth and Walnut Streets; most popular 
meeting place of Union men in and before 1861, and cradle of first 
military Union organizations 128 

Charles G. Stifel — Colonel Fifth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, 
Missouri Volunteers; brewer; born in Germany; forty- two years of 
age in 1861; member of City Council in 1855; organized the Fifth 
Reserve and was its efficient and popular leader; presented the Schiller 
statue to St. Louis; public-spirited member of benovolent and other 
societies; died in 1900 296 



Territory Ceded by States to United States 10 

St. Louis County in 1861 66 

Territory Acquired by United States 72 

Camp Jackson in 1861 228 

Camp Jackson's Present Subdivision 229 

Map of Missouri 267 

Battlefield of Wilson's Creek 1 315 

1 Compiled from notes of United States Topographical Survey and various reports. 





History is a unit by reason of the logic of events, which act all 
over the world in accordance with the eternal law of cause and effect. 
This applies to moral as well as physical conditions; all laws should 
be in keeping with the laws of nature, which are immutable. They 
leave us the only alternative — either to live in accordance with them 
or to suffer. The obedience to these laws is dictated by common 
sense, and the Egotist will submit to them as well as the Altruist. 
It is our action within them, which establishes true value, and correct 
conventional law is, or should be, only natural law, with proper 
safeguards against the abuses facilitated by social relations. When 
our affections take in the members of our family exclusively, we 
prove our human worth to that extent, and in filling that first duty 
it i- so decreed by the eternal wisdom which rules the Universe that 
we also become useful to mankind. Enlarged views and nobler senti- 
ments will also consider the community in which we live, and in 
proportion as our consideration embraces larger divisions of our 
kind, our value and worth as human beings also increases. Thus the 
Egotist rises to a good member of the family, a good citizen of the 
community, the state, the nation and the world. That is the prog- 
ress of the development of man — in cocentric circles from the nar- 
row limits of self to the all-comprehensive considerations of philan- 
tbropy But this process will be beneficent only as long as we are 
correct in our reasoning. 

We admire the attachment to family and kindred, the undaunted 
bravery of resolution, the perseverance of devotion, the fidelity to 
honest convictions, which guide the actions of man, but all these fine 
qualities can not make convictions right when they are cardinally 
wrong; all these high qualities which everybody admires, can not 
sanctify an aim which is destructive of the happiness of humanity 


2 The T-nion Cause in St, Louis in 1861. 

at large. When we look back on the great tragedy of 1861 we find 
that a very large number of those who gravely erred in their judg- 
ment acted from pure motives and in keeping with their honest 
convictions ; for the preceding events of a century had shaped opin- 
ions, and even sentiments, dividing the nation into two great camps, 
and leading with the certainty of fate to the irrepressible conflict. 
The eminent German historian Schlosser writes in his works : "No 
national, religious or class distinctions threatened the peace of the 
Union. Still the antagonistic relation of free and slave labor led 
to ominous contrasts which caused the greatest civil war known to 
History." There is no doubt now in the world, that Slavery was 
the cause of the civil war. This is generally conceded. The develop- 
ment, however, of Slavery from small beginnings until it became an 
aggressive' power which shook a continent is full of the gravest 
lessons that may be most beneficently utilized by their timely appli- 
cation in future. In order to understand and to appreciate the 
actions and events of 1861, a brief review of the past is necessary. 


Slavery existed before History knew civilized people,. Probably 
it was restricted at first to captives of war and their families, and, as 
soon this proved profitable or convenient, it was made hereditary 
Prowess on one side and weakness on the other have often produced 
a condition of dependence akin to Slavery A relation which became 
common and general had to be regulated by law, and the person 
who already inherited slaves grew up accustomed to relations whose 
justice he had no incentive to question. The desire for happiness 
is, however, born with every human being, and this leads direct to 
a wish for liberty As soon as this desire is noticed, repressive mea- 
sures are applied. These have a very bad effect on the master, mak- 
ing him more domineering, stern, often of necessity cruel, and they 
make the slave more miserable and discontented, and estrange him 
from his master. The ancient despotisms and more or less aristo- 
cratic republics nearly all kept Slaves, and, as war and conquest was 
the natural and usual condition of those States, their citizens were 
always ready to suppress every uprising. The baneful reaction of 
Slavery on the master and the nonslaveholding citizen was little 
considered or understood by the ancients. That the immense wealth 
of one class engendered the relative great poverty of the other was 

Introduction. 3 

not thought of; that luxury and passions, unrestrained by any con- 
siderations or laws of equal human rights, destroyed morality and 
justice, was not taken into account by ambitious and greedy states- 
men ; that Slavery, in overloading the bondsmen, took from the 
citizen the chance of a healthy activity, qualifying him for idleness 
and military ambition, facilitating conquests and spoliation of other 
nations, was rather coveted than shunned; and yet militarism de- 
stroyed in the end the liberty loving spirit of the citizen, and cor- 
rupted his body and soul with the customs, vices and luxuries of 
inferior nations. The cruelty toward the slave dulled the sensibili- 
ties and kind feelings of the masters toward their other fellowmen, 
and led to fearful butcheries, proscriptions and wholesale spoliation, 
which caused the power of Rome, the best organized State of an- 
tiquity, to rot toward destruction. This lesson is the "Handwriting 
upon the wall" for other nations; it reads Beware of Slavery, the 
inequalities of citizens, foreign conquests and militarism. The im- 
mortal doctrine of universal love, proclaimed by the great teacher 
of Nazareth, placed all human beings, a Roman Emperor as well 
as an African Slave, upon an equality before their Maker. A tran- 
sition from a corrupt empire to a radical republic, however, was an 
impossibility, but the spiritual equality established by the Church 
mitigated the conditions of slave dependence to milder forms, in 
establishing the organization of the feudal system, and of a serfdom 
conditioned as well as based on low ignorance on one side, and well 
nerved but often greedy capacity on the other In the Orient 
Slavery continued unbroken , the warlike, conquering disposition of 
the Mohamedan spread it across Northern Africa to Spain, and in 
the year 990 merchants from the Barbary Coast brought slaves from 
Central Africa to Europe. The Turks enslaved their captives in war, 
without discrimination of color or nationality, carried women and 
children away, and raised the latter for the military service' of that 
formidable body of soldiers, the Janissaries. Even this very astute 
slave policy proved a fearful curse in the end. The Janissaries grew 
as dangerous to the Sultan as the Pretorian Guards to the Roman 
Emperors, until in June, 1826, Sultan Mahomed defeated their 
insurrection after a most sanguinary battle and had them extermi- 

In their attempts for the circumnavigation of Africa, the Portu- 
guese came in touch with the tribes of that continent, and brought 
from there the first colored slaves to be used for labor. Spain was 

4: Tlte J'nioii (Jniixr in Sf Lnuix in lSlil. 

not slow to follow suit, and when Columbus discovered America, he 
enslaved Indian prisoners and with the blessings of his discovery 
laid the foundation of an evil which o(k> years later should have to 
be redeemed by the untold sufferings of a great nation. In speaking 
of this arrangement of Spanish settlers in San Domingo, Washing- 
ton Irving in his "Life of Columbus," states: 

"He assigned to them (the settlers) liberal portions of land, and numerous 
Indian Slaves taken in the wars. He made an arrangement also by which 
the Caciques in their vicinity, instead of paying tribute, should furnish par- 
ties of their subjects, free Indians, to assist the Colonists in the cultiva- 
tion of their lands; a kind of feudal service which was the origin of the 
'Repartimientos' or distributions of free Indians among the Colonists, after- 
wards generally adopted and shamefully abused throughout the Spanish 
Colonies; a source of intolerable hardship and oppressions to the unhappy na- 
tives, and which greatly contributed to exterminate them from the island of 
Hispaniola" (San Domingo). 

This was a source of evil, which three hundred years later, most 
cruelly exterminated the White race from that "AVest Indian Para- 
disc."' While Queen Isabella discountenanced the enslavement of 
Indians by Columbus and even returned large numbers from Spain 
to their, native island, they were still compelled to work in the mines 
and in other employments, which owing to the cruel greed of the 
Spaniards, finally ground them out of existence. It was at this time 
that Negro slaves born in Spain, were first imported into the West 
Indies. Of this event Washington Irving says: "It is a fact worthy 
of observation that Hispaniola, the place where this flagrant sin 
against nature and humanity was first introduced into the New 
World, has been the first to exhibit an awful retribution." This 
came in San Domingo in the year 1791; a few refugees from this 
awful catastrophe found afterwards a sheltering home in St. Louis. 

Upon the share which Columbus had in introducing Slavery in 
San Domingo, Washington Irving says: 

"It is not the intention of the author, however, to justify Columbus on 
a point where it is inexcusable to err. Let it remain a blot on his illus- 
trious name, and let others derive a lesson from it." 

Columbus enslaved a large number of Indians and scot them to 
European markets. Isabella of Spain ordered the liberation of the 
Indians in Europe, but left captive Moors and Negroes in bondage. 
Now Slavery ceased to be a war measure and became a factor in agri- 
cultural and mercantile economy. While the introduction of the 

Introduction. 5 

stronger, more docile and tractable Negro, relieved the Indian on 
the Continent from this immediate danger to his liberty, it laid 
the foundation of an evil which almost became fatal to the life of the 
North American Union. The Popes, at the time the highest repre- 
sentatives of the ethical principle in the world, condemned Slavery 
at its very cradle. Pope Leo X. declared early in the sixteenth 
century "Not the Christian religion only, but nature itself cries 
out against the state of Slavery;" and not much later Pope Paul III. 
imprecated a curse on Europeans who would enslave Indians, or any 
other class of men. It is hardly correct to lay the responsibility for 
the introduction of African Slavery in America, at the door of the 
Dominican monk De las Casas, who is said to have advised the 
practice of Negro Slavery already introduced before him, in order 
to protect the native Indian. That human rights did not then enter 
into the consideration of the Slavery question, is shown by the exam- 
ple of Charles V., who sailed with a great fleet, to liberate Christian 
slaves at Tunis, and at the same time sanctioned the African slave 
trade, by giving one of his subjects the exclusive privilege of import- 
ing Negro slaves to the West Indies. No insincere motives can be 
attributed to Charles V., who abdicated the greatest power in order 
to become a monk. AVhen in 1<>07 the first permanent English col- 
ony was established at Jamestown, Va., Negro Slavery was over a 
century old in Spanish and Portuguese America and had existed over 
fifty years in other British American possessions. The adventurous 
disposition of the first settlers, who were little inclined to work, and 
the rich crops upon the virgin soil of the new Continent, created the 
strongest tendency, to propagate and to perpetuate Negro Slavery. 
The first slaves were sold at Jamestown, Va., December 22, 1620, 
and Slavery was introduced in all the colonies by 1650, while the 
legality of Slavery was still a mooted question. About that time 
Lord Holt expressed an opinion that Slavery was a condition un- 
known to English law. and that every person setting foot in England, 
thereby became free; soon after this Yorke and Talbot, attorneys 
and solicitors general, gave an opinion in 1729, that Negro slaves 
might be held in England just as well as in the Colonies, and later 
on, in 1749, Yorke as Lord Hardwick and Chancellor, gave the 
opinion that the Colonies are subject to the laws of England, and 
that if Slavery be contrary to English law, no local enactments of 
the Colonies could give it any validity. Mighty rulers, as well as 
men of letters, supported Slavery In 1713, according to Bancroft, a 

6 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

company was created to engage in the African Slave trade; King 
Philip of Spain reserved to himself one-qnarter of the stock, <4ueen 
Ann another quarter, and the last two quarters were to be divided 
among her subjects. For a long period there appeared no serious 
opposition to Slavery on any ground, and although liberty and self- 
government were vindicated by some nations more than two thou- 
sand years earlier, this seems to have been more an inborn human 
propensity than the acknowledgment of a principle applicable to 
all men. The chance warnings of Popes and some human philoso- 
phers were obliterated by the false, but general prejudice, that 
Pagans were not entitled to any considerations from Christians. 
In an age of "Autodafees" and of the most cruel butcheries of Chris- 
tians of one sect by Christians of another sect, this need not surprise 
anyone. English courts held up Slavery by various decisions until 
1772, when Lord Mansfield, Chief Justice of England, pronounced 
in the famous Sommerset case, that by the laws of England no man 
could be held in Slavery What a pity that this doctrine was not 
immediately applied to the Colonies; it would have saved America 
the civil war of 1861. 


Notwithstanding this high-sounding doctrine, Great Britain 
offered armed assistance to the Creole Slaveholders of San Domingo, 
when the latter were brought between two fires : the French radical- 
ism and the Negro insurrection. 

The relations of Slavery in San Domingo differed materially 
from those in the United States. There were three times as many 
mulattoes and twenty times as many Negro slaves as the 20,000 
Creole white descendants of the original European conquerors, free- 
booters and adventurers. Many mulattoes also owned real estate and 
slaves. There was no love lost between these three races, and the 
hatred and prejudice of caste precluded a mutual understanding, 
even when that became the only rational remedy to prevent disaster. 
The Creole whites, brave and reckless to a fault, often treated their 
slaves with brutal cruelty Slave babies were marked with three cuts 
in the cheek, notwithstanding that the midwives for white and black 
were Negro women. Such conditions and the ideas of liberty, 
equality and fraternity, spread by the French Revolution, led to the 
uprising of the Negro slaves, who, degraded to the level of brutes, ex- 

Introduction. 7 

terminated their former tormentors in the most brutal manner. The 
cruelty of the masters was intensified by the tropical climate fostering 
violent passions, it was made unbearable by arrogant aristocratic 
notions, sprouting in the hotbed of voluptuous luxury, and became 
relentless by the fear of slave insurrections, threatened by the great 
disproportion between "Whites and Blacks. In the United States the 
separating line was drawn between the pure White race and persons 
of all shades of color, and thus a more intelligent element, with 
better chances of enlightenment, was identified with the cause o£ the 
plantation slave, in addition to the ethical influence of the nonslaver 
holding White population. In a contest between human rights based 
on natural law, and special privileges based on conventional law, the 
former will prevail during the healthy development of a people, and 
where privileges prevail, there the State is sinking through ignorance 
to dependence. 

The narrow exclusive religious convictions of the New England 
settlers had little consideration for people of other or of no religious 
creed. The enslaved Indian was held by them more as a conquered 
foe than a merchantable article, while holding Negro slaves was 
more the aristocratic distinction of wealth. The agricultural and 
industrial conditions did not favor slaveholding at the North and the 
spirit of the community did not connive at slavebreeding. Entirely 
different relations existed in the South, where slave labor was highly 
remunerative and where the climate, the health, the descent or 
previous residence, to some extent at least disqualified the White 
inhabitant from great exertions. Georgia was the only Southern 
State which prohibited Slavery, owing to the farsighted wisdom of 
its chivalrous founder and first Governor, James Oglethorpe, who 
aided by John Wesley, the founder of Methodism, kept Slavery out 
of Georgia from 1733 to 1752, or as long as their personal influence 
lasted. As soon as Georgia became a royal province, the desire of 
its inhabitants for pecuniary profit upset all the humanitarian aims 
of its great founder. The opposition to Slavery or the appreciation 
of its true nature, did not fade out in the South, with the departure 
of men like Oglethorpe. A Darien, Georgia, committee, in denounc-' 
ing the arbitrary measures of the British Government, also con- 
demned the institution of Slavery, as follows: 

"To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or in- 
terested motive, but a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever 
climate, language or complexion, we hereby declare our disapprobation and 

8 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

abhorrence of the unnatural practice of Slavery in America, a practice 
founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties, de- 
basing part of our fellow creatures below men and corrupting the virtue 
and morals of the rest. We therefore resolve at all times to use our 

utmost efforts for the manumission of our Slaves in this colony, upon the 
most safe and equitable footing for the masters and themselves." 

Far more important than the above is the language of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, which was solemnly adopted and ratified by- 
all the States of the Union. In this document the immortal Thomas 
Jefferson, who is deservedly but not most logically considered the 
Apostle of one of our- great political parties, vindicates absolute and 
universal human right, in the most unqualified terms. If there 
could be any doubt about the general application of these terms to 
all men, African or any other, slaves included, it must be removed 
by the statement of Thomas Jefferson's autobiography, in which he 
refers to a sentence contained in the original draft of his Declara- 
tion of Independence, thus charging George III. : 

"Determined to keep open a market where Men should be bought and sold, 
he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to 
prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage 
of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting 
those very people to rise in arms among us, and purchase that liberty of 
which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also 
obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes committed against the Liberties 
of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the Lives 
of another." 

Jefferson states that this clause was struck out in complaisance to 
South Carolina and Georgia, who wished to continue the importation 
of slaves, and further on he states verbally : "Our Northern brethren 
also, I believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for, though 
their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they bad been pretty 
considerable carriers of them to others." This goes to show, that at 
the time of the Declaration of Independence, both North and South 
were responsible for the existence of Slavery The evil effects pointed 
out by Jefferson in his original draft, were terribly felt during the 
war of Independence ; thousands of Negroes escaped to British camps, 
and those that did not flee but heard of the exciting proclamations 
of the British, kept the people of the Southern States in a continuous 
dread of insurrection and hindered them from giving the American 
cause their full energetic support. 



For it is only fair to believe, that in 1776 the men of the South 
were as patriotic as those of the North, as in the number and 
ability of eminent, genial statesmen who espoused the cause of Inde- 
pendence, the South even excelled the North. Yet the following 
table shows an astonishing disparity in the proportion of men from 
these sections, who had rendered military service during the war of 
Independence : 



End of 

War. 1 

al Sol- 
diers. 2 - 


Slaves ap- 
by. Census 
of 1790. 

New Hampshire 
Rhode Island 
New York. . 

New Jersey 


Total of Northern States. 



















North Carolina. 
South Carolina. 




Total of Southern States. 





Thus, to the Continental Army the Northern States sent nearly 
three men to one sent by the Southern States, and in the Militia 
the ratio was nine from the North to two from the South. 

The above numbers by themselves alone would fully justify the 
opinion of the greatest statesmen of the South, who were in favor 
of discontinuing Slavery as soon as possible. The fact that one- 
third of the Southern population were slaves, had a very bad effect 
upon their defensive , capacity, which was still more reduced by their 
having few large cities and a very extended coast, offering an excel- 
lent base of operations for the British army. 


At the time when the Territories, previously claimed by States, 
were partly ceded to the general Government, Jefferson gave another 

1 From Andrews History. 

2 Collection New Hampshire Historical Society. 


The Union Cnuse, in St. Loiiix in 1S<>1 


Introduction. 11 

strong proof of his desire to restrict Slavery to the narrowest limits. 
On March 1, 1784, he presented the deed of cession of the Territory, 
heretofore claimed by Virginia, and being appointed on the Com- 
mittee, he reported an Ordinance for the government of the Terri- 
tory ceded already, or to be ceded by individual "States to the United 
States," for all land included between the 31° and the 47° of Lati- 
tude, which actually also included the Territory of the present State 
of Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee and all land North of these 
States. This Ordinance also contained a subdivision of the ceded 
Territory, with the names for the new States to be subsequently 
admitted by a two-third vote of the old States. The fifth Section 
of that Ordinance read: "That after the year 1800 of the Christian 
era, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, in any 
of the said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof 
the party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally 
guilty„" At the end of this Ordinance was a provision that its "Arti- 
cles shall be formed into a charter of compact," which shall stand 
as fundamental condition, between the Thirteen States and those 
newly described, unalterable, except by the joint consent of the 
United States in Congress assembled and of the particular State, 
within which such alteration is proposed to be made. This proves 
that Jefferson wanted to add only Free States to the Union, and to 
make a change of that condition as difficult as possible. 

When this Ordinance was taken up by Congress, members from 
North and South Carolina objected to Section Five. The vote 
had to be taken by States. Six States voted for the Section and three 
States sustained the objection. A majority of all the Thirteen States 
being required, Section Five, containing the restriction on Slavery 
was lost. This was caused by the absence of one member from New 
Jersey, A very unfortunate event, fraught with the most disastrous 
consequences, for if the restriction had been adopted, Slavery would 
have existed only in the States of Maryland, Virginia, Delaware, 
North and South Carolina and Georgia, it could have been bought 
off gradually, without loss to the slaveholder and at a very moderate 
cost to the nation. It is awful to contemplate what sacrifices were 
entailed by the absence of one man from his post of duty. Restricted 
forever to six States, the Slavery question could never have become 
the Keystone of a great political party, it never could have consumed 
the energies of a great nation by endless and hopeless altercations, it 
never could have alienated the South from the North, could not have 

12 The Union Cause in St Louis in lSlll. 

led to an almost successful Secession of half the Union, and never 
could have provoked the greatest and most expensive civil war. 

On July 13, 1784, the Continental Congress adopted by an unani- 
mous vote of the States then represented, an Ordinance regarding 
the Territories of the United States Northwest of the Ohio River, 
which among other things, enacted : "There shall be neither Slavery, 
nor involuntary Servitude in the said Territory, otherwise than in 
punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall be duly convicted." 
This last Ordinance also contained a provision for the rendition of 
fugitive slaves, which appears to have been the prize for the exclusion 
of Slavery from that Territory Northwest of the Ohio. Congress 
was authorized by the Constitution, to forbid the foreign slave trade 
from the year 1808, which was fortunately done by an act passed 
March 2, 1807 

The power and obligation to return fugitive slaves, embodied in 
the Constitution of the United States, Art. IV., Sec. II., Paragraph 3, 
designates slaves as "persons held to service or labor in one State," 
and neither in this Section, nor in the one providing for the prohibi- 
tion of the foreign slave trade, nor in the Section which establishes 
that three-fifths of the slaves shall be added to the White population 
in apportioning the quota of representation in Congress, nor any- 
where in the Constitution, is the word "Slave" used. This proves 
that the framers of the Constitution, far from endorsing Slavery, 
even avoided to name it, and only suffered its existence in the hope 
that it will fade out soon. Coming events did not verify this expecta- 
tion. A peaceful and final solution of the Slavery question was 
possible, by framing the privileges and obligations of the Constitu- 
tion accordingly, but as this was not done, the two sections of the 
country started on diverging roads; two contrary systems of labor 
bred opposing interests, various customs, tastes, convictions, a hostile 
spirit, and the only other final solution left, was that awful arbitra- 
ment of arms, which ended at Appomattox. 

Ever since the adoption of the Constitution, the influence and 
power of both free labor and slave labor grew steadily, and they 
grew sometimes by giant strides. Opinions crystalized North and 
South on a different basis and in different issues, and an earlier 
calamity of an open breach was only staved off by periodical com- 
promise. The Constitution of the United States was adopted and 
signed, September 17, 1787, and already, in 1790, a stringent Fugi- 
tive Slave act was passed by Congress, the execution of which became 

Introduction. 13 

a source of continuous trouble and agitation. . Shortly before, in 
December, 1789, North Carolina ceded the Territory of Tennessee to 
the Union, with the following condition: "Provided always that no 
regulation made or to be made by Congress shall tend to emancipate 
Slaves." On the 2d of April, 1802, Georgia ceded her Territory, 
which now forms most of the States of Alabama and Mississippi, 
under the same conditions which governed the North-West Terri- 
tory, "the article only excepted which forbids Slavery " These very 
large Territories were situated far inland ; nowhere bordering on the 
sea; adjoining Slave States; well adapted for the staple products of 
the South — and they were many hundred miles away from the Free 
States, it was therefore, only natural, that the new States to be formed 
from them would become Slave States. Thus retribution followed 
upon the heels of an evil compromise, and the chance frustration of 
Thomas Jefferson s far-sighted policy. The aggression of the slave- 
holders did not stop here. A convention of that part of the North- 
West Territory which was to become the State of Ohio, petitioned 
Congress in 1802 for a temporary suspension of that part of the 
Ordinance which prohibited Slavery Had this been granted, it 
would have carried Slavery North of the Ohio River, and once estab- 
lished there, it would have been very difficult to eradicate it. John 
Randolph of Roanoke, Va., himself a slaveholder, as Chairman of 
a Committee, reported adversely to the petition, stating that they 
"deem it highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a provision 
wisely calculated to promote the happiness and prosperity of the 
North "Western Country " No action was taken by Congress upon 
this petition, not even after the same was endorsed later by both 
Houses of the Territorial Legislature and repeatedly presented by 
William Henry Harrison, then Governor of the Territory and later 
I'resident of the United States. Thus the wisdom of Congress saved 
the North- West Territory from a blight, which a great many of its 
inhabitants were ready to fasten upon it. 


It now happened that an event, otherwise of incalculable benefit 
to. the people of the Union, should incidentally also strengthen the 
cause of Slavery On April 30, 1803, Napoleon sold the Louisiana 
Territory comprising the land west of the Mississippi, to the United 
States. The motive for this was evident. France could not defend 
this Territory, neither by sea nor by land, and in order to prevent 

14 The Union Cavse in St Louis in 1861. 

its conquest by England, Napoleon transferred it to the United 
States, which already then bid fair to become a most formidable 
rival to the English power on the American Continent. Slavery 
was an existing institution in the Louisiana Territory, already before 
the transfer, and as all property rights were guaranteed by the pur- 
chase, Slavery became an established fact in this part of the Union. 
Before' portions of this new Territory could possibly become States, 
the number of slaveholders would increase, making it quite certain 
that the Southern part of the Louisiana Purchase would eventually 
be divided into several Slave States. The products of slave labor 
exhausted the soil and migration from old plantations, particularly 
from the hill lands, to the rich bottoms of the West, was the easiest 
remedy against the curse of impoverished lands. Besides the robber 
agriculture, the continual abrasion of large cleared tracks, the 
habitual exportation of bulky raw material, of necessity reduced the 
fertility of. the old plantations. For this reason, the Eastern Slave 
States with impoverished soil, became slave breeders, and the South 
Western States slave consumers. 

In 1793 an invention made by Eli Whitney, of Massachusetts, 
added infinitely to the growing power of Slavery. The greatest 
drawback in the production of cotton was the difficulty of its separa- 
tion from the seeds. Even the first crude machines of Eli Whitney's 
cotton gin, increased the producing capacity of one man thirty fold, 
and improvements to the machine added much to its capacity. This 
made cotton raising exceedingly profitable and increased the produc- 
tion from 10,000 bales in 1793 to 1,000,000 bales in 1830, and to 
5,000,000 bales in 1860. Eli Whitney reaped little benefit from his 
invention. The same greed which made chattels out of human 
beings, trespassed upon his patent, and robbed him of the just fruits 
of his labor. 

The long cherished expectation that Slavery would decrease, after 
the importation of foreign slaves ceased, was not realized, chiefly 
on account of the great wealth of the unoccupied land. Never since 
mankind has a History did any nation fall heir to such an immense 
land possession, of a fertile virgin soil, located in a genial climate. 
There was elbow room here for many, many millions of people; 
slave raising was inexpensive in the South and the price of slaves 
high, labor was degraded, the workman called the mudsill of society 
and the White man considered it below his dignity to work in 
competition with the Negro slave. 

Introduction. 15 

In 1817 an attempt was made to colonize the Western Coast of 
Africa, and to 1847 about 15,000 colored people made the new 
State, Liberia, their home. But the result was out of all proportion 
to the object sought, and this notion of solving the color problem 
has been pretty nearly abandoned since. The very great pecuniary 
investments in slaves and their products obliterated by degrees in 
the population of the Slave States the virtuous principles of the 
heroes of the revolutionary war and of the framers of the Constitu- 
tion. Practicing Slavery in all its horrible details, men became 
callous to all finer sentiments and boldly advanced the doctrine 
that Slavery was right; that it was a blessing for the slave; that 
it was in keeping with the laws of God, as stated by many ministers 
of the Gospel in the South. Habit, local pride and a false idea of 
self interest prompted the large majority in the Southern States 
to follow the political lead of John C. Calhoun and other talented 
men, who placed Slavery and its extension above Liberty and the 
Union, and the spirit of 1776 was shared in the South by a great 
many only so far as it maintained the "peculiar institution." Con- 
trary opinions were at first frowned upon, afterward proscribed and 
very soon persecuted. 


Not only interests built up parties, but also political convictions 
and sympathies. The Federalists, under the lead of Alexander 
Hamilton, being in power, during the first two administrations, 
favored a liberal construction of the Constitution ; sought the friend- 
ship of England, advocated a national bank, urged the assumption 
by the Federal Government of the State debts which made a Tariff 
necessary , while their opponents condemned most of these measures, 
and as a minority, demanded a strict construction of the United 
States Constitution, favored democratic France and styled themselves 
"Republicans," strengthening thereby the inference, "that the Fed- 
eralists were leaning towards the centralization of power common 
to monarchies. The Federalists were strongest in the North, the 
Republican Democrats in the South. The first issues between these 
parties, already lead to the first compromise, in consequence of 
which the national capital was located on Southern soil, while the 
Federalist policy, for the assumption of the State debts prevailed. 
The natural sequel to this was a Tariff policy, because the raising of 

16 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

the needed funds by direct taxation was out of question, on account 
of the provisions of Art. 1, Sect. II., Par. 3, of the United States Con- 
stitution, which ordains : "Representatives and direct taxes shall be 
apportioned among the several States which may be included within 
this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be 
determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including 
those bound to sendee for a term of years, and excluding Indians 
not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." Thus a direct tax would 
have been most oppressive on the poorer States and on the Slave 
States. The party division, already strongly sectional, was made 
critical by influences from beyond the sea. The French revolution 
of 1789 breathed the spirit of the Declaration of Independence of 
1776 and of its author, Thomas Jefferson, the acknowledged leader 
of the Republican-Democrats. The political waves in France ran 
high enough to be felt on this side of the Atlantic, all the more, as 
the people here had just emerged from a long and victorious con- 
test against England. No wonder that with the just criticism of 
the Federalist policy of the Government, needless abuse and vitupera- 
tion was also heaped upon leaders, who favored England in the 
giant contest in Europe. Thus it happened, during the administra- 
tion of John Adams (1797-1801), that the Federalists retaliated 
upon their adversaries and adopted the "Alien and Sedition" laws, 
which gave the President power to send any foreigner at his discre- 
tion out of the country, also to punish libels on the President or other 
high officials, without judicial proceedings. This violation of the 
liberty of the press and free speech was resented all over the country 
and caused the final and lasting defeat of the Federalist party 


The policy of the Federalists was met by the Republican -Demo- 
crats with a declaration of State Rights in the Kentucky resolutions, 
restricting the Federal authority to the rights granted by the United 
States Constitution ; claiming those rights not prohibited as reserved 
to the States, and declaring that all laws and measures of the Gen- 
eral Government, not in keeping with such delegated powers, were 
void and of no force, and that according to the "compact (the Con- 
stitution) each State acceded as a State and as an integral party, its 
co-States forming as to itself the other party; that the Government 
created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge 

Introduction. 17 

of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have 
made its discretion and not the Constitution, the measure of its 
powers ; but that as in all other cases of compact among powers hav- 
ing no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for 
itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress." 
The resolution, credited to Thomas Jefferson, also attacked the Alien 
and Sedition acts in strong terms, calling upon other States to 
condemn and oppose all such usurpations of power by the Gen- 
eral Government, and they assume also for the other States, that 
each will take measures of its own, in providing that neither "these 
acts nor any others of the General Government, not plainly and 
intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be exercised with- 
in their respective Territories." Virginia passed similar resolutions, 
which had James Madison for their author. 

These resolutions already contained the seeds of Secession, for a 
difference of opinion upon a question of competency might arise at 
any time, and in such an event Nullification was not the proper 
remedy, but reference to a final tribunal ; such was the Supreme 
Court of the United States, which by the terms of the Constitution 
had authority "in all controversies to which the United States shall 
be a party." also "in controversies between two or more States." It 
must be borne in mind that Jefferson's championship of State Rights 
was caused by the tendency of centralization in the Federalists' 
camp and by their evident abuse of power in passing the "Alien and 
Sedition" laws, for no statesman ever opposed Slavery extension 
more successfully than Thomas Jefferson. 

The fear of centralization aided the State Rights doctrine, still 
the Constitution gave Congress the final sovereign power, and the 
method of election of United States Senators and Members of the 
House neutralized all dangers of centralization. The Supreme Court 
consisting of members from different sections of the Union and sub- 
ject to confirmation by the Senate could hardly be considered a parti- 
san body, representing only the specific interests of the Federal Gov- 
ernment. This seems to have been the only chance for adjustment 
of a radical difference between the Federal and State authorities, 
and its only alternative was Secession and civil war. Upon this 
subject James Madison writes in a letter of December 23, 1832, to 
H. P Trist, that Jefferson believed in the power of the old Congress 
to coerce a delinquent State and also states that neither the Virginia 
resolutions, which he wrote himself, nor the Kentucky resolutions, 

IS The Uttion CilUXC ill St Louis ill lSUl 

attributed to Jefferson, bear out a different construction. Tu another: 
letter to the same party, dated January '20. IS:',:;. .Madison states 
"The doctrine of Secession is losing ground, but it has as yet more 
adherents than its twin heresy Nullification, though it ought to be 
buried in the same grave with it," and farther on the father of the 
Constitution foreshadows the great tragedy in store for this nation: 
"In the event of an irreconcilable conflict, not of rights, but of opin- 
ions and claims of right, force becomes the arbiter. 

During the debate of January 26, ISoO. upon the Nullification of 
an act of Congress by a State, Daniel Webster clearly and forcibly 
stated the issue in these words : 

"I cannot conceive that there can be a middle course between submission 
to the laws, when regularly pronounced constitutional, on the one hand, and 
open resistance, which is revolution or rebellion, on the other. I say the 
right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained but on the 
ground of the inalienable right of man to resist oppression — that is to say, 
upon the ground of revolution. I admit that there is an ultimate violent 
remedy above the Constitution and in defiance of the Constitution, which 
may be resorted to, when revolution is to be justified. But I do not admit 
that, under the Constitution and in conformity with it, there is any mode 
in which a State Government, as a member of the Union, can interfere and 
stop the progress of the general movement, by force of her own laws under 
any circumstance whatever." 

This opinion, from one of the greatest legal minds and statesmen 
of the Union, although given thirty years later, is quite as applica- 
ble at the time, when the Kentucky resolutions appeared in the polit- 
ical arena, and it would be highly surprising should the same argu- 
ment not have been also obvious to the sage of Monticello, whose 
sincerity and patriotism was never doubted. When the Louisiana, 
Purchase was made, Jefferson stated: "It was an act beyond the 
Constitution," which had made no provision for holding foreign 
territory, and he stated. "The Legislature must ratify and pay for it 
and throw themselves on their country for doing for them unauthor- 
ized what wo know they would have done themselves had they been 
m a situation to do it." The readiness to act for the benefit of the 
country even without authority, the adherence to strict construction 
oi the Constitution, the conscientiousness of seeking subsequently 
the authority for the action, are equally commendable^ thougl these 
virtue do not seen to harmonize with the Nullification doctrine of 
the Kentucky resolutions, which showed the road to a most danger 
ons application, no doubt foreign to Jefferson's mind, who vindic^tr-i 

Introduction. 19 

State Rights to counteract centralization. As Jefferson prevented 
Slavery from going into the North-"\Vest Territory and exerted him- 
self to restrict it, to the original States, it could not possibly have 
been his intention to advance a State Rights doctrine which could be 
used to spread Slavery over this Continent. 

It is astonishing how in the course of years party names and party 
programmes changed. Thomas Jefferson, the Apostle of the Demo- 
cratic party for nearly a century was the leader of the Republicans 
or opponents of the Federalists. In his message of December 14, 
1806, President Jefferson recommends not only protection, but also 
the application of a probable surplus in the Treasury, to public 
education and internal improvements. As a strict constructionist 
he recommends at the same time that the enumeration of these 
powers should be added through amendments to the Constitution. 
His devotion to the Union is expressed in these words: "By these 
operations, new channels of communication will be opened between 
the States, the lines of separation will disappear; their interests will 
be identified, and their Union cemented by new and indissoluble 
ties." The Presidents elected by the followers of Jefferson, inclusive 
Jackson, advocated a protective Tariff. John C. Calhoun favored 
this policy, and a national policy generally, up to the year 1820, 
about which time his convictions changed and he became the leader 
of all violent State Rights men, and an uncompromising Free Trade 


At the session of Congress of 1818, a petition was presented for 
admission of Missouri as a State in the Union, which led to a very 
spirited contest between the Free and Slave State parties. After 
many debates, amendments and votes, no definite result was attained, 
nor did the Congress of 1819 settle the question. Arkansas, however, 
was admitted as a Slave State by a very close vote. The Missouri 
Statehood question, relative to Slavery, came up again in the fall 
of 1819. The Ordinance of 1787 had fixed the Ohio River as the 
Northern boundary for Slavery, and a majority of the House of 
Representatives desired to extend that boundary due Westward from 
the mouth of the Ohio, and to restrict Slavery North of that line to 
those born at the time of admission and until they were twenty-five 
years old. This proposition was rejected by the Senate. Memorials 
from State Legislatures and citizens, written by the ablest men of 

20 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

the country, supported the restriction of Slavery in Missouri, while 
fully as able men espoused the Southern side. It is noteworthy that 
at this time, the Grand Juries of St. Louis, St. Charles and Jefferson 
Counties, volunteered to instruct Congress, that it was infringing 
upon the rights of the States, by forestalling the existence of Slavery 
in Missouri, nor is it less memorable that Edward Bates, "the favored 
son of Missouri," for the Eepublican nomination of 1860, was 
March, 1819, Deputy Circuit Attorney for Jefferson County, of above 
Grand Jury celebrity. The remonstrance from Massachusetts, writ r 
ten by Daniel Webster, contained these memorable words : 

"We have a strong feeling of the injustice of any toleration of Slavery. 
Circumstances have entailed it on a portion of our community, which cannot 
be immediately relieved of it without consequences more injurious than the 
suffering of the evil. But to permit it in a new country, where as yet no 
habits are formed which render it. indispensable, what is it but to encourage 
that rapacity, and fraud, and violence, against which we have so long 
pointed the denunciations of our penal code? What is it, 'but to tarnish the 
proud fame of the country? What is it, but to throw suspicion on the good 
faith, and to render questionable all its professions of regard for the rights 
of Humanity and the Liberties of Mankind?" 

On the 19th of February, 1820, the United States Senate sent to 
the House an act to admit Maine as a Free State, with the condition 
attached, to authorize the people of Missouri to form a State Con- 
stitution. The bill now introduced for the admission of Missouri 
contained a provision to exclude free colored persons from residence 
in the State. This was deemed unconstitutional, and the House of 
Representatives opposed it. Upon the initiative of Henry Clay, a 
Conference Committee was selected, which recommended practically 
the admission of Maine as a Free State and of Missouri as a Slave 
State, provided no more Slave States shall be created from the Louisi- 
ana Purchase Territory, North of 36° 30' North Latitude. Upon 
motion of Mr Thomas from Illinois, who had opposed restriction 
all the time, the so-called Missouri Compromise measure was adopted, 
which reads as follows , 

"And be it further enacted, That in all that Territory, ceded by France 
to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 
36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is 
included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, Slavery and 
involuntary servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the 
party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohib- 
ited: Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom 

Introduction. 21 

labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United 
States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person 
claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid." 

The Missouri Compromise measure passed the House by a majority 
of three, all Representatives from the Slave States and fourteen from 
the Free States voting for it, and eighty-seven Representatives of the 
Free States voting against it. Animosity run high during this debate 
and threats of separation were freely made ; but it is more than doubt- 
ful that the exclusion of Slavery from Missouri would have led to 
a Secession attempt. 

The passage of the Missouri Compromise quieted for a period the 
existing antagonism which had deeply agitated all minds. Ex-Presi- 
dent Jefferson wrote about it: "The Missouri question is the most 
portentous which has ever threatened the Union. In the gloomiest 
hour of the Revolutionary war, I never had apprehensions equal to 
those which I feel from this source." Considering that these words 
fell from the lips of the sage of Monticello, who trembled for the 
fate of his country as he reflected upon the wrong of Slavery, and 
the Justice of God, the Missouri Compromise as a mere procrastina- 
tion of the Slavery issue, had an ominous significance. However, 
other questions of moment, soon occupied the public mind. Spain 
ceded Florida in 1820, and the Union recognized the South Ameri- 
can States, which recently set up independent governments. 


A very high Tariff was passed in 1828, and although shortly after- 
wards modified, it exasperated the State Rights partisans for political 
as well as for economic reasons. To remedy this grievance, a con- 
vention was called in South Carolina, which met at her capital, 
November 19, 1832, and which passed an Ordinance, declaring the 
existing Tariff "Null and Void and no law, nor binding on this State, 
its Officers or Citizens," and at the same time it was forbidden within 
the State of South Carolina to pay duties on imports, after February 
1, 1833. No appeal to the Supreme Court against the validity of 
said act should be permitted, and any appeal to the judiciary of the 
United States, relative that Ordinance, should be dealt with as for 
a contempt of the Court. Officeholders and Jurors were obliged to 
swear to obey this Ordinance. In case the Federal Government 
should try to enforce the law nullified by the Ordinance, South 

22 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Carolina would no longer consider herself a member of the Federal 
Union, but forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, 
and do "all other acts and things which sovereign and independent 
States may of right do." The Governor of South Carolina endorsed 
this Nullification Ordinance in the strongest terms; the Legislature 
passed acts to give it effect and authorized the Governor to accept the 
services of Volunteers , John C. Calhoun resigned the Vice Presidency 
of the United States and was elected Senator ; proceeding in Decem- 
ber to Washington, took his seat and the oath to maintain the Con- 
stitution o'f the United States, thereby proving his firm belief in the 
legality of the Nullification Ordinance and practice. But other 
Southern statesmen thought differently at that time (1832) The 
Richmond Enquirer, headed by Thomas Jefferson and the' ablest 
Democrats, stated upon Secession: "The majority of the States which 
formed the Union must consent to the withdrawal of any one branch 
of it. Until that consent has been obtained, any attempt to dissolve 
the Union or obstruct the efficiency of its constitutional laws, is 
Treason — Treason to all intents and purposes." About this time, 
President Jackson summoned Francis P Blair (the father of Mont- 
gomery and Frank P Blair), an able political writer and planter 
from Kentucky, to edit the Globe at Washington, in order to combat 
the then revealed powerful combination of Nullifiers. President 
Jackson did not wait for the prompting of Congress, but anticipating 
the passage of the Nullification Ordinance, assembled Regiments 
within convenient distance of South Carolina, stating to its people 
what they had to expect. He is even reported to have sent word to 
Calhoun that if he did any treasonable act he would hang him. 
General Scott received instruction for "superintending the safety of 
the ports of the United States," and also that he would be aided with 
the available military force. Instructions were likewise sent to the 
Collector of the Port at Charleston, guiding his actions, in case the 
Nullifiers should attempt to prevent the collection of duties under 
the United States law and Tariff. In December, 1832, President 
Jackson issued his famous proclamation, that he will suppress Nulli- 
fication as treason. In this document he declares: 

"To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say 
that the United States are not a nation, because it would be a solecism to 
contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with the 
other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing an offense. Secession 
like any other revolutionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity 

Introduction. 23 

of oppression; but to call it a constitutional right, is confounding the mean- 
ing of terms, and can only be done through gross error, or to deceive those 
who are willing to assert a right, but would pause before they make a 
revolution, or incur the penalties consequent on a failure." 

On his duties as President he says . 

"The laws of the United State must be executed. I have no discretionary 
power on the subject. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent 
their execution deceived you. They could not have been deceived them- 
selves; they know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execu- 
tion of the laws and they know that such opposition must be repelled. 
Their object is disunion. But be not deceived by names. Disunion by 
armed force is Treason." 

Jackson died the idol of the Democratic party which only in later 
years, by a peculiar combination of circumstances, became the cham- 
pion of Slavery extension. 

The President in this document also appeals to the patriotism of 
the people of South Carolina, to their conscience as men imperilling 
the happiness of their fellow citizens, and closes his proclamation 
with these patriotic words : 

"May the great Ruler of nations grant that the signal blessings with which 
he has favored ours, may not, by the madness of party, or personal ambition, 
be disregarded and lost; and may his wise providence bring those who have 
produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they see the misery, of civil 
strife; and inspire a returning veneration for that Union, which, if we may 
dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as the only means of attain- 
ing the high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire." 

January 16, 1833, President Jackson issued a special message 
against Nullification, in which among other statesmanlike arguments 
he says : 

"It is the attribute of free institutions, that under them the empire of 
reason and law is substituted for the power of the sword," and he declares, 
"It is the right of mankind generally to secure, by all means in their power, 
the blessings of liberty and happiness; but when for these purposes any body 
of men have voluntarily associated themselves, under any particular form 
of government, no portion of them can dissolve the association without 
acknowledging the correlative right in the remainder, to decide, whether 
that dissolution can be permitted consistently with the general happiness." 

If these uncontrovertible truths would have been heeded later on 
by his fellow citizens, fellow partymen, fellow inhabitants of the 

24 The Union (' in St. Louis in 1801. 

Suuth, and fellow slaveholders, what immense sacrifices would have 
been >aved to this nation ! 

President Jackson's policy and proclamation was greeted enthusi- 
astically by all (States except South Carolina. Nevertheless, a bill 
was introduced in Congress proposing sweeping reductions and equal- 
ization of duties. This gave the South Carolina Legislature an 
opportunity to put off with good grace the date set for the actual 
infringement of the revenue laws, from the first day of February, 
LS34, until the close of the session of Congress and its final decision 
upon the new Tariff. Congress yielded towards the end of the ses- 
sion and adopted the compromise Tariff proposed by Henry Clay, 
which reduced the rates one-tenth every year until the 31st day of 
June, 1S42, when all duties should be reduced to a maximum of 
twenty per cent. This left Calhoun and his followers the satisfaction 
that their grievance was acknowledged as just, even if their means 
for securing redress were considered wrong. Webster and Benton 
placed themselves in this controversy on national ground, claiming 
that the minority must submit; though Benton at this time com- 
menced to revise his views upon a protective Tariff, saying in one 
of his speeches: "The fine effects upon the prosperity of the West 
have been celebrated on this floor (Senate), with how much reason, 
let facts respond, and the people judge! I do not think we are 
indebted to the high Tariff for our fertile lands and our navigable 
rivers, and I am certain we are indebted to these blessings for the 
prosperity we enjoy " 

President Jackson signed the new Tariff act, though he con- 
demned the policy of yielding, stating in a letter to a friend : "The 
next will be the Slavery or Negro question." Daniel Webster pro- 
tested that no concession should be made to South Carolina until 
thev should have abandoned their treasonable attitude, and Senator 
Benton said. "A compromise made with a State in arms is a 
capitulation to thai State." 

This success of South Carolina would naturally encourage the 
State Rights element in the South to try the threat of Secession 
again in the future. A litigation between the Cherokee Indians and 
the State of Georgia also proved that the sphere of Federal and 
State Rights was not clearly established. The United States had 
by treaties, granted to the Cherokees the possession of their lands, 
from which they were ousted through legislative proceedings of 
the State of Georgia. When the case of Tassells, a Cherokee, was 

Introduction. 25 

tried, the United State? Court issued a "Writ of Error," asking 
Georgia to show cause, "why Tassells should not be discharged and 
his ease be transferred to the Cherokee authorities, in keeping with 
existing treaties, the Writ Avas defied by Georgia, and the Indian 
was hung. In another instance, two missionaries were imprisoned by 
Georgia. Chief Justice Marshall held, that the treaties between 
the United States and the Cherokees were valid and binding on all 
the States and paramount to all State law, according to Article VI., 
Section 2. of the United States Constitution. 

When the attorney of the missionaries applied to President Jack- 
son to have the judgment enforced, he declined to do it, saying: 
"Well, John Marshall made his decision, let him enforce it." This 
was not at all in keeping with President Jackson's former energetic 
proclamation against the South Carolina Nullifiers, and he laid him- 
self open to the supposition that in the South Carolina Nullifiers' 
ease, he either yielded to his gifted Secretary of State, Edward Liv- 
ingston, or possibly acted from personal jealousy of J. C. Calhoun, 
the leader of the Nullifler movement, while in the Georgia case he 
followed a policy of expediency, which suggested itself very oppor- 
tunely, to reward political services. Possibly also Jackson may have 
thought, if Congress yielded to the South Carolina Nullifiers' threat, 
by adopting the Henry Clay compromise Tariff Bill, why should he, 
Jackson, not yield to the widespread prejudice against the Indian 
and his vested rights. Be this as it may, both cases were most un- 
fortunate, as they strengthened the State Rights doctrine and helped 
to build up that arrogant, haughty spirit of the South, which in 
18G1 precipitated the civil war. 

The lack of presidential power in similar difficulties, as the South 
Carolina Nullification scheme, caused the introduction of an act in 
Congress, named the Force Bill, which was to strengthen the Presi- 
dent's hands; it passed the House by a vote of 140 to 48, and the 
Senate by a vote of 32 to 1. 

When this bill was before the Senate, Benton emphatically reiter- 
ated the sentiment voiced by President Jackson, that the Union must 
and shall be preserved, and that it must be perpetual. On another 
occasion Benton used these words: "It was to get rid of the evils of 
the old Confederacy that the present Union was formed ; and having 
formed it, they who formed it, undoubtedly undertook to make it 
perpetual and for that purpose had recourse to all sanctions held 
sacred among men : Commands, prohibition, oaths." 

26 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Comparing these sentiments with Benton's early inactivity during 
the admission of Missouri as a Slave State, it is safe to assume that 
he did not appreciate at first the Union destructive tendency of 
Slavery, and that later on he was influenced by other statesmen, 
most of all by that sterling Union man, President Andrew Jackson. 

The protection of Slavery was no doubt the strongest incentive 
for the advocacy of State Rights, yet the Tariff question was closely 
linked with it, The Southern States were agricultural States, so 
made by the fertility of the soil, by climate and by their system of 
labor and lesser chances of navigation. The South, of necessity, 
had less cities, which are naturally the centers of manufactures. 
Producing only staple articles and buying all their other goods, even 
provisions, the Tariff appeared an injustice to them, as it raised the 
price of every commodity they had to buy. The ships that left the 
Southern States laden with tobacco and cotton had to return with 
empty hulls. All this deserves consideration, as it belongs to the 
springs of action, for even in a State like South Carolina, whose 
population has a decidedly emotional character, it would be difficult 
to start any great political movement without the substratum of an 
apparently rational cause. It must be also conceded that in an 
immense country, with a great variety of climate, soil and produc- 
tions, it is an exceedingly difficult task to construct a Tariff which 
wdll be just to all sections. 

The home market which a Tariff policy created did not benefit 
the Cotton States and benefited the Border States only to a limited 
extent. The manufacture of articles for defense in case of war, 
called for their nursing as a home production, but the Southern 
States had no share in this manufacture, which built up during wars 
with foreign countries, still needed protection after peace was made. 

These differences of interests would probably have been adjusted 
by the accession of many Western States, which had similar Tariff 
interests as the South; the latter, however, showed no disposition 
to regulate the slave question in a manner to secure its extinction 
at a future, even at a remote future date, and it is this chiefly which 
led at the North to the 


The wave of popular enthusiasm which spread by the Declaration 
of Independence, carried sentiments for freedom, equity and human 
rights all over the Union ; still the ablest and most outspoken oppo- 

Introduction. 27 

nents to Slavery came from Southern States; among these were: 
Oglethorpe of Georgia, Henry Laurens of South Carolina, John 
Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington of Virginia. The 
brightest minds during the war for Independence, held, that the 
right to self government and to a representation of interests could 
only be safely based upon the broad principle that every man is 
born free and equal and entitled to enjoy the fruits of his labor. 
These sentiments grew strong in the character of the American 
people, by the exertions with which they conquered the difficulties 
of settlement, they flashed into consciousness through the doctrines 
of contemporaneous philosophers, who even before the Declaration 
of Independence, spread the political gospel of ideal democracy and 
human rights, shaking the structures of legalized usurpation and 
blind prejudices, to their very foundation. From the works of the 
Reformation, from the examples of Sidney and Hampden, from the 
writings of the Encyclopedists, sprung the seeds of independence, 
of convictions and measures, which had to destroy Slavery 

Among the Articles of Association, which the General Congress of 
Philadelphia adopted in 1774, was the agreement, "that we will 
neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day 
of December next," and in keeping with this agreement the slave 
trade was discontinued in nearly all States, while Slavery itself was 
gradually abolished in all Northern States. Societies were formed 
in most States, including Maryland and Virginia, which favored 
the emancipation of all slaves. Benjamin Franklin at the age of 
84 years, was President of a similar Society and petitioned Congress 
for the "restoration to liberty of those unhappy men who alone in 
this land of freedom are degraded into perpetual bondage." 

Congress politely declined many similar petitions, stating it had 
no power to abolish Slavery in the States. These petitions created 
no excitement at first, but the spirit of the population and of the 
representatives changed, when new machinery and new territory 
made Slavery more remunerative. Many people at the North shared 
in these advantages, by furnishing provisions and other goods to 
the South and favored conditions resulting to their benefit, thus 
Edward Everett from Massachusetts stated in the Congress of 1826, 
that Slavery was sanctioned by religion; which John Randolph 
rebuked with the words, "I envy neither the head nor the heart of 
that man from the North who rises here to defend Slavery upon 

28 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

The majority in Congress, however, resented the numerous peti- 
tions for the abolishment of Slavery in the District of Columbia, 
and by Rule 21, forbade their reading, which reduced their number 
from 6000 a year to 2 ; of this policy J. M. Botts, the distinguished 
Virginia statesman and slaveholder, stated that the denial of the 
right of petition in connection with Slavery "gave the first impetus 
toward a regular organization of a formidable Abolition party in all 
the Northern States." 

Botts further shows how the position of extreme Southern states- 
men in the Texas question reacted upon the North, by stating of 
Calhoun : 

"He openly proclaimed that the great object of the annexation was for the 
expansion of Slave territory, and consequent increase and continuance of 
power of the Democracy of the South, and this it was, as I had it from his 
own lips, that first drove John Quincy Adams into the ranks of the Abolition 

In his work, "The Great Rebellion" (page 95), Botts relates upon 
this subject the following colloquy with Adams: 

"Upon the adjournment of the House, we walked down together, and I 
took occasion to refer to his remarks and said, I thought he did not mean to 
say all that his language could imply? Yes, he replied, I said it delib- 
erately and purposely. But, said I, Mr. Adams, you are not an Abolitionist? 
Yes, I am, said he. I never have been one until now; but when I see the 
Constitution of my country struck down by the South for such purposes as 
are openly avowed, no alternative is left me; I must oppose them with all 
the means within my reach; I must fight the devil with his own fire; and to 
do this effectually, I am obliged to co-operate with the Abolition party, who 
have been hateful to me heretofore." 

Mr. Botts adds that John Quincy Adams exercised more influence 
upon a large portion of the North than any other man. 

The action of the Constitutional Convention of Virginia in the 
year 1820, proved the aggressive disposition of the slaveowners. The 
majority sought a representation in the State Legislature, based 
upon the number of white inhabitants; the minority claimed that 
three-fifths of the slaves held chiefly in the Eastern counties, should 
be added to their white population and form the basis of representa- 
tion in the State Legislature. The minority carried the day, and 
the slaveholding or Eastern counties got the preponderance in polit- 
ical affairs. After this, the question of gradual emancipation was 
brought up only once more in the Virginia Legislature, but without 

Introduction. 29 

practical result. However, as the question of emancipation of slaves 
faded out in the South, it received new life and vigor in the North. 
Abolition Societies, Newspapers and Public meetings increased the 
agitation. Fearless men of strong convictions, great energy and per- 
severance devoted their capacity and life to the cause of emancipa- 
tion. Benjamin Lundy, William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith, 
Elijah P Lovejoy and others, exerted a most powerful influence 
upon the conscience of the nation. Though their number was 
small, their means insignificant, their education mostly common- 
place, they reached the heart of the nation, both North and South; 
at the North rekindling the fires for universal freedom, reaching at 
first the leaders of intellect, from whom political insight permeated 
to the masses, while in the South, they excited the ire and hatred 
of the slaveowning aristocracy, who dreaded the danger to their 
possession in slaves and who were also deeply offended by the detesta- 
tion of the peculiar institution, which they cherished, and enraged 
that petty scribblers and itinerant preachers dared to question the 
ethics of men before whose frown perhaps a thousand slaves trem- 

At the same time, poetry, novels and the stage graphically sketched 
the horrors of Slavery. "Uncle Tom's Cabin" by Harriet Beecher 
Stowe ; poems of Longfellow and other able writers, roused the finer 
sensibilities of the nation. 

Extreme views, always strongly in evidence, were voiced North 
and South, and in both sections inconsiderate zealots were ever ready 
to plunge the nation into the misery of civil war. It can not be 
denied, however, that even among moderate people, the sentiment 
opposing the further spread of Slavery was steadily growing at the 
North, while the disposition to spread Slavery at all hazards was 
steadily growing at the South, where liberty of speech, of the press 
and even of conscience, soon became a myth. The Abolitionists 
were mobbed not only in the South, but even by Proslavery people 
in the North; and this did not only happen to persons of extreme 
views, but also to those who remained loyal to political obligations. 
A striking example of this was the tragic fate of Elijah P Lovejoy, 
which is all the more germain to this sketch as the scene of his 
activity was St. Louis and its neighborhood. 

30 The Union Cause in St- Louis in 1861 


came to St. Louis in the year 1827, and earned his living 
as a teacher. He became editor of a political paper in 1828; 
four years later he became greatly interested in religious ^ matters 
and entered a theological seminary in the East. Receiving a 
license, he preached in Rhode Island and New York in 1838. Re- 
turning to St. Louis, he established a religious newspaper under the 
name of "The St. Louis Observer," an orthodox Protestant paper 
although the people of St. Louis were mostly Catholics at the time. 
He took a firm stand against Slavery in 1835, but was opposed to 
immediate or unconditional emancipation. This does not seem to 
have been an exceptional position, for shortly before, the "St. Louis 
Republic," in discussing a proposed Constitutional Convention, 
stated : 

"We look to the convention as a happy means of relieving the State at 
some future day, of an evil, which is destroying all our wholesome energies, 
and leaving us, in morals, in enterprise and in wealth, behind the neighbor- 
ing States. We mean of course the curse of Slavery. We are not about to 
make any attack upon the rights of those who at present hold this descrip- 
tion of property. They ought to be respected to the letter. We only pro- 
pose, that measures shall now be taken, for the Abolition of Slavery, at such 
distant period of time, as may be thought expedient, and eventually for rid- 
ding the country altogether of a colored population." 

Love joy, in writing upon this article, expressed the wish that 
some Southern man, well acquainted with all the relations of Slavery, 
should take the lead in this matter. Nevertheless, a hostile move- 
ment was started against the "Observer," whose patrons knowing 
the dangers of the situation, addressed, on October 5, 1835, a letter 
to Reverend E. P Lovejoy, its editor, of which the following are 
extracts: "The undersigned friends and supporters of the 'Ob- 
server' beg leave to suggest that the present temper of the times re- 
quires a change in the manner of conducting that print in relation 
to the subject of domestic Slavery. The public mind is greatly 
excited, and owing to the unjustifiable interference of our Northern 
brethren with our social relations, the community are, perhaps, not 
in a situation to endure sound doctrine in relation to this subject. 
Indeed, we have reason to believe that violence is even now medi- 
tated against the 'Observer' office" ; advising him farther on 'to pass 

Introduction. 31 

over in silence everything connected with the subject of Slavery ' " 
This letter was signed by Archibald Gamble, Nathan Ranney, Wm. 
S. Potts, G. W Call, H. R. Gamble, Hezekiah King, John Kerr, 
Beverly Allen, J. B. Bryant, some of the foremost men of all Mis- 
souri. The letter not only characterizes the situation, but also 
shows in what esteem E. P Lovejoy was held. Not less character- 
istic is the endorsement of Lovejoy thereon : 'I did not yield to 
the wishes herein expressed and in consequence have been perse- 
cuted ever since. But I have kept a good conscience in the matter, 
and that more than repays me for all I have suffered or can suffer. 
I have sworn eternal opposition to Slavery, and by the blessing of 
God, I will never go back.' Amen. E. P L., October 24, 1837 " 

The disposition on both sides, foreshadowed the issue, which was 
advanced by events, conditioned in the nature of things. Two men 
were illegally seized in Illinois, on a suspicion that they had decoyed 
slaves. They were brought to St. Louis, taken outside the city limits 
and whipped with 100 to 200 lashes, the citizens taking turns in 
the castigation. A meeting was held after the execution and reso- 
lutions passed, denying the right for the free discussion of Slavery 
and as leading to the disseverment of our prosperous Union. 

The resolutions also invoked the example of the Patriarchs and 
Prophets, who possessed slaves and ended by stating: "We consider 
Slavery as it now exists in the United States, as sanctioned by the 
sacred Scriptures." Lovejoy criticised these resolutions, and quoted 
Article 13, Section 16, of the Constitution of Missouri, in force at 
that time, which orders : "That the free communication of thoughts 
and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and that every 
person may freely speak, write and print on any subject, being 
responsible for the abuse of that liberty." After logically and elo- 
quently defending his position, Lovejoy concluded his appeal to 
"My Fellow Citizens," with the following manful words : 

"I do therefore, as an American citizen and Christian patriot, and in the 
name of Liberty and Law and Religion, solemnly protest against all these 
attempts, howsoever or by whomsoever made, to frown down the liberty 
of the press, and forbid the free expression of opinion. Under a deep sense 
of my obligations to my Country, the Church and my God, I declare it to be 
my fixed purpose, to submit to no such dictation. And I am prepared to 
abide the consequences. I have appealed to the Constitution and Laws of my 
country; if they fail to protect me, I appeal to God, and with him I cheerfully 
rest my cause." 

;)2 The Union Cause in St. Louis in ISOl. 

Soon ai'tenvards another incident aggravated the situation. In 
April, 183G. one Mcintosh, a mulatto, while under arrest at St. 
Louis, killed an ollk-er of the law. He was dragged by a mob to a 
stake near Sixth and Chestnut and burned alive ; the charred corpse 
was afterwards made a target by degenerate boys. The case came 
before a Jury, which, in accordance with instructions, found no one 
guilty for the lawless and inhuman outrage. Lovejoy wrote about 
this in keeping with his conscience and convictions, whereupon the 
mob tore down his office. His press had been removed to Alton, 
Illinois, but was destroyed there by some antagonists. Citizens of 
Alton made good his loss and Lovejoy bought another press and 
again published the "Observer" until August, 1837, discussing Slav- 
ery in the same spirit as before. On the 17th of August the St. 
Louis Republic published an article, counselling the Alton people to 
eject from amongst them that minister of mischief, the "Observer," 
to put a stop to the efforts of fanatics or expel them from their 
community. If this is not done, the travel of emigrants through 
their State, and the trade of the Slaveholding States and particularly 
Missouri, must stop. Four days later, the press, type and furniture 
of the "Observer" were totally destroyed by a mob. An appeal to 
friends furnished Lovejoy again with means to purchase a new 
press and type. When this press arrived it was broken to pieces by 
a mob and thrown into the river, the city authorities of Alton ap- 
parently conniving at these outrages. Meetings held and resolutions 
passed repeatedly, to influence his course, met the same moderation, 
but also the same resolution, that he will remain true to his con- 
victions and practice the rights of an American citizen. In one of 
his last speeches he said : 

"I know, sir, that you can tar and feather me, hang me up, or put me intJ 
the Mississippi without the least difficulty. But what then? Where shall 
I go? I have been made to feel, that I am not safe at Alton; I shall not be 
safe anywhere." "I have no more claim upon the protection of 

another community than I have upon this; and I have concluded after con- 
sultation with my friends, and earnestly seeking counsel of God, to remain at 
Alton, and here to insist on protection in the exercise of my rights If the 
Civil authorities refuse to protect me, I must look to God; and if I die I 
have determined to make my grave in Alton." 

_ Was it a premonition of bis sad fate, or was it an intuitive divina- 
tion, such as active exalted minds readily may gain from the loo-L 

Introduction. 33 

of past and coming events, which prompted these words? Sure it 
is: that what they implied, was soon to be fulfilled. 

The last printing press was landed November 7, 1837, and under 
the protection of the city authorities, was safely placed in a ware- 
house, under the guard of a constable and a squad of a few men. 
These were attacked at night by a mob with brickbats and shots; 
the guard returned the fire, killing one man and wounding several 
others. Upon this the mob recoiled, but approached again more 
cautiously, scaled the roof with ladders and set the building on 
fire. A sortie of the guards succeeded in driving the mob back 
again. Love joy had stepped in front of the door, when a shot from 
ambush pierced his breast , he run back into the warehouse and fell 
dead with the words, "0 God, I am shot." Here is an example of 
true greatness, such as Horace may have thought of when he wrote 
his immortal lines: 

"Justum ac tenacem propositi virum, 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium 
Mente quatit solida 
Si fractus illabetur orbis, 
Impavidum ferient ruinse."! 

Mobs do not reflect : they act upon the spur of the moment's pas- 
sion. Had they reflected they would have paused, heeding the adage : 
"The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church." 


The lawless violence, which as a means of intimidation, destroyed 
the property and life of Love joy, was not restricted to the "Wild 
West", nor was it a rare occurrence. Other presses were thrown 
into the river , other offices gutted ; other editors and speakers threat- 
ened and mobbed. Prices were offered for the heads of prominent 
Anti-slavery men, while newspapers bribed by the profits of slave 
labor, preached a crusade against Anti-slavery agitators, and 
provoked mob violence against the modest cottage of the ignor- 

iThe just man, in his purpose strong, 
No madding crowd can bend to wrong — 
On him all fearless would be hurled 
The ruins of a crumbling world." 

(Gladstone's translation.) 

34 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

ant and heedless Negro. President Jackson, in his annual mes- 
sage of December 2, 1835, called upon Congress to pass laws pre- 
venting the circulation of incendiary publications, prone to insti- 
gate slaves to insurrection. In this he had the support of J. C. Cal- 
houn, saving the condition, that the latter desired the States to exer- 
cise the censorship. Governor Marcy, of New York, followed the 
lead, but Congress and Legislatures of Northern States were slow to 
infringe upon the liberty of the press, because the genius of the 
American people will stand considerable abuse before it will agree 
to curtail the free expression of thought. This, of course, did not 
quiet the sensibilities of slave owners or the inhabitants of South- 
ern States, who actuated by economic and political motives, had 
also some apprehension of slave insurrections. True, there were 
fearful slave insurrections in ancient times, attempted with some 
show of success, even against powerful and warlike States. The 
uprising of the Helots against Sparta, about 470 B. C, tested 
the power of that State; but the Helots and their ancestors had 
been mostly warlike Greeks, and as knowledge in those days was 
chiefly spread by tradition and was not greatly cultivated by the 
Spartans, the intellectual superiority of the latter could have hardly 
outweighed the great numerical preponderance of the Helots, but 
for the rigid and perfect organization of the Spartans. Even a more 
formidable insurrection of slaves took place in the Roman State 
about 73 B. C, which not only left the local slave owners at the 
mercy of their former slaves, but also actually endangered the State. 
But the circumstances and conditions there were also widely differ- 
ent from those of the Slavery in the United States. The Roman's 
slave was often a captive of war, not seldom from a people of an 
old civilization ; a considerable number of those slaves were trained 
for gladiators, their bodily strength, fighting skill and disdain 'of 
danger and death, were systematically cultivated, and in their great 
Slave insurrection they had the sympathy of the old but subdued 
owners of the soil. The military organization and maneuvers of 
Roman troops were convenient for observation and imitation; 'the 
weapons in use were within reach of the next blacksmith shop, no 
ammunition was needed, no large distances or rivers had to be over- 
come, and a few able men could organize an army in a compara-- 
tively short time. Notwithstanding these favorable circumstances' 
the revolt was ended in three years. The 6,000 slaves which were 

Introduction. 35 

crucified or hung, and the 60,000 slaves which were slain during 
this war, bear testimony to its dimensions. The cruelties perpe- 
trated were those of ignorant masses in revolt, no matter what color 
they have. Another slave insurrection, the rising of the Negroes in 
Hayti, in 1791, was much more akin to the relations in the United 
States, with regard to time, place and other circumstances, being in 
the immediate neighborhood and effected by Negroes shortly before 
the time when the Slavery difficulties commenced in the Union. 
The Hayti slave insurrection deserves special notice and considera- 
tion, because it was originated by political strife and ended in the 
self-liberation of black slaves. In consequence of the proclamation 
of universal human rights by the National Assembly in France, a 
conflict took place in Hayti, between the French White slave 
owners and the free Negroes and Mulattoes, in which the numerous 
slaves soon took part, siding naturally with their own race. The, 
French Legislative Assembly tried to end this difficulty, by granting 
equal rights to all. The Whites, being heretofore the privileged and 
possessive class, refused to obey the Assembly This renewed the 
strife with horrible cruelties, which ended in the almost total extinc- 
tion of the former slave owners. Compared with these mighty up- 
risings of slaves, what was Nat Turner's attempt with a band of 200 
or John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry with 22 men. And what 
could any slave insurrection at the South accomplish, as long as a 
fraternal fellow feeling at the North and the powerful arm of the 
Government was ready to suppress it? Still, with such examples 
before them, the slaveholders of the United States fought with the 
greatest susceptibility and irritation against every publication which 
touched upon Slavery. 

This disposition made itself felt in Congress, mainly relative the 
District of Columbia, in which the laws of Virginia and Maryland 
had remained in force. Washington City soon became a lively 
domestic slave market, and even the United States Marshal entered 
into competition with the other slavedealers, by selling colored per- 
sons who stayed at the Capital contrary to law This anomalous 
condition, considering the Declaration of Independence, was the 
cause of taunts from foreign nations, and was greatly resented at 
the North. Petitions for the discontinuance of the slave market 
and Slavery in the District were frequently presented, but differently 
received from the one sent in by Benjamin Franklin shortly before 
his death. Year after year the restrictive rules, bearing upon this 

3G The I nion Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

subject were made tighter; at first the petitions were to be read and 
then laid on the table ; next, they were to be referred with instruction 
to report adversely; then they were to lay on the table without 
printing or reference; next there was added to the last condition, 
that no further action should be had upon them , next they should 
be received without being debated, printed, read or referred; and 
last the reception of such petitions should be considered objected to 
and laid on the table. It was proposed at one time, to the whole 
Southern delegation in Congress, to retire from the halls of Con- 
gress, on account of the bare presentation of Abolition petitions 
by members. Some of these rules are in violation of Article I of 
the amendments to the Constitution of the United States which 
enjoins "Congress shall make no law abridging the right of the 
people to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." 

All these subtle schemes were vain; the spirit of the age effaced 
a cause which was lost from the very cradle. 


In 1820, or seventeen years after the Louisiana Purchase, Florida 
was ceded to the United States for Five (5) Million Dollars, and 
schemes were already then maturing which should bring Texas into 
the Union. The Western men sought new territory. American 
settlers moved into the province of Texas, before the Treaty of 1819 
was ratified. They attempted an insurrection before Slavery was 
abolished in Mexico, but failed. Americans had taken their slaves 
with them into Texas, and when the Mexican Government decreed 
the liberation of all slaves, they refused to be bound by the decree, 
and thus Slavery became one of the causes of the rebellion of Texas 
against Mexico. Senator Benton was in favor of acknowledging 
Texas as an independent State ; the North-East of the Union opposed 
it, for the intention was patent to secure more land for Slavery exten- 
sion and to increase the representation of the Slave States in the 
Senate and House of Representatives. 

In 1806, three years after the cession of Louisiana Territory, the 
Sabine River was agreed upon as the boundary of Texas. This was 
also acknowledged by the treaty ceding Florida in 1820 and was 
also admitted by two Secretaries of State, in offering a price for 
Texas which Mexico, however, declined to accept. For years com- 
binations were planned and partly carried out, to wrest Texas from 

Introduction. 37 

the Spaniards, and after Mexico's Declaration of Independence, in 
1822, also from the latter State. 

Many adventurers and pioneers, mostly from the Southern States 
of the Union, settled in Texas, among whom M. Austin from St. 
Louis, and Sam Houston from Tennessee and Arkansas, were lead- 
ing and representative men. These settlers called a constitutional 
convention, in 1833, and passed a Declaration of Independence in 
1836, which they actually made good, by the result of a successful 
war against Mexico. The origin of the settlers, the location and 
climate of Texas and Florida and their staple article cotton, had 
the tendency to make Slave States out of them, and for this reason 
their acquisition was firmly opposed at the North. 

In a speech at Niblo's Garden, March 15, 1837, Daniel Webster 
said "Texas is likely to be a slave holding country, and I frankly 
avow my unwillingness to do anything that shall extend the Slavery 
of the African race on this Continent or add other Slaveholding 
States to the Union. When I say that I regard Slavery in itself as 
a great moral, social and political evil, I only use language which 
has been adopted by distinguished men, themselves citizens of Slave- 
holding States." 

. In 1844 J. C Calhoun as Secretary of State, presented a treaty 
for the annexation of Texas, which was rejected by Congress. The 
vote cast was in line with the Anti- and Proslavery element, and the 
latter openly avowed that they desired to establish an equipoise of 
influence in the Halls of Congress, which shall furnish them a guar- 
anty of protection. 

When Texas applied for Statehood and admission to the Union 
in 1838, the administration was not ready for war. The evident 
intention in the South was to perpetuate Slavery, by having at least 
as many Slave States as Free States. The argument was also used 
that as the United States laws protected the interests of the manu- 
facturer at the North, they ought to extend their protection to 
Slavery at the South. Predictions were freely ventured that unless 
the above mentioned equality was maintained, the Union would 
vanish in the air. On the other hand the anti Slavery men stub- 
bornly held that if Texas was annexed and Slavery perpetuated, 
the Union could not hold together. Ex-President Jackson advocated 
the annexation of Texas on military grounds, which argument was 
rather questionable, considering that England had not only the 
whole Atlantic Coast, but also the St. Lawrence River and the Lakes 

38 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

as a basis for military operations and that very long and difficult 
marches would have to be made, in order to reach from Texas any 
point of strategical importance. John C. Calhoun, as President 
Tyler's Secretary of State, sounded France on the annexation of 
Texas and advanced the argument that this measure would uphold 
Slavery through the whole Continent, which in his opinion was 
very desirable, as it would assist in the production of tropical and 
semi-tropical staples. Calhoun's political friends publicly declared, 
"Texas without the Union, rather than the Union without Texas." 
Men who afterwards had a great influence in shaping the destinies 
of our nation were of a different, opinion. In his Personal Memoirs, 
U. S. Grant says upon this question : 

"United States Colonists to Texas introduced Slavery into the State almost 
from the start, though the Constitution of Mexico did not, nor does it now, 
sanction that institution." 

"I was bitterly opposed to the measure (annexation of Texas), and to this 
day regard the war which resulted, as one of the most unjust ever waged 
by a stronger against a weaker nation." 

"The occupation, separation and annexation were from the inception of 
the movement to its final consummation, a conspiracy to acquire territory, out 
of which Slave States might be formed for the American Union. 
Nations, like individuals, are punished for their transgressions." 

All controversy on Texas was brought to an end when J. K. 
Polk, an outspoken annexationist, was elected President, with a 
majority in Congress of a similar disposition. The act of annexa- 
tion was approved March 2, 1845, even before the inauguration of 
President Polk. 

In expectation of hostilities from Mexico, General Zach Taylor 
landed in August, 1845, with 1,500 men at Corpus Christi, and by 
the end of the year had his little army increased to 4,000 men, 
stationed near the Nueces River, which was claimed as the boundary 
by Mexico. In the Spring of 1846 he was ordered by the President 
to advance. He reached the Rio Grande at the end of March, and 
being asked by the Commander of the Mexican troops to return to 
the Nueces River, while the pending question relative to Texas is 
regulated by the Governments, he declined to accede to this request. 
The Mexicans, 6,000 strong, attacked his 2,300 men at Palo Alto 
and were defeated; suffering another reverse next day at Resaca, 
they recrossed the Rio Grande. Congress, informed of these facts, 
discussed an act for the prosecution of the war by calling out 50,000 
Volunteers and appropriating ten million dollars. It was quite 

Introduction. 39 

evident now that more territory would be added to the United States, 
and as John C. Calhoun, the leading representative of the slave 
power, had already proclaimed what the Died Scott decision soon 
afterward corroborated, that the Federal Constitution carries Slavery 
into every Territory as soon as it is acquired, even the most moderate 
Antislaverv men at the North became justly alarmed, and after con- 
sultation agreed to add to the first Section of the war bill the follow- 
ing, which ever since has been known as the Wilmot Proviso : 

"Provided, that as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition 
of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue 
of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the 
Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary 
servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime 
whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." 

This was offered by David Wilmot of Pennsylvania and adopted 
in Committee of the Whole. The House passed the Bill with the 
Wilmot Proviso, but as it came up on the last day of the session, the 
Senate failed to act upon it. Tyler, hoping for re-election, by favor- 
ing the annexation of Texas, did not wait for the Congressional 
measure to reach him, but sent commissioners to negotiate for the 
annexation of Texas. 

The decided vote of the House of Representatives in favor of 
the Bill with the Wilmot Proviso, caused a change in the policy 
of the advocates of Slavery. They set up the claim that this ques- 
tion should be settled by the local Governments, starting in this 
manner the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine, soon afterwards made 
famous by the championship of Stephen A. Douglas. This was in 
keeping with J. C. Calhoun's claim that the Constitution carried 
Slavery into all Territories; the doctrine was convenient for the 
Northern Proslavery candidate, as it relieved him from the necessity 
of defending the spread of an institution, which was fast becoming 
unpopular at the North, and it referred ultimately all features bear- 
ing upon it, to the Supreme Court of the United States, which, as 
the Slave power controlled the Government, was made up of its 
partisans. This was very soon afterwards to be proved in a most 
signal manner by the decision of the Dred Scott case. It is not 
material whether this was the premeditated plan of crafty states- 
men, or whether it was a natural development by measures in the 
direction of least resistance; the tendency was wrong, and that con- 
demns it. 

4" Th'j Union Cav.<\ in >":. Lou* >n 7e- 


The spring oi nascent liberty had come for Europe in 1>4 X ; 
feudal privilege?, clerical restrictions., aristocratic prerogatives and 
royal usurpations, carefully nursed by the reactionary spirit of the 
past decades, were superseded everywhere by the institution? of 
a free press, equal representation, religious liberty and constitutional 
guarantees oi human rights. The influence of that popular up- 
heaval was als-' felt on this side of the Atlantic, in the spirit of 
public manifestations and the adoption of measures. The Demo- 
cratic National Convention, which met towards the end of May. and 
nominated General Lewis Cass, congratulated Europe for prostrat- 
ing thrones and erecting republics, by resolving that "the thirty 
Stages of the American Republic tender their fraternal congratula- 
tions to the national convention of the republic of France, now 
assembled as the free surrra^c representatives of thirty-five million 
of republicans to establish government on those eternal principles 
of equal right- for which their Lafayette and our Washington 
fought side by side, in the struggle for our national independence."' 

It adds significance to this resolution that the members of that 
convention must have been informed of Washington s and Lafay- 
ette s Antislavei y convictions and that in speaking of "the thirty 
States of the American Republic." they blandish State Rights with 
the conception of the Union. The Free Soil Party convention met 
at Buffalo, nominated Martin Van Buren for President and came 
out boldly for limiting, localizing and discouraging Slavery: deny- 
ing that Congress had the power to establish it anywhere, and de- 
manded that the Government should abolish Slavery, wherever it 
had the Constitutional pjwer. The Whig Party Convention met at 
Philadelphia on June 7 nominated Zach Taylor for President; it 
did not accept any decided platform nor did it act on the Wilmot 
proviso which had been proposed to the Convention. 

General Taylor was elected President by the people: this was 
owinc partly to his military renown and partly to the more liberal 
stand the Whig party took on the Slavery question, which was 
strengthened by the moral influence oi the popular upheaval be- 
vond the Atlantic Ocean. This election proves the growing Anti- 
slaverv deposition of the North, for Martin Van Buren from New 
York. President of the United Suae- from 1S37 to 1^41. elected as 
a Democrat, became the candidate of the Free Soil partv in 1>4>. 

Introduction. 41 

after tlie delegation of the New York Free Soil Democrats, not will- 
ing to share equally in representation with a contesting Proslavery 
delegation, had seceded from the regular Democratic convention. 


Repeated attempts were made in Congress to extend the line of 
36° 30' North Latitude clear to the Pacific Ocean, as the limit 
between future Free and Slave States. This would have given the 
Indian Territory, Oklahoma. New Mexico, Arizona and Southern 
California to the Slave power. These attempts failed, showing that 
the Antislavery extension movement had gained considerable 
strength, since the adoption of the Missouri Compromise. A sign 
of the times also was a resolution to stop the slave trade in the 
District of Columbia, it was introduced in the House and endorsed 
by the same, but strangled in committee ; still more important than 
this was the ordering of a territorial government for Oregon, with 
a prohibition of Slavery, and without the counterweight of a slave 
Territory to pair off this Northern acquisition. 

The question upon the condition of the Territories acquired from 
Mexico was unsettled. The Military Governor of California, General 
B. Riley issued on June 3, 1849, a proclamation, calling a Con- 
vention for the formation of a State Constitution, and the people 
of California framed .such a document in which Slavery was for- 
bidden. President Taylor had recommended in his message to await 
the action of the people of the Territories, to organize on such prin- 
ciples and forms as to them shall seem most likely to effect their 
safety and happiness, This recommendation also appears to be a 
precursor to Squatter Sovereignty In Congress views differed on 
various matters, but there was a pretty general desire to dispose of 
the Mexican Territory question. It again fell to the genius of 
Henry Clay to propose a compromise, which covered the issue and 
to which Webster and Calhoun agreed. After an animated debate, 
in which H. S. Foote and Jefferson Davis from Mississippi, and J M. 
Mason from Virginia, stood up for extreme Southern theories, 
Daniel AVebster occupied a middle ground and Henry Clay advo- 
cated for the people of the Territories more free choice relative 
Slavery / the compromise measure of 1850 was adopted, admitting 
California as a Free State, organizing the Territories of New Mexico 
and Utah without the Wilmot Proviso, establishing the boundary 

42 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861 

of Texas and paying that Territory ten million of dollars for ceded 
lands, making the Fugitive Slave law more stringent, prohibiting 
the slave trade in the District of Columbia and leaving Slavery 
there undisturbed. 

During the debate about this measure, Benton in plain words 
claimed to have been opposed to the extension of Slavery, since he 
was a law student in 1804. Referring to Tucker's edition of Black- 
stone's Commentaries, he said: 

"And here I find the largest objection to the extension of Slavery; to plant- 
ing it in new regions, where it does not now exist, bestowing it on those who 
have it not. The incurability of the evil, is the greatest objection to the exten- 
sion of Slavery. It is wrong for the legislator to inflict an evil which can be 
cured; how much more to inflict one that is incurable, and against the 
will of the people, who are to endure it forever! I deem it an evil 

and would neither adopt it, nor impose it upon others. Yet I am a slave- 
holder and among the few members of Congress who hold slaves in this 

"Every one sees now that it is a question of races, involving consequences 
which go to the destruction of one or the other. It was seen fifty years ago, 
and the wisdom of Virginia balked at it then. It seems to be above human 
wisdom. But there is a wisdom above human! and to that we must look. 
In the meantime, do not extend the evil." 

These plain and forcible words, if spoken by Benton at the 
time when the admission of Missouri was considered, instead of his 
submitting to the Missouri compromise, would have had the most 
far-reaching consequences and" would have made Missouri the 
greatest State, Benton the greatest man of the Union. There is no 
doubt that the tidal wave of Liberty, which swept away thrones in 
Europe in the spring of 1848, made a deep impression upon the 
mind of Benton, as it had its influence in taming John C. Calhoun 
and the Southern extremists to submit to the terms of the compro- 
mise of 1850. 

The compromise of 1850 was not to go on record without the 
protest of ten Senators, who stated their disapprobation and pre- 
dicted the dissolution of the Union, in consequence of similar legis- 
lation ; these ten Senators asked that their protest be spread upon 
the records Benton objected both to the spirit of the protest and 
also to its being spread upon the records. The protest was not 
received by the Senate, and of course could not go on record in the 
journal, but for all that, no power on earth could prevent it from 

Introduction. 43 

going on record in History, and according to Benton's own words 
did mark "one of those eras in the History of nations, from which 
calamitous events flow." 

Benton was not previously as outspoken on the Slavery question, 
for Calhoun said he was surprised at his opposition to the protest, 
expecting probably Benton to support it, as he came from the Slave 
State admitted by the Missouri compromise, which also made him 
Senator. The Missourian resented these remarks, saying it was 
impossible for Calhoun to have expected anything of that sort, to 
which rather insulting remark Calhoun retorted : 

"Then I shall know where to find the gentleman." To which 
Benton replied: "I shall be found in the right place on the side of 
my country and the Union." 

The compromise of 1850 was hailed as a measure calculated to 
adjust differences between the North and the South. It gave great 
satisfaction to the business, manufacturing and trading people, 
whose prosperity was threatened by every political commotion, 
which endangered the peace of the Federal Union. This satisfac- 
tion at first appears to have been quite general. For, as the extrem- 
ists in the South, set up State Rights tickets, always with a menace 
for the dissolution of the Union, as an alternative to the adoption of 
their policy, they were signally defeated in the States of Mississippi, 
Alabama, Louisiana and South Carolina, by the Union or Moderate 
Democracy of those States. An even stronger endorsement to the 
Compromise measures was given by the National Democratic Con- 
vention of 1S52, which nominated Franklin Pierce for President, 
and declared itself against all interference by Congress in the domes- 
tie institutions of States, but also pledged the party to abide by the 
compromise, in the hope that this will stop the agitation of the 
Slavery question in Congress and out of Congress. The Whig Na- 
tional Convention nominated General Winfield Scott, endorsed the 
compromise and deprecated the agitation of the questions thus set- 
tled. The Free Soil Convention nominated John P Hale and came 
out in a radical manner against Slavery extension and all measures 
calculated to aid Slavery. While the Democrats carried the Union 
by a large majority of the electoral vote, the proportions of the popu- 
lar vote showed far less difference in relative strength, namely: 51 
percent for Franklin Pierce, Democrat; 44 percent for Winfield 
Scott, Whig; 5 percent for John P Hale, Free Soil. 

As both the Democratic and the Whig party had endorsed the 

44 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

compromise of 1850, this vote would appear very promising for 
a lasting arrangement. Unfortunately, however, the compromise 
contained a feature for continuous friction in the stringent obliga- 
tions of the 


The Southerners professed that they derived no benefit from the 
compromise, as the Northern people did not carry out its provisions 
in good faith. This was certainly true with regard to a great many 
persons, who regarded the Fugitive Slave Law, and their own forced 
participation as a "Posse Commitatus" to carry out its behests, as 
a gross infringement of their liberty of conscience, not deeming that 
any State had a right to demand from them actions, which they 
considered sinful. Thus nearly all Northern States tried to obviate 
the objectionable provisions of the Fugitive Slave Act, by passing 
Personal Liberty Bills, with various conditions. Maine forbid its 
public officers to aid the capture or detention of persons claimed to 
be slaves , New Hampshire declared all Slaves free that were brought 
into the State with the consent of their master ; Vermont recognized 
no warrant under the Fugitive Slave Law "and forbid its officers or 
citizens to give aid in capturing slaves, exempting United States 
officials from this prohibition, but orders State Attorneys to assist 
the fugitives, securing to them the benefits of the Habeas Corpus 
act, trial by Jury and liberating the slaves under various conditions 
and providing punishment for captors, Massachusetts secured them 
Jury trial, legal advice, writ of Habeas Corpus and prohibits State 
officers to assist in the capture or detention of persons accused or 
convicted of resisting the Fugitive Slave law, punishes heavily all 
persons who aid a spurious claim, also punishes State officers and 
militiamen for assisting in the capture; Connecticut fines spurious 
claimants heavily; New York had a Habeas Corpus act protecting 
fugitives, which was deemed void under a United States Supreme 
Court decision; Pennsylvania prohibits her State officers to take 
cognizance of writs under the Fugitive Slave Law; Michigan gives 
legal aid, grants Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury, and denies deten- 
tion in State prisons of persons claimed; Wisconsin gives legal aid, 
Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury, appeal to Circuit Court, demands 
evidence by two credible witnesses and voids the sales made pursuant 
to the Fugitive Slave act penalties. 

Introduction. 45 

Disobedience of these several enactments were punished by fine 
and imprisonment, as follows: 

Maine, 5 years prison and $1,000 fine. 
Vermont, 15 years prison and $2,000 fine. 
Massachusetts, 5 years prison and $5,000 fine. 
Pennsylvania, 3 months prison and $1,000 fine. 
Indiana, 14 years prison and $5,000 fine. 
Michigan, 10 years prison and $1,000 fine. 
Iowa, 5 years prison and $1,000 fine. 
Wisconsin, 2 years prison and $1,000 fine. 

No less just complaint could be raised by the Northern States. 
As every law is liable to be abused if executed by partisan agents, 
so was this, and men who would volunteer to catch fugitive slaves 
certainly belonged to the roughest element of the population North 
or South. Cruelties were perpetrated which would have shocked the 
sensibilities of any civilized community. Men were murdered be- 
cause they did not quietly submit to arrest, and trial by Jury was 
denied to fugitives ; mothers arrested, murdered their children rather 
than to have them returned to a cruel master ; people who had lived 
as free men and raised a family under free relations, were claimed 
as slaves with all their descendants. The fee for delivering a 
claimed person, being double in amount of the fee for his liberation, 
also strongly favored the claimant. The question of the constitu- 
tionality of the Fugitive Slave act, was raised by men of high 
authority in the community; this encouraged many to evade the 
obligations of the law wherever possible, while it nerved others to 
open and defiant resistance. The people of both the North and the 
South considered themselves aggrieved by the workings of the Fugi- 
tive Slave act, and this served to increase the animosity which was 
already previously engendered by party jealousy and rivalry 

The aggression of the slave power became steady and unrelenting ; 
in 1835 South Carolina passed an act for the arrest of free colored 
sailors found on board of vessels entering a South Carolina port, the 
same to remain in prison until the vessel cleared the port and to pay 
the expenses for these proceedings. Under this act, sailors from 
Massachusetts were arrested contrary to the provisions of the United 
States Constitution which ordains that: "The citizens of each State 
shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in 
the several States." As free colored men were citizens and voters 

4G The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

not only in Northern States, but also in a Southern State, the Legis- 
lature of Massachusetts resolved to test the constitutionality of this 
special South Carolina law and commissioned Sam Hoar, a promi- 
nent citizen, to proceed to Charleston and institute legal measures, 
in order to secure in the Supreme Court of the United States, a final 
adjudication of the questions at issue. The Governor of South 
Carolina, being informed by Mr. Hoar of his mission, laid the matter 
before the Legislature of South Carolina which passed resolutions 
that persons of color are no citizens of the United States; that the 
emissary from Massachusetts is to be regarded a person interfering 
with the institutions of South Carolina and disturbing her peace, 
and that the Governor should expel such agent. A proposition for 
an agreed case was declined by the local officials and Mr. Hoar 
threatened with mob violence and lynching, had to return to Massa- 
chusetts, without being able to bring the case into Court. 

It was evident that the North and the South became more and 
more estranged and the compromise of 1850 was not a solution, 
but only a procrastination of a very grave issue. 


While prosperity spread over the fair realm of the Union, heavy 
clouds gathered for the coming storm. West of Missouri and Iowa 
and East of New Mexico and Utah lay the balance of the Territory 
acquired by the Louisiana Purchase, in which Slavery was prohib- 
ited by the Missouri compromise, in consideration of the admission 
of Missouri as a Slave State. The inhabitants of the Western States 
desired the opening of this vast agricultural empire, whose great 
advantages were made known through a lively and lucrative trade 
with Santa Fe, through the migration of the Mormons to Utah, 
and most of all, through the very great number of teams, which 
by various overland routes were moving to the gold fields of Cali- 
fornia. In 1851 and 1852 petitions were presented to Congress for 
opening this Territory; they were urged by Willard P Hall and 
David Atchison of Missouri, A. C. Dodge of Iowa and Stephen A. 
Douglas of Illinois. The latter reported early in 1854 a bill for 
the organization of that Territory, which is memorable, because 
in his report, he questioned the constitutionality of that portion of 
the Missouri compromise of 1820, whereby "Slavery and involuntary 
servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party 

Introduction. 47 

shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever pro- 
hibited — in all that Territory ceded by France to the United States, 
under the name of Louisiana, which lies North of 36° 30' of North 
Latitude." excepting that part occupied by the State of Missouri. 

This bill reported for the organization of the Territories of Kan- 
sas and Nebraska enjoined 

"so far as the question of Slavery is concerned, to carry into practical 
operation the following propositions and principles, established by the com- 
promise measures of 1850, to-wit: 

1. That all questions pertaining to Slavery in the Territories, and in the 
new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of the people 
residing therein, through their appropriate representatives. 

"2. That all cases involving title to Slaves, and questions of personal free- 
dom, are referred tp the adjudication of the local tribunals with the right of 
appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. 

"3. That the provisions of the Constitution and Laws of the United States, 
in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into faithful exe- 
cution in all the organized Territories the same as in the States." The 
same report added: "That the Constitution and all laws of the United 
States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and 
effect within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States, except 
the Section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the 
Union, approved March 6, 1820, which, being inconsistent with the principles 
of Non-Intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States and Territories (?) 
as recognized by the legislation of 1S50 (commonly called the compromise 
measures), is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent 
and meaning of this act, not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, 
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to 
form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only 
to the Constitution of the United States." 

Aii attempt was made by S. P Chase in the Senate and by Mr. 
English in the House of Representatives, to leave the Slavery ques- 
tion, with the Territorial Legislature, but both were voted down, as 
it was the intention of the Congressional majority that only when 
the Constitution wns framed and proposed for the admission to 
Statehood, should the citizens of the new Territories have the chances 
to determine whether they want to admit Slavery or not. 

The first energetic protest against this measure came from an 
indignation meeting at Chicago, called by George Schneider and 
George Hillgaertner, editors of the Illinois Staats Zeitung. 

The repeal of portions of the Missouri Compromise, by the Kansas- 
Nebraska act, was a breach of good faith, perpetrated by the Pro- 
slavery element. Missouri had been admitted as a Slave State only 

4S The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

on the condition that Slavery should be excluded from the Western 
Territory lving North of 36° 30' North Latitude; if the compro- 
mise of 1820 was wrong, all of it should have been repealed if prac- 
ticable, and if not practicable, it should in all fairness have been 
left undisturbed. The Dred Scott decision, endorsing the extreme 
Southern views of John C. Calhoun, could not be used as authority 
for the Kansas-Nebraska act, which preceded it. Nor could the 
terms of the compromise of 1850 be made retrospective upon the 
compromise of 1820, as this would have been an evident anachron- 
ism, and as the two compromises treated upon different Territories, 
acquired under vastly different circumstances. Slavery was not 
■excluded in so many words from the Territories of New Mexico and 
Utah in 1850, because according to Daniel Webster this would have 
uselessly reaffirmed an ordinance of nature, or re-enacted the will 
of God. Although the Congress of 1850, did not deem any condi- 
tion necessary for excluding Slavery from New Mexico and Utah; 
this was no sound reason to repeal its prohibition from the Terri- 
tories of Kansas and Nebraska, where a previous Congress had 
deemed the prohibition most necessary and had even allowed a 
valuable consideration for the same. 

The great actors in the contest on the Slavery question, the origi- 
nators and champions of the compromises, had now passed away: 
John C. Calhoun, President Taylor, Henry Clay and Daniel Web- 
ster, died in short succession. The sentiment for and against Slavery 
had steadily become more outspoken, and it is now quite certain 
that even these master minds could no more stem the swelling tide 
which pushed both sections of the country, to try conclusions by 
the force of arms. The events which resulted from the unjust repeal 
of part of the Missouri compromise did not meet the anticipations 
of its advocates, nor did they verify the fears of its opponents. If 
the supporters of this measure expected that it will quiet the agita- 
tion of the Slavery question, they made their calculations without 
due regard to human nature. 

The opening of a new Territory always puts in motion a number 
of men who, from a desire to improve their condition, sometimes 
only from love of adventure, seek the dangers,' difficulties and 
rewards of a new settlement. Shortly before the passage of the Kan- 
sas-Nebraska act, treaties were concluded with most of the Indians 
settled on the Eastern boundary of Kansas, which opened their 
lands to purchase and settlement. Citizens of the Western part of 

Introduction. 49 

Missouri had early notice of these advantages and organized societies 
for protecting their interests and for } Wanting Slavery into the new 
Territory Soon after the Kansas-Nebraska act was passed, many 
members of these societies crossed the Missouri River, staked out 
claims and passed resolutions hostile to settlers from the Free States. 
The resolutions at first only mildly hinted that no protection shall 
be afforded to Abolitionists settling in the Territory, next they de- 
clared that Slavery was already existing in the Territory, calling 
upon their fellow slaveholders to introduce their property as early 
as possible. This last suggestion seems to imply that slaveholders 
were rather slow, to risk the safety of their slave property, by taking 
it to Kansas. In the meantime associations were also formed in the 
Free States to assist emigrants to Kansas who would oppose Slavery 
This brought out a threat from Missouri societies that they will 
"remove" from Kansas Territory any and all emigrants who are 
sent there by Northern emigrant aid societies. The word "remove" 
used in this connection had an ominous sound, as it left an uncom- 
fortable latitude for the imagination. But the men from the North 
had just the same American spirit as the Missourians, and by the 
beginning of August, about one hundred men, directed by the New 
England Emigrant Aid Society, settled at Lawrence, Kansas. Soon 
afterwards a much stronger force of Proslavery men, mostly from 
Missouri, went into camp near by and sent a threatening note to 
the Free State people, stating that "the Abolitionists must leave the 
Territory;" finding, however, that the Free Statesmen were well 
armed and organized, the Proslavery men broke camp and left. 

In the fall of 1S.~>4, Andrew II. Reeder, the appointed Governor 
of Kansas, arrived in the Territory, and an election for one Delegate 
to Congress was held in November. About sixty percent of the votes 
were illegally cast by men who resided in Missouri and who were 
urged by Senator David R. Atchison at a public meeting to go and 
vote in Kansas. John AV Whitfield, an Indian Agent, was by these 
fraudulent votes elected delegate to Congress. The temper of the 
Proslavery press may be judged by a quotation of the "Squatter 
Sovereign," in which that newspaper promises: "We will continue 
to lynch and hang, tar and feather, and drown every white-livered 
Abolitionist who dares to pollute our soil." As every Free State 
man Avas termed an "Abolitionist," and as the road to Kansas led 
through Missouri, chiefly by steamer up the Missouri River, this 
language really applied to the whole Free State emigration. It is 

.")() The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S(>1 

quite clear from the above, that whatever rights the Kansas- 
Nebraska act intended to convey by the much vaunted principle of 
Squatter Sovereignty, those rights could be only maintained by the 
rifle. - 

At an election for a Territorial Legislature and County Officers, 
ordered by Governor Reeder for March 30, 1855, large bands of 
Missouri Proslavery men overrun the Territory and carried every- 
thing by high-handed usurpation and fraudulent returns. In some 
districts, ten times as many votes were reported cast as there were 
actual voters in the district , Judges of Election who tried to admin- 
ister the prescribed oath of residence were intimidated or driven 
away; men protesting against this wholesale fraud were tarred and 
feathered, by that greatest disgrace to democratic institutions — a 
lawless mob. 

Governor Reeder set aside the election in a number of Districts, 
and ordered a new election, which resulted in the choice of Free 
State men in all but the Leavenworth District, which was carried 
again by fraud. Governor Reeder's fairness did not change matters; 
for the men elected were not admitted to seats by the Proslavery 
majority The Legislature adjourned from Pawnee City in the 
interior to Shawnee Mission near the Missouri line, in order to be 
near the source of their inspiration and the State of their constitu- 
ency and armed support. This Legislature adopted most of the laws 
of Missouri and also passed some original laws for the protection of 
Slavery, by which the death penalty was decreed for raising a 
rebellion or insurrection of Slaves, free Negroes or Mulattoes, like- 
wise for aiding such rebellion or furnishing arms, or doing any 
other act in furtherance of such rebellion; likewise was the death 
penalty decreed for all who shall aid or assist in the bringing into 
Kansas, or publish, print, write or circulate, any book, paper, circu- 
lar, or magazine, inciting insurrection and rebellion. Smaller 
offenses, of a similar nature, were to be punished by imprisonment 
lasting from ten down to two years. The act of bringing a stolen 
slave into the Territory was also made punishable by death. Gover- 
nor Reeder vetoed these Drakonic laws, which were fit for the code 
of a Nero or Caligula. They were passed over his veto, and Presi- 
dent Pierce superseded Reeder by appointing Wilson Shannon, a 
more obsequious tool of the Slave power, who openly declared that 
lie was for Slavery in Kansas. 

The Free State men forming the majority of actual settlers, 

Introduction. 51 

spurned the authority and acts of a fraudulent Legislature and offi- 
cers, and in the true spirit of Squatter Sovereignty, assembled in 
mass convention at Big Spring on September 5, 18-35, and repudi- 
ated the Shawnee Mission Proslavery Legislature and all its acts; 
they ordered an election for a Representative to Congress to be 
held on the second Tuesday in October, and called a Delegate Con- 
vention to meet at Topeka the 19th day of October, 1858. Governor 
Reeder was nominated and elected to Congress by the Free State 
men, while on a different day the Proslavery men elected John W 
Whitfield. The Constitutional Convention elected by the Free State 
Settlers, assembled at Topeka October 23; framed a Free State Con- 
stitution, and applied to Congress for admission under the same. 

The confusion created by the practical application of the Squatter 
Sovereignty doctrine was now complete. Two Legislatures; two sets 
of laws; two sets of officers and a bitter hostile disposition of the two 
contesting parties, trying to manage the Territorial affairs, offered 
numberless chances for conflicts, murders, robbery and arson, for 
which some show of legality or authority could be pleaded, either 
under one code or under the other. 

As usual, the press discussed Kansas affairs from a partisan stand- 
point, and the irritation of parties North and South grew from day 
to day. Two Representatives to Congress had been chosen: John W 
Whitfield. Proslavery, held the seat, which Andrew H. Reeder, 
elected by the Free State party, was contesting. In order to get at 
the true state of affairs. Congress appointed in March, 185G, William 
A. Howard of Michigan, John Sherman of Ohio, and Mordecai 
Oliver of Missouri, an Investigating Committee, which took testi- 
mony in Kansas and reported back to Congress: that organized 
bands from Missouri prevented the settlers from exercising their 
citizen rights; that the Legislature of Kansas was illegally consti- 
tuted and could not pass valid laws; that it enacted measures for 
unlawful purposes , that John W Whitfield, the Proslavery candi- 
date, was not elected in pursuance of any valid law ; that the election 
of Andrew H. Reeder was not held in pursuance of law ; that Andrew 
II. Reeder, the Free State candidate, received a greater number of 
votes of resident citizens than John W Whitfield, the Proslavery 
candidate; that a fair election could not be held in the Territory 
without a new census, a stringent election law, impartial judges and 
the presence of United States troops at every place of election; that 
the constitution framed by the Topeka convention embodies the 

52 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 186 1. 

will of a majority of the people. This report was valuable, for it 
gave a reliable basis for action, as it emanated from men of a 
national reputation for candor and patriotism. But partisan spirit 
run too high, and, while the House of Representatives adopted the 
constitution by a close vote, the Proslavery Senate defeated all action 
upon the same. 

In the meantime, acts of violence continued in Kansas and Mis- 
souri. Persons were murdered , farms and towns sacked and burned , 
presses destroyed; emigrants forcibly detained; ships stopped at the 
mouth of the cannon , men tarred and feathered. Most of this was 
done by Proslavery mobs, sometimes under the plea of law, by the 
order of a Governor, an act of the Legislature, or by the Posse of a 
Sheriff. In the spring of 1856, a Regiment hailing from South 
Carolina and Georgia, under Colonel Bufford made its appearance. 
This body with the Piatt County Rifles under Senator Atchison 
from Missouri surrounded Lawrence on May 21, 1856, disarmed its 
citizens, plundered the town, and burned down the hotel and print- 
ing office. Palmyra, Ossawatomie, Leavenworth, fared no better 
than Lawrence. These outrages called forth an energetic resistance 
from the Free State men ; raids were made that extended into the 
State of Missouri, little battles were fought, in which John Brown, 
the hero of the most popular song in the Union armies during the 
civil war, came prominently before the American people. Being 
endangered in their passage through Missouri, large numbers of 
Free State emigrants took their route through Iowa and Nebraska, 
and came into Kansas through its Northern boundary. Here they 
were disarmed, however, by United States troops. 

This was in keeping with the dispersing of the Free State Legis- 
lature at Topeka, effected by Colonel E. V Sumner, U S. A., under 
orders from President Pierce. 

It must be said in justice to the people of Missouri, that the high- 
handed outrages and acts of violence were confined to the Western 
border and large slaveholding counties, whose population coming 
from Slave States had a more violent disposition, which was not at 
all improved by their contact with the neighbor Indians. Outside 
these genuine "Wild West" people, the other citizens of Missouri 
were opposed to all lawless acts, and not a few of them decidedly 
opposed to Slavery. This last class lived mostly in St. Louis and the 
other cities in the State, and was largely composed of adopted citi- 
zens, their descendants and mountaineers. Nor did the out and out 

Introduction. 53 

Proslavery men start in this controversy with as ferocious a disposi- 
tion as the one with which they ended. Their first manifestations 
were far more moderate than their later acts, and it was the greatest 
fault of the Squatter Sovereignty measure that its practical applica- 
tion worked up the passions of both parties to such a pitch as to 
greatly hasten the outbreak of the Civil War. "With the duration of 
the strife, the rage and hatred intensified until it knew no measure 
and no story illustrates that more glaringly than that of John 
Brown, a diligent, successful and religious business man and father 
of twenty children. Four sons of John Brown went to Kansas as 
Free State settlers, to build up new homes. Believing in the peace- 
ful development of the Territory, they brought no arms with them, 
and were driven away by armed Missourians from their first settle- 
ment. They now wrote for arms, and John Brown brought them 
out, took the lead of his neighbors, who retaliated a raid of the Mis- 
sourians upon the hamlet of Ossawatomie, in which one of John 
Brown's sons was murdered. Another of his sons, elected to the 
Legislature of 1850. was seized by Proslavery men on some pretext 
or other, and while heavy chains cut into his ankles, marched under 
a hot sun from Ossawatomie to Lecompton, a distance of thirty miles; 
he arrived exhausted and died from brain fever. John Brown had 
been an enthusiast for liberty before ; now he became a relentless foe 
to Slavery In the raids upon Missouri farms, some slaves were 
liberated. As Brown was disowned by the more moderate Free 
State men, he left Kansas and went to Canada. Wrought up to fever 
heat, he planned and on October 17, 1859, with 22 men, carried out 
his reckless attack on the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry- 
Inheriting the religious fanaticism of his Pilgrim forefathers, he 
was convinced of fighting the battles of the Almighty. Overpowered, 
wounded, almost the last man of his little squad, his soul remained 
unconquered, and on December 2, 1850, he walked to the scaffold 
"with a radiant countenance and the step of a conqueror." Of John 
Brown's deep religious fervor, his last letter to his wife and children 
bears testimony in the following words: 

"I can not remember a night so dark as to have hindered the 
coming day, nor a storm so furious and dreadful as to prevent the 
return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky." 

While John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry arsenal was lawless 
and under all circumstances doomed to failure, it greatly exasperated 
the Proslavery party at the South, and by its devoted heroism, it 

54 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

called forth an inspiration at the North, which led. to victorious 
battlefields while singing, "John Brown's body lays mouldering in 
the ground, but his soul is marching on." 

The war in Kansas, though on a small scale, reverberated in 
thundering peals through the press and the rostrums of the nation. 
Congressional debates and the Presidential election campaigns gave 
the issues a publicity which brought them home to nearly every 
citizen. Feeling run high, and the decided expressions of platforms 
showed that parties crystalized more and more on the one sectional 
issue of Slavery. 

The two antagonistic systems of free labor and slave labor had 
created a difference in convictions, disposition, morals, habits, educa- 
tion and wealth, which even the wise provisions of the United States 
Constitution, and the genial efforts of its most patriotic men could 
no longer harmonize. One incident in Congress brought this to 
light, in a manner which shocked the civilized world. Senator 
Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, having made a strong and uncom- 
promising argument against Slavery extension into Kansas, was 
attacked May 22, 1856, while in his seat in the Senate chamber by 
P Brooks, M. C from South Carolina. Senator Sumner was brutally 
knocked down and beaten, while laying, unconscious on the floor, 
until his life was endangered. Keith from South Carolina and Ed- 
mundson from Virginia, fellow-members of Brooks, abetted this 
outrage by their presence. Brooks was censured by the House and 
resigned his seat, but was immediately re-elected in South Carolina, 
showing that his constituents endorsed his brutal act and proving 
thereby that they had already lost their fitness for a free representa- 
tive Government. 


The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, June, 
1856, nominated James Buchanan for President and notwithstand- 
ing the evil experiences of the past, endorsed the doctrine of Squat- 
ter Sovereignty in the hope of securing all Southern and sufficient 
Northern votes to carry the election. The Republican party con- 
vention met at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, nominated John C 
Fremont for President and adopted a radical Free Soil platform, 
excluding Slavery from all Territories, and stating that it is both 
the right and the duty of Congress, to prohibit in the Territories 
those twin relics of barbarism, "Polygamy and Slavery " There 

Introduction. 55 

was a third party convention under the title of American National, 
based chiefly on nativism. One-third of the members withdrew 
from this convention after their failure to hold the middle ground 
between the extreme parties, by the limitation of Slavery to territory 
South of 36° 30' North Latitude. The remaining two-thirds en- 
dorsed the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine and nominated Millard 
Fillmore, who was afterwards also endorsed by a Whig convention 
at Baltimore. 

Upon the issues of the presidential election of 1856, Preston 
Brooks of South Carolina, the same who committed the ruffianly 
attack on Senator Sumner, gave it as his deliberate opinion, that if 
Fremont was elected, the South should on the 4th of March, 1857, 
"march to Washington, seize the archives and the Treasury of the 
Government, and leave the consequences to God." About the same 
time Governor Henry A. Wise of Virginia called on all Governors 
of Southern States to meet him at Raleigh and consult upon com- 
mon measures to organize the Militia of their respective States; in 
all probability to carry out the idea of Preston Brooks. 

Wise was disappointed in the attendance, as only Governor 
Adams of South Carolina appeared. 

James Buchanan, the Democratic candidate, was elected by a 
majority of 60 electoral votes, but failed to secure a majority of the 
popular vote, which stood : 

James Buchanan, Democrat. 1,838,169 near 45% 
John C. Fremont, Republican. 1,341,264 near 33% 
Millard Fillmore, American 874,534 near 22% 

Total of votes cast .4,053,967 

This proves that one-third of the voters were radically opposed 
to Slavery extension into any Territory, and that fifty-five percent 
were opposed to the policy of the Democratic party, which was again 
endorsed by the vote of all Southern States, with the exception of 
Maryland. It was evident from the above vote that no more Slave 
States would be admitted to the Union. In Kansas itself the Free 
State voters, largely exceeded the Proslavery citizens, who were 
defeated in their various schemes to perpetuate Slavery in the Terri- 
tory. In October, 1857, an election was held for a Territorial Legis- 
lature. Governor Robert J. Walker, a Mississippian by birth, secured 
a fair election, which defeated the Lecompton Constitution by a vote 

50 The Union Cause in St, Louis in 1861. 

of 162 in favor of it and 10,226 against it. Notwithstanding this 
fact, President Buchanan recommended the admission of Kansas 
under the Lecompton Constitution. The Proslavery Senate agreed 
to it, but the House rejected it. The Territorial Legislature having 
now' a clear Free State majority, ordered a Constitutional Conven- 
tion to assemble at Wyandot ; this framed a Constitution, which was 
accepted by the House on April 11, 1860, but not acted upon by 
the Senate, probably to prevent the Kansas vote to affect the Presi- 
dential election. However, on the 21st day of January, 1861, 
Jefferson Davis and a number of other Southern Senators left the 
Senate, to pursue their ill-fated design of Secession, and on the same 
day Kansas was admitted by the Senate. The curtain fell on the 
Drama of Kansas, soon to rise on the great Tragedy of the Civil 


The History of "Bleeding Kansas" illustrated the spirit and dis- 
position which influenced the citizens of the Union at large, while 
the Decision of the Dred Scott case demonstrated the partisan sub- 
serviency of the Supreme Court of the United States. As this Deci- 
sion was given after all the mischief of the Squatter Sovereignty 
practice had been accomplished, it came apparently only as the 
approving seal to a most nefarious public act, though in prospective 
iniquity, it went a good ways beyond it. 

Dred Scott, a Negro slave, was taken in 1834 from the Slave State 
Missouri to Rock Island in the Free State of Illinois and later to 
Fort Snelling in Minnesota Territory, to which the Slavery Prohibi- 
tion of the Missouri Compromise was applicable. Here Scott mar- 
ried a woman who was also held as a slave. His master took the 
family to Jefferson Barracks, afterwards to St. Louis, where he 
sold them. Dred Scott now brought suit for his freedom in the St. 
Louis Circuit Court, and got judgment in his favor, which, however, 
was reversed by the Supreme Court of the State. The case was 
appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, whose mem- 
bers save one belonged to the Democratic party. This Court ap- 
proved the decision of the Missouri Supreme Court and declared 
that this Negro Slave was no citizen and had no citizen rights, nor 
could any such rights be conferred upon him; that Negroes had no 
rights which the White man was bound to respect, but were an 
article of property, that the Declaration of Independence did not 

Introduction. 57 

mean to embrace them; that they can not be made citizens, because 
this would inconvenience others, nor can they sue because they are 
not citizens, that neither Congress, nor a Territorial Legislature 
can exclude Slavery from any Territory. The decision also stated 
that the United States Constitution takes effect upon any Territory 
which our Government may acquire, and this secures the right to 
the Slave owner to take his slave property into the same. Congress, 
therefore, was barred by the Constitution from the rights of prohib- 
iting Slavery in any Territory. 

The Kansas-Nebraska act anticipated most of these principles in 
practical execution. As the act and its sequels took place before the 
Dred Scott decision was made, and as the Supreme Court went out- 
side the record to make it, the object seems to have been to give the 
Squatter Sovereignty bill a judiciary foundation, which it had 
lacked before. The denial of the right of Congress to legislate upon 
Slavery in the Territories was made in this decision, in the face of 
contrary opinions of such eminent jurists as Daniel Webster, 
Thomas H. Benton and a number of Southern and Northern 
Judges, who all pointed out the fact that Slavery exists in the States 
only by local law, which can not be transferred from a State to a 

The Dred Scott decision spread Slavery over all Territories, and 
it is noteworthy that it embodies the ideas and conclusions which 
John C. Calhoun and W L. Yancey, as leaders of the extreme Pro- 
slavery party, proposed to the National Democratic Convention of 
1848. but which were rejected by a very decided vote of 216 to 36; 
probably because that Convention assembled under the elevating 
influence of the Revolution of 1848 for universal Liberty in Europe, 
and, therefore, could not possibly decree universal Slavery in 

Since that Convention, however, the Slavery party came into 
desperate straits. The doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty came in its 
very first application very near to start hostilities between the North 
and the South. The Republican victory in the general election 
made it highly probable that Kansas and the other Territories would 
become Free States; for this reason some other means had to be 
devised to prop up the tottering Slave power. Thus the opportunity 
of the Dred Scott case was seized upon by the Proslavery Supreme 
Court to nationalize Slavery and proscribe Freedom. This decision, 
brought by the majority of barely one vote, had only the effect to 

,")S The Union Cnuse in St. Louis in 1861. 

outrage all thoughtful men in the North and to mature the decision 
in a majority of citizens that, cost what may they will put an end 
to the spreading of the demoralizing influences of the "Peculiar 
Institution." Bouten states that the Dred Scott decision had been 
made, but was kept from publicity under the plea of reargument, 
and was only reported after the inauguration of President Buchanan. 
Had the decision been known before the election, its effect would 
probably have made John C. Fremont President and cut off four 
years from the preparations for Secession. 


The activity of the Proslavery power was not restricted to the 
home Territories, to Congress, State Legislatures and the Supreme 
Court; but it made itself also felt in diplomatic circles, influencing 
the policy towards foreign countries. The Central and South 
imerican States had severed their allegiance to Spain and as inde- 
pendent Republics sought new channels for their trade, which 
largely fell to the share of Great Britain. The ambitious heir of 
the French Revolution was a captive to the powers of the "Holy 
Alliance," which reinstated the absolute governments all over 
Europe and were eager to reach over the Atlantic, in order to 
reduce the new Spanish Republics, to their former state of depend- 
ence, from European monarchical authority. Canning, the English 
Prime Minister, called the attention of the Washington Govern- 
ment to this rising danger in commercial and political relations, 
and suggested a warning declaration, which should protect the 
Southern Republics and estop the powers from monarchical aggres- 
sions upon the American Continent. President Monroe shared the 
views of the English statesman, and in a Message of December 2, 
1823, frankly stated that the United States should consider any 
attempt on the part of the allied monarchs to extend their system 
to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety, and any interposition by them to oppress the young Repub- 
lics, or control their destiny, as a manifestation of an unfriendly 
disposition towards the United States. The President also stated: 
"The American Continents, by the free and independent condition 
which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be 
considered as subjects for future colonization by any European 

The South American States called a Congress of American Re- 

Introduction. 59 

publics to Panama, in order to unite on qtiestions of common inter- 
est and common defense. It was also surmised in this connection 
that this Congress may devise means to free Cuba and Porto Rico 
from Spanish dominion. When the South American Republics 
secured their independence they emancipated their slaves, and Cuba 
and Porto Rico, if liberated from Spain, would no doubt, do the 
same. This was dreaded by the Slavery champions, as the emanci- 
pation notions might spread to the Union, and our diplomatic agents 
were instructed to counteract this disposition for the liberation of 
Cuba and Porto Rico, and to induce Spain to acknowledge the South 
American Republics, in order to remove the danger of interference 
Avith her sovereignty in the two islands. Thus the curse of Slavery 
placed the United States Covernment in the anomalous position 
that, while it protested against any attempt of European powers to 
extend the monarchical system on the American Continent, it pre- 
vented at the same time the liberation of Cuba and Porto Rico from 
the misrule of Spain, although the latter was a monarchical power. 
President John Quincy Adams appointed representatives to that 
Panama Congress, but when the nominations reached the Senate, 
that body ruled that the President had no right to name men for 
a mission which was not previously authorized by Congress. In 
his work on Benton, Theodore Roosevelt states that the Panama 
delegates were confirmed with Benton's opposition. Benton opposed 
the Congress at Panama, on the ground that matters were to be 
discussed there which could not be discussed at Washington. 

The United States had only commercial and no diplomatic rela- 
tions with the Negro Republic Hayti, while the Latin Republics 
were ready to treat the dusky representatives on equal footing. 
Catholicism, the almost exclusive religion of Mexico, Central and 
South America, never recognizing the color line, probably greatly 
assisted to frame the above disposition. The United States delegates 
came to Panama, after the Congress had adjourned, and it was sixty 
years later that a Pan-American Congress met at Washington. The 
Slavery power did not wish Cuba free, but sought the possession of 
the island with Slavery in it. President Polk had offered One 
Hundred Million Dollars for the island, which offer was declined. 
On December 1, 1S52, Secretary of State E. Everett disclaimed to 
the French and English Ambassadors all desire for the annexation 
of Cuba; but only two years later did President Pierce actually 
instruct his ambassadors to London, Paris and Madrid, to devise 

60 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

means for getting possession of Cuba. These ambassadors met at 
Ostende, and on October 9, 1854, issued the famous Ostende Mani- 
festo,"' in which they declared that it was time for Spain to sell Cuba 
and for the United States to buy it , no foreign power having a right 
to interfere, as it properly belongs to the United States, pursuant 
considerations of trade and security ; that this transfer would benefit 
Spain; and the ambassadors also intimated, that the United States 
would have Cuba at all events. Later several filibuster expeditions 
were started towards Cuba, which generally ended with the execu- 
tion of the leaders, of whom Lopez was the most noted. 

Cuba was not the only country where the Slave power of the 
Union sought a new foothold. William Walker, originally a citizen 
of Tennessee, started a filibustering expedition and made a descent 
on Nicaragua ; he captured Granada October 13, 1855, declared him- 
self President of the little Republic and established Slavery Mis- 
managing his affairs, he had to surrender May 1, 1857 Avoiding 
punishment for this international offense, Walker started a second 
expedition on this he was intercepted by United States Commodore 
Spaulding and sent home a prisoner, but was set free by President 
Buchanan, while Spaulding ■ was reprimanded for his interference. 
Walker, nothing daunted, set out with a third expedition to Central 
America, was captured and shot. General Walker's perseverance 
and courage deserve all praise, but, most unfortunately for his fame, 
these fine qualities were wasted in an evil and hopeless cause He 
did not heed the warning of ages : Be right first and then go ahead. 

According to the historian, Schlosser, the secret organization of 
the "Knights of the- Golden Circle" was committed to a scheme of 
uniting the Gulf States, Mexico, Central and part of South America 
and adjacent islands into one great Confederation of Slave States. 
No great results are credited to this organization. 

Before the great contest for the election of 1860 set in, Missouri's 
greatest statesman, Thomas Hart Benton, paid his last debt to 
nature. Over forty years he was a leading spirit in public affairs. 
During his thirty years in the Senate, he was independent on every 
question, neutral on none. Early in his life, he antagonized General 
Andrew Jackson in a murderous fracas and afterwards became his 
best friend. He suffered Missouri to become a Slave State, but stood 
valiantly by his obligations when Southern Statesmen went back 
upon their plighted faith, saying: "I have stood upon the Missouri 
Compromise for about thirty years, and mean to stand upon it to 

Introduction. 61 

the end of my life;" it is ''a binding covenant upon both parties, and 
more so upon the South, as she imposed it." A champion of sound 
money, of the Homestead act, of the development of the West, of 
the Pacific road, he remained a Democrat, voted for Pierce and 
even for Buchanan, against his own son-in-law, Fremont, but always 
remained an uncompromising Union man. Benton run for Gover- 
nor of Missouri at the age of 74, made forty speeches, traveled 1,200 
miles and being beaten lectured in New England and remained a 
diligent worker to his death on April 10, 1858. Theodore Roose- 
velt's work on Thomas H. Benton gives a detailed representation 
of a life, whose strenuous activity was conducive of health, longevity 
and great usefulness. 


However much the Proslavery leaders may have erred in their 
estimate of relative strength and their appreciation of ethical obli- 
gation, they certainly pursued their object with a wonderful 
tenacity, courage and adherence to their program. In the face 
of the threatening Free Soil majority at the North, their demands 
became more aggressive and left the only explanation, that they were 
bent on ruling or on dissolving the Union. The New Mexico Terri- 
torial Legislature passed in 1859 acts for the protection of property 
in slaves, while a Democratic convention in Texas advocated the 
reopening of the slave trade. The hostile disposition in the South 
grew worse from day to day. A few examples will suffice. A planter 
and slave owner, who had come from Connecticut to Eufaula, Ala- 
bama, in order to avoid the suspicion of being a Northern sympa- 
thizer, joined the Minute Men and was compelled to assist in the 
hanging of five mechanics and one minister, all from the North, 
and still could only save his own life by sudden flight. There were 
many similar difficulties. In 1860, free Negroes had to leave from 
Southern States at their peril of being hung, or sold into Slavery 
Among others, the New York Times brought the following item : 

"Forty-three Negroes, who have been expelled from Arkansas, 
under the terms of the recent legislative enactment, which prescribes 
that in the event of their non-departure they should be sold into 
Slavery, arrived in Cincinnati, January 2, 1860, in a destitute con- 
dition." "The North bound boats on the Mississippi were crowded 
with these fugitives fleeing from their homes." Two hundred thou- 
sand free colored people were menaced with these laws. 

t'i'2 The Union Citnse in St. Louis in ISM. 


The contest in Kansas had agitated the minds of the whole nation. 
People who took little interest in politics were roused by the pas- 
sionate appeals to their judgment and sympathy Most far-reaching 
of all campaign debates was that between Abraham Lincoln and 
Stephen A. Douglas, candidates for the United States Senate in the 
State of Illinois. When Lincoln was nominated at Springfield, June 
16, 1858, and stated: "This Government can not endure perma- 
nently half slave and half free," the words were re-echoed by the 
nation, which had gone through a long and bitter lesson of experi- 
ence, but whose very worst ordeal was yet to come. He endorsed the 
avowed policy of the Republican party by saying: "I am impliedly 
if not expressly pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress 
to prohibit Slavery in all the United States Territories." That no 
interference was intended with Slavery in the States where it existed 
is shown by Lincoln's words. "It is nothing but a miserable per- 
version of what I have said to assume that I have declared Missouri 
or any other Slave State shall emancipate her slaves." With regard 
to the District of Columbia, he recommended the abolishment of 
Slavery in a conservative way, that should have been acceptable to 
every one: 

1. That the abolition should be gradual. 

2. That it should be on a vote of the majority of the qualified 
voters in the District. 

3. That compensation should be made to unwilling owners. 
These propositions were decidedly moderate upon a subject which 

Henry Clay once apostrophized : "Sweep from our Capital that foul 
blot upon our nation." 

In Congress the agitation of the Slavery question was unabated. 
The Kansas issue, the Harper's Ferry raid, the reflections of campaign 
speeches, gave rise to heated debates and were supplemented by mat- 
ters from outside as the discussion' on Helper's book, "The Impending 
Crisis " a most forcible collection of authorities and statistical dates, 
supporting free labor. Poetry and novel, pulpit and stage widened 
the breach between North and South. Jefferson Davis had intro- 
duced a series of resolutions limiting Squatter Sovereignty to the final 
adoption of the State Constitution, also some, reiterating the prin- 
ciples of the Dred Scott decision and others claiming that attacks on 
Slavery, were a breach of faith and a violation of solemn obliga- 

Introduction. 63 

tions. These were adopted by the Senate only During his debates, 
Lincoln referred casually to St. Louis and Missouri politics on 
gradual emancipation and said. ''You all know that Prank Blair 
and Gratz Brown down there in St. Louis undertook to introduce 
that system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could 
for the system of emancipation. After a hard fight they 

were beaten." Conservative and moderate as Lincoln was in treat- 
ing the Southern problem in the States, he did not fail to point 
in his speeches to Jefferson's prophetic words relative to Slavery : "I 
tremble for the fate of my country when I think that God is just," 
and he said himself, "It is the same spirit that says, You work and 
toil and earn bread and I'll eat it," and also, "The real issue 
is the eternal struggle between right and wrong." Lincoln held 
correctly that the premises in the Dred Scott decision, that slaves 
were recognized in the Constitution of the United States as being 
same property as cattle or money were false for the Constitution 
does not speak of slaves at all, except by inference, as being among 
the "three-fifths of all other persons" counted in making up the ratio 
of representation ; while no representation whatever is granted to 
property of any kind. Characteristic is Lincoln's statement: "Slav- 
ery and oppression must cease or American liberty must perish. 
True democracy makes no inquiry about the color of the skin, or 
place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance of condition. I 
regard therefore the exclusion of the colored people as a body, from 
the elective franchise, as incompatible with the true democratic 
principle." He also called attention to Thos. Jefferson's recom- 
mendation to the Congress of Confederation in 1784, of an ordinance, 
which provided the prohibition of Slavery after the year 1800, above 
the 31° of North Latitude (the Northern line of Florida), which 
failed to pass by the lack of one vote, to the keen disappointment 
of Jefferson. 

To friends who objected to Lincoln's uncompromising utterances, 
with regard to Slavery, he said: "Friends, this thing has been re- 
tarded long enough. The time has come when this sentiment 
should be uttered, and if it is decreed that I should go down, be- 
cause of this speech, then let me go down, linked to the truth, let 
me die in the advocacy of what is just and right:" as prophetic upon 
his own fate, as previously similar words of Elijah P Lovejoy; or 
those spoken later by Nathaniel Lyon. 

<;4 The Union Cause in Sf Louis in lSiil. 

In his speech of August 27, ls."»8. at Freeport. Illinois. Lincoln 
put to Douglas this (|iiestion: "Can the people of United States ter- 
ritory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the 
United States, exclude Slavery from its limits, prior to the forma- 
tion of a State Constitution?" Douglas answered in substance: 
The Territorial Legislature could exclude Slavery indirectly by un- 
friendly legislation. This ''Indirection" saved Douglas sufficient 
votes of men who were in favor that Kansas should become a Free- 
State, to secure his senatorial election in Illinois, but it hopelessly 
lost him the support of the Southern Democracy, for the presi- 
dential election of 1860. The South never could forgive Douglas 
that he pointed out the way, by which the effects of the Dred Scott 
decision could be neutralized. One of the most remarkable speeches 
in the campaign of 1860, was held by Lincoln at the Cooper Insti- 
tute on February 27, 1860; in this he pointed out that in the 
Congress of Confederation in 1784, Sherman of Connecticut, Miflin 
of Pennsylvania, Hugh Williamson of North Carolina, voted for 
excluding Slavery from the Northwest Territory; also that in 1787 
Wm, Blount of North Carolina and Wm, Few of Georgia voted the 
same way; that in 1789 the Congress of the United States excluded 
Slavery from that Northwest Territory by a unanimous vote ; that 
sixteen members of that Congress were among the original signers 
of the Constitution and that George Washington approved their de- 
cision and signed the act. 

In the same speech Lincoln also mentions that Washington wrote 
to Lafayette: that we shall at some time have a confederacy of Free 
States. He also called attention to the fact that Congress had 
legislated upon Slavery in the Territory of Mississippi, and did the 
same in 1803 with regard to the Territory of Louisiana. 

Having given the general trend of events relative to the Slavery 
question in the Union, the special motives influencing the loyal 
movement of 1861 at St. Louis and in Missouri, may now be duly 


Colonel 4th Regiment Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. 



To realize the part which St. Louis bore in the events of 1861, a 
brief sketch of its origin, situation and the character and motives 
of its people, is necessary. 

Situated on the right bank of the Mississippi, St. Louis occupies a 
series of gentle hills, whose highest elevation will reach near 200 
feet above the river. St. Louis County, with which the city will 
eventually be co-extensive, borders on the East for 34 miles on the 
Mississippi; on the North for 46 miles on the Missouri; on the 
South 53 miles on the Meramec; takes in also twenty-five square 
miles south of that river and has westward a dry boundary of 11 
miles. From an elevation of 390 feet above the sea level, at the 
Levee of the City of St. Louis, the ground is rising in undulating 
waves northward 260 feet ; southward 280 feet ; westward 410 feet, 
to the highest elevation on the western County line of 800 feet 
above the level of the sea. The declivities of the hills are gen- 
erally most sudden towards the rivers, offering beautiful residence 
sites, with fine garden and truck land in the interior. The many 
small creeks emptying into large rivers, and the general conditions 
of elevation in the County, offer unsurpassed facilities for drain- 
age and grading. With the two largest rivers on this Continent 
and a third river which readily can be made navigable, with good 
clay for common and fire brick, fine limestone, a large coal field 
within 10 miles east, ample wood and a salubrious climate, St. 
Louis offers conditions for an immense city, unequalled anywhere 
in the world. 

This tract was originally part of that vast French empire, which 
extended from Labrador to the Floridas, and from the shores of 
the Atlantic to the most distant lakes of "Upper Canada." The 
prevalent French names and character of settlements in the Mis- 
sissippi Valley are due to the first discoveries by Frenchmen com- 

5 (65) 


Thr Union (Vn/.sv in St. Lnnix in 1S(>1. 

ing South from Canada on a search for the "great river.'" A? earlv 
as K)73, Joliet and Father Marquette reached the Mississippi about 
the 40-"" and traveled South to the So" 

Robert Cavalier de la Salle enlarged their discoveries in 1678. 
while D'Iberville entered the mouth of the Mississippi earlv in 
1(390. when the first Governor was appointed for the immense Ter- 

4 4-o Miles. 


ritorv of Louisiana, winch hardlv numbered a few hundred White 
inhabitants. Ninety years had passed since Joliet floated down 
along the rocky shore and primeval forest, where now St. Louis 
stands. Other less eligible places were colonized before St. Louis, 
such as St. Genevieve and New Madrid. Missouri. Cahokia, on 
the opposite bank in Illinois, was long in existence, when on the 
fifteenth day of February, 17<>4, the boat of Pierre Laclede Liguest, 

The People of St. Louis. 67 

with young Auguste Chouteau, and a large party of Frenchmen, 
mostly mechanics from New Orleans, came near the site of St. Louis. 
The joy of the men may be imagined when after the fatigue of 
more than three months in bringing a heavy boat by mere muscular 
exertion up the river, they beheld the site of their destination, near 
a valley hemmed in by primeval forest and a short distance to the 
north of it and skirting the Mississippi, a rocky shore rising grad- 
ually from the bottom for a quarter of a mile to a perpendicular 
height of 40 feet and continuing northward at that elevation to a 
greater distance, while terraces of higher wooded hills reached to 
the horizon towards the setting sun. 

The party landed at the foot of the present Walnut street ; a camp 
was established on the rocky bluff which extended northward from 
the present Poplar to Vine streets and blocks were laid out accord- 
ing to lines of trees previously blazed by Laclede and young A. 
Chouteau. They established a warehouse and huts by driving posts 
perpendicularly into the ground and quarried out a road through 
the edge of the rock to the river. With the people that came over 
from Cahokia and Kaskaskia, the settlement had 120 persons, who 
were chiefly attracted by the privileges of the Northwestern fur 
trade, granted to Maxent, Laclede & Co. 

Pierre Laclede, the enterprising head of the colony, was born in 
France, in 1724, came to New Orleans when 31 years old and joined 
the above mercantile house. At that time Madame Marie Therese 
Chouteau, nee Bourgois, had separated from her husband on account 
of ill treatment and with her son Auguste Chouteau returned to her 
own family. Laclede made her acquaintance there, a mutual affec- 
tion sprung up, and by common consent she became the wife of 
Laclede: but as no divorce could be obtained under the French law 
from her first husband, she retained the name of Madame ChouteaUj 
which also passed to the children of her second union. 

In the new colony, Laclede assigned lots under his original grant ; 
established commons for the cattle in the Southwest and apportioned 
common fields in the Northwest of the village; the limits of the 
place were then: on the East the Mississippi, on the South a line 
near Mill creek, on the West a line between Third and Fourth streets 
and on the North a line near the present Wash street. The high- 
est point of this location was on Fourth and Walnut, from which 
the grade was sloping down in all directions. Upon this territory 
Auguste Chouteau laid out the first plat of town of about 50 blocks. 

GS The I 7 it ion Cans/ in />7 Louis in ISfil. 

the North and South streets being 36 feet, the East and West streets 
30 feet wide, made so narrow chiefly for defensive purposes; the 
quarter of a square block was considered at first a lot for each dwell- 
ing and garden. Later on, the streets received the names, which 
they nearly all bear to the present date. 

The place was surrounded at first by an indented line of logs 
and earth thrown up as a parapet from the ditch. The commanding 
"Fort on the Hill" faced with a tower Walnut street on Fourth street 
and formed a square of 300 feet enclosed by loopholed stockades. 

The town was named St. Louis, in honor of Louis IX., who lived 
in the Thirteenth Century and was surnamed "Saint" on account 
of his piety and a crusade he led into Egypt. One year before the 
first settlement of St. Louis, the treaty of Paris ended the "Seven 
Years' War" in Europe. Frederic the Great remained in possession 
of the bitterly contested Province of Silesia; England gained. posses- 
sion of all the territory East of the Mississippi save New Orleans and 
its neighborhood, and November 3, 1762, France ceded all Louisiana 
West of the Mississippi to Spain. It took some time till this news 
reached the Territory and several years till the Spaniards took actual 
possession, thus without knowing it, the French Colonists founded St. 
Louis on Spanish territory Soon afterwards, the French garrison 
of Fort Chart res, Illinois, commanded by St. Ange de Bellerive, being 
relieved by English troops, came over to St. Louis; many other 
Frenchmen from Illinois followed this example, and in 1766 the new 
colony had already 180 houses. The greater security from Indians, 
Laclede's genius in dealing with the savages and the antipathy 
which the French had against their ancestral foe, the English, aided 
the growth of the colony as much as its natural advantages. 

To bring order into public affairs, St. Ange was elected tem- 
porary (Governor with Lefevre as associate and Joseph Labusciere 
Secretary The latter kept the land grant book and the seal of the 
Governor had to be affixed to the land grants. The houses built 
with upright logs were of modest dimensions; a lot on southeast 
corner of Walnut and Second streets, being 60x150 feet, was sold 
for $20, the house upon it for $200. Negro slaves were then 
already bought and sold. Spanish troops passed St. Louis in 1768 
and took possession of it in 1770 and Lieutenant Governor Don 
Pedro Piernas. with <S0 soldiers, took command in 1771; Spanish 
hecaine the official language, but socially St. Louis still remained 

The People of St. Louis. 69 


Indians were frequent visitors at the new colony ; sometimes they 
came in sufficiently large numbers to endanger the safety of the 
inhabitants. The apprehensions from them grew when Laclede 
died in 1778, the year in which Colonel Geo. R. Clark captured 
Kaskaskia from the British. These fears led in 1779 to the fortifi- 
cation of the place, commencing on the River on the Southern end 
of the village, and coming back to the river, at the Northern end; 
three gates led through the line for convenient communication. 
These precautions were taken none too soon, for already on the 26th 
day of May. 1780. a band of hostile Indians surprised a number of 
inhabitants working in the fields outside the fortifications and killed 
about 30 persons of all ages and sexes. This sad lesson was not 
passed unheeded; the incapable or treacherous Commander Leyba 
was superseded by Lieutenant Governor Cruzat, who built half a 
dozen stone forts, fifty feet in diameter, and connected them by loop- 
holed stockades. 

Misfortunes were not spared the growing city; a great flood de- 
vastated the neighborhood in 1785, and besides the depredations 
of the Indians, organized bands of river pirates infested the trade of 
the colony, which otherwise prospered under the fair administration 
of Spanish Governors; still at that time no free Negro was admitted 
without a pass and no Protestant without a written permit from 
Spanish authority but for all that, up to the year 1800, St. Louis 
had not taken the decided lead of the surrounding settlements, which 
at that time are credited with the following number of inhabitants: 
St. Genevieve, 989; St. Louis, 925; St. Charles, 875; New Madrid, 
782. Nevertheless St. Louis had then its great promises and natural 
charms, not the least of which was Chouteau's pond, a beautiful 
sheet of water of over 100 acres, surrounded by verdant hills and 
groves, occupying the very area where to-day a hundred locomotives 
and a thousand cars subserve the demands of a metropolis of trade 
and industry. 

The home relations in St. Louis at the time were quite primitive: 
water was hauled from the river on a drag; the people raised only 
what they needed; judgment sales were made at the church door 
after the mass ended on Sunday, and in the afternoon there was a 
dance. In April, 1775, 78 householders agreed to build a church 
30"x60'xl4' ; as the Spanish succession terminated the exclusive privi- 

70 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 18(11. 

lege or monopoly of Maxent Laclede & Co., of which house Auguste 
Chouteau had become an influential and leading partner, trade be- 
came free. Among the amenities of the business relations may be 
quoted that Charles Gratiot rode 1,500 miles from St. Louis to Rich- 
mond, to collect some due bills given him in payment by officers from 
Fort Chartres, and returned without success, though he had the honor 
of meeting Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry Legal service in 
St. Louis was then by written process : application, answer, rejoinder 
and judgment were brief, to the point and mostly final. Manumis- 
sion of slaves were frequent, and even Indian slaves are mentioned 
in a document. Regulations with regard to safety, health, fire, 
prices of provisions, morals, etc., were simple, partaking somewhat of 
a paternal character, the same as the verbal grants and verbal permis- 
sions : a sign of primitive relations, but also of great reliance in the 
general honesty of the inhabitants. Inventories of estates of deceased 
persons were taken by order of the authorities and the beneficiaries 
w r ere named, forming a valuable genealogy, highly useful in after 
years in tracing titles, a work which to some extent was made diffi- 
cult by the republican disposition of dropping prepositions or deriva- 
tive second names, habitual with gents of the antiquated nobility. 

War w T as threatening Spain in 1798, and its monarch asked for 
a voluntary contribution from those who had fortunes, promising 
in return rewards of dignity, office and honor. This genial sugges- 
tion is most likely the prototype to political campaign contributions, 
which came into practice with the increasing party spirit and mer- 
cenary disposition. Trouble being anticipated with the Indians 
near New Madrid about November, 1802, all arm-bearing citizens 
were enlisted at St. Louis, St. Genevieve, Platin and New Bourbon. 
The Avhole force marched down in the best order and with all mili- 
tary precautions, necessary in a heavily wooded country and with an 
unknown foe. A number of Indian tribes were assembled at New 
Madrid; five Indian murderers were tried, found guilty and, with 
the approval of the tribes, one Indian was shot and several others 
pardoned. The whole affair, inclusive the march back to St. Louis, 
was highly creditable to the military disposition and self-control of 
the voung communities. 

The moral relations of the young colony while under Spanish 
authority appear to have been very satisfactory. It has been asserted 
that during upward of 30 years not a single instance of civil delin- 
quency or crime had been committed. While such negative evi- 

The People of St. Louis. 71 

dence is not conclusive, it is an indication of the spirit of those 
times. Certain it is that the refined manners of the French settlers, 
their capacity as traders, their friendly policy with the Indians, 
which enabled the Whites to go as hunters and trappers to the 
foot of the Rocky Mountains, added a great deal to the amenities 
of life as well as to the commercial development of St. Louis. 


Pursuant the Treaty of Ildefonso of August 19, 1796, Spain 
retroceded the Louisiana Territory to France. On the 30th of April, 
1803, the same Territory was purchased by the United States of 
America, in consequence of negotiations inaugurated by President 
Thomas Jefferson with the Republic of France, the purchase price 
being $15,000,000. Captain Amos Stoddard took possession of the 
new Territory on March 10, 1804, and was placed in command 
of the same. The cause for this transfer, by Napoleon Bonaparte, 
then the all-powerful Consul of France, could easily be divined. 
France could not possibly protect this Transatlantic possession against 
England and at the same time, the vast area of this Territory, would 
greatly add to the power of the United States, which on the Continent 
of North America, was already then more than a match for England 
in any issue that had to be settled by the last resort of nations. 

The following is an abstract of the treaty of purchase by the 
United States of America from the Republic of France, April 30, 

Plenipotentiaries on behalf of the United States, Robert R. Liv- 
ingston and James Monroe; on behalf of France, Francis Barbe 

1. Spain cedes the Colony and Province of Louisiana to the 
French Republic and the latter cedes it to the United States. 

2. This cession includes adjacent islands, lots, public places, vacant 
levees, buildings, fortifications, barracks and other buildings that 
have no owners; archives, papers, etc. 

3. The inhabitants will be admitted conformably to the require- 
ments of the Federal Constitution to enjoy the rights of citizens and 
in the meantime be protected in their liberty, property and religion. 

4. A French officer to receive and execute transfer. 

5. Upon the ratification of the treaty France will deliver all mili- 
tary posts, and French and Spanish troops will vacate, if possible, 
within three months. 


Thr Vnion CniM in St L»,'i* in li>(U 













The People of St. Louis. 73 

6. United States will carry out Spanish treaties with Indians until 
new treaties void the old ones. 

7. French and Spanish import to be placed for twelve years on 
the same footing as current American import. 

8. After twelve years French vessels to enjoy rates of most favored 

9. Payment due to U. S. citizens prior to September 30, 1800, is 
approved, special convention relative to the definitive law between 
the contracting parties to be approved the same time. 

10. Ratification to be exchanged within six months. Treaty 
written primitively in French, also in English. Executed at Paris, 
April 30, 1803. (Signed) ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, 


The Convention between the United States of America and the 
French Republic, after an appropriate introduction and preamble, 
stipulated : 

Article I. The Government of the United States will pay to the 
French Government sixty million livres. 

Article II. United States issue bonds for eleven million two hun- 
dred and fifty thousand dollars ($11,250,000), bearing 6 per cent 
interest per annum, payable half yearly The principal payable 
at the Treasury of the United States not less than three million 
(3,000,000) annually, first payment fifteen years after the ratifi- 

Article III. The dollar shall be fixed at five livres and eight sous, 

To be ratified as above. 

Dated and signed as above. 

Another convention by the same parties regulated the total amount, 
mode of proof and payment of private claims. 

Governor Laussat from New Orleans authorized Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor Dehault De la Suze at St. Louis to deliver to Mr. Stoddard, 
under a power of attorney from France, the civil and military pos- 
session of that part of Louisiana, which De la Suze commands; he 
also instructed the latter, in conjunction with Pierre Chouteau, to 
make an inventory of all houses and buildings to be transferred, and 
sends these instructions on December 21, 1803, also: 

To Don Pedro Dehault De Lassus, commandant at New Bourbon. 

To Don Francisco Valle, commandant at St. Genevieve. 

74 The Union Cans/' in St. Louis in 1861. 

To Don Louis Lorimer, commandant at Cape Girardeau. 
To Don John Lavallee ; commandant at New Madrid. 
By the middle of February 1804, letters from Laussat reached Cap- 
tain Amos Stoddard and he in turn wrote to Lieutenant Governor 

Delassus at St. Louis : 

Kaskaskia, 18th February, 1804. 

Sir — I have just received by express from New Orleans, a variety 
of dispatches, relative to the late retrocession of Louisiana. 

"Those addressed to you and entrusted to my care by the French and 
Spanish Commissioners, I do myself the honor to forward by a Sergeant 
of our army, who is bound on business to Captain Lewis. 

"In a few days the troops under my command will ascend the Missis- 
sippi in public boats. I shall proceed before them by land and concert 
with you the necessary arrangements before their arrival at St. Louis. 
The inclosed letter to Mr. Chouteau, I would thank you to deliver to him. 
Please accept the assurance of my respectful consideration. 

"Amos Stoddard, 
"Captain U. S. Artillery, Agent and Commissioner of the French Republic." 

In preparation for the transfer Lieutenant Governor Delassus or- 
dered all the garrisons to be neat and in readiness to evacuate with 
arms and knapsacks, the commander trusting that "every man will 
so comport himself as to uphold the reputation of the Spanish 
troops." A soldier standing on the gallery of the Governor's man- 
sion, southeast corner of Main and "Walnut, was in proper time to 
wave his hat as a signal for a "Salvo" from all the cannon that 
were mounted and in battery. This was practicable, as the "Fort 
on the Hill" was on Fourth and Walnut and the ceremony took place 
at the Chouteau mansion on Main and Walnut. 

The troops of Captain Stoddard landed at Cahokia and were 
cantoned several days, waiting till March 9, 1804, when they were 
led over to the St. Louis side by Lieutenant Worrall, Adjutant to 
Captain Stoddard, who with Captain Merriwether Lewis' First U. S. 
Infantry, and the most prominent citizens of the place, assembled at 
the Governor's office, while most of the inhabitants gathered on the 
street before the house. Lieutenant Governor Delassus then read 
the following: 


March 9, 1804. 
"ixhaiiltaxts of upper louisiana: 

"By the King's command, I am about to deliver up this Post and its 

"The flag under which you have been protected for a period of nearly 
thirty-six years, is to be withdrawn. From this moment you are released 
from the oath of fidelity you took to support it. 

The People of St, Louis. 75 

"The fidelity and courage with which you have guarded and defended 
it, will never be forgotten, and in my character of representative, I en- 
tertain the most sincere wishes for your perfect prosperity." 

With the exchange of the usual civilities, Delassus turned over the 
Governmental residence to Captain Stoddard, and the boom of the 
cannon announced to the whole neighborhood that a new era was 
to dawn on St. Louis and the West. The official document, testify- 
ing to the transfer of the Territory by Spain to France, represented 
by Captain Amos Stoddard, was executed in triplicate, both in the 
Spanish and English language, signed by Carlos Dehault De Lassus 
and Amos Stoddard in presence of Merriwether Lewis, Captain First 
U, S. Infantry; Antoine Soulard, Surveyor General, and Charles 

This constituted a double transfer: first, from Spain to France, 
pursuant the peace of Ildefonso, Captain Stoddard representing 
France, and second, France transferring the Territory to the United 
States by the means of a power of attorney given to Captain Stod- 
dard. The American troops marched to the Fort, exchanged mili- 
tary salutes with the evacuating Spanish troops, which took quar- 
ters on southwest corner of Elm and Third streets, waiting for a 
chance to embark via New Orleans for Pensacola, Florida. 

At the request of Captain Stoddard Lieutenant Governor Delassus 
addressed the Delaware, Abenaki and Sagui Indians, and informed 
them of the transfer in the usual patronizing style , he lauded their 
past loyalty and exhorted them to follow it up in the future and 
added that their Spanish father's heart was happy to know that 
they will be protected and sustained by their new father. Official 
circulars were sent to the subdistrict commanders conveying the news 
and directions relative to the transfer. 

In keeping with instructions of President Jefferson, the old method 
and practice of Administration was continued during the seven 
months of Captain Stoddard's authority, except that English became 
the official language instead of Spanish, which the inhabitants could 
easily stand, for they were still mostly French. 

Delassus gave to Stoddard the characteristic description of about 
45 persons, more or less officiating in Upper Louisiana. Of these 
eight-ninths (8-9) were of French descent and one-ninth (1-9) of 
other nationality. A spirit of candor worthy to an old Roman per- 
vades this list, which is highly interesting reading, given in full in 
Fred L. Billon's Annals of St. Louis, first volume, pages 365-371, 

70 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

With regard to legal transactions in the young colony it may be noted 
that the original documents of grants, deeds, certificates, etc., were 
made out on loose sheets, and afterwards stitched together, kept at the 
Government Office and passed from Governor to Governor. Most 
of these papers are now at the Recorder's office. These notes com- 
menced January 21, 1766, by Joseph Labusciere, were headed appro- 
priately and turned over to the first Spanish Governor. The first 
regular record books were commenced in November, 1816. 

The mode of securing land grants was simple. The settler peti- 
tioned the Governor for the grant of the land described by him, 
who acceded (if so) to the petition on the bottom or back of the 
same paper, and directed the Surveyor to run out the lands. This 
petition and the report of the Surveyor entitled the actual settler 
on application to the proper officer at New Orleans, to the issue of 
the grant. The great majority of these settlers never called for these 
grants, as it took five months to go to New Orleans and return, but 
having an equitable claim, expected an acknowledgement of their 
grants from the United States. 

On the suggestion of the Attorney General of the Indian Terri- 
tory, Captain Stoddard wrote on January 10, 1804, to the Secretary 
of War, that attempts to defraud the United States of land are being 
made; a previous Commander having signed blank papers for the 
insertion of the necessary petition, order of survey and dates. While 
that Commander had left more than 5 years ago, some of the claim- 
ants by the strength of such papers, had not resided in St. Louis for 
2 years. Jefferson referred this report to Congress. 

The conditions of settlement exacted great fortitude on the part 
of the first inhabitants, who commenced to build up St. Louis. It 
took a resolute disposition to move a thousand miles into the wilder- 
ness, face an unknown climate, the savage Indians, forego the charms 
of civilization and medical aid. But these circumstances and their 
trials helped to mould the character of men, who played an impor- 
tant part in subsequent events. A few examples will suffice to show 
the nature of then existing general relations. 

Charles Gratiot came to St. Louis in 1781 , he became a Spanish 
subject in order to be permitted to trade with the Indians; went to 
Richmond in the year 1783 and was absent one year to collect govern- 
ment bills due him. In 1791 he sailed with furs to Bordeaux in 
France and from there to London, which already then was the best 
fur market ; from there he went to Switzerland and called on his 

The People of St. Louis. 77 

relations after an absence of 25 years ; returning by way of London 
he secured an outfit of merchandise needed in the far West, and 
came over Montreal and Mackinac back home to St. Louis. Gratiot 
made a second trip to London, but was dissatisfied with his results, 
and returned again to St. Louis. His energetic disposition and the 
general wants of a new community led him into various enterprises 
and he carried on a farm, mill, distillery and operated a tannery 
and salt works besides his trading ventures. In 1798 he received 
from the Governor General at New Orleans a concession for Gratiot 
League Square, and with his wife Victoire, eldest daughter of Madame 
Chouteau, educated their 13 children. Gratiot was active, judicious, 
perseverant and ambitious 

Daniel Boone, from Pennsylvania, came to Upper Louisiana in 
1797 when 62 years of age. His previous successive homesteads 
were L >st to him on account of neglect in perfecting their title ; 
Boone received a grant of land from Governor Trudeau and settled 
with his son at the village of "Charette," probably named after the 
heroic leader of the Yendeens another proof of the great diversity 
of the first settlers of Missouri. Daniel Boone's portrait was taken 
shortly before his death, at 86 years of age, by Chester Harding. 
Boone was for a time Syndic (Civil Magistrate) of the Femme Osage 
settlement. The adventures of the hardy pioneer are known all 
over the world. 

Chester Harding, painter, came to St. Louis in 1820, remained 
long enough to paint over 100 portraits, among which was also that 
of Daniel Boone. Left to perfect himself in Italy, returned to Bos- 
ton, living there in easy circumstances from the reward of his art; 
one of his daughters married Judge John M. Krum, father of Judge 
Chester Krum. Two sons of Chester Harding the painter, became 
very prominent in Missouri in 1861. The one also named Chester 
Harding was Lyons' Adjutant General, and as such by General 
Lyons' order the actual Commander of all troops in Missouri; the 
second, James Harding, was Quartermaster General of the State 
Militia under Governor Jackson ; he married into a Southern family, 
and by the force of circumstances and associations drifted into the 
Confederate service. 

Interesting as the journeys through primeval forests and unknown 
rivers may have been, they were full of dangers, which tried the nerve 
and endurance of men to the utmost. Consider the case of Dr. 
Antoine Francois Saugrain from Paris, France, who started in March, 

78 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

1788 from Pittsburg, with three companions and horses on a flat- 
boat down the Ohio river. Opposite the Big Miami a party of In- 
dians commenced to fire upon them from ambush, and shot two 
horses, wounded one man severely and injured the hand of Saugrain. 
Being pursued by the Indians in a canoe, all jumped from the flat- 
boat to reach the Kentucky shore. The wounded man's strength 
gave out and he drowned; another man was waylaid on shore, toma- 
hawked and scalped. Dr. Saugrain and the fourth man, named 
Pierce, were overtaken by the Indians, bound and dragged along. 
During the night, while the Indians were fast asleep, Dr. Saugrain 
succeeded to loosen his ties, liberated his companion and they fled 
through the woods skirting the river, until after three days of hunger, 
frost and exposure, they succeeded to hail a boat and secure relief 
and assistance, to nurse their wounds and frosted limbs. It took 
nearly two months before they were able to continue their journey. 
Even more manifold than the experience of the first immigrants 
was their derivation and the causes which brought them to St. Louis. 
Adventure, trade, necessity brought the trapper, the merchant, the 
refugee from the reign of terror, from the insurrection in the .West 
Indies, the ice-bound lakes of Canada, from the ranks of discharged 
Spanish and American soldiers, all to the common destiny of be- 
coming here good American citizens. 


An Act of Congress of May 7, 1800, divided the Northwest Ter- 
ritory into Ohio and Indiana: the latter comprising Indiana, Illi- 
nois, Michigan and Wisconsin, to which, in 1804, Louisiana, includ- 
ing Missouri, was temporarily attached. Courts were held in June, 
September, December and March, and a Sheriff and Recorder ap- 
pointed. The days of Arcadian simplicity and quiet life were ended 
by the American possession and immigration. In 1804 Lewis and 
Clark started on their great expedition of discovery Northwest to 
the Pacific Ocean, considerably aided by the experience of St. Louis 
traders and trappers. 

Merriwether Lewis from Virginia, was private Secretary to Presi- 
dent Jefferson till 1803. Congress making an appropriation to ex- 
plore the Missouri river, cross the Stone Mountains, and descend on 
some river to the Pacific Ocean, Lewis was appointed for the task 
and Captain Wm. Clark was associated with him. He waited in St. 
Louis for the spring to open as well as for the actual transfer of the 

The People of St. Louis. 79 

Territory, at which he was present, signing the document as a wit- 
ness. The expedition party was camping opposite the mouth of 
the Missouri; it consisted of 45 persons, of whom 12 were soldiers 
and 15 boat hands. One man died the first winter and 15 were 
sent back with dispatches. The expedition crossed the Rocky Moun- 
tains September 22, 1805, built boats and reached the Pacific Ocean 
on the Columbia river on November 15, built a fort and passed here 
the second winter, returning to St. Louis September 23, 1806, after a 
voyage of .28 months. Lewis was rewarded by a land grant and the 
appointment as Governor of Upper Louisiana. He left St. Louis for 
Washington, became low spirited and shot himself on his way in 
Kentucky The Lewis and Clark expedition practically gave Oregon 
to the United States. The Northern boundary of the Union was 
subsequently secured by a treaty with Great Britain. 

In the meantime, the city destined to become the commercial 
metropolis of the West, prospered. The numbr of taxpaying inhabi- 
tants was already 729 in the year 1807 and taxes could be paid in 
deer skins from October to April, after that date in cash. The town 
was incorporated in 1809, the centennial celebration of which will 
be held in October, 1909. The first Treasurer, Auguste Chouteau, 
reported end of the year 1810 : 

Receipts from all sources. . . $529.68 

Expenditures 399.15 

Balance in the Treasury $130.53 

A more promising sign of advancement was, in 1808, the first edi- 
tion of a newspaper- the Missouri Gazette, published by Joseph 
Charless, a son of Erin, and a refugee of the Irish rebellion of 1795. 
The first number of the paper was printed on foolscap ; subscribers 
gave their notes or verbal promise, which they could redeem in flour, 
corn, beef or pork. ' The paper was quite efficient in promoting 
the best interests of the community 

The way of making roads was simple, the Court ordered and in- 
spected the survey and made provisions for its "cutting out." Thus 
a road was ordered to St. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau and New Madrid, 
quite an enterprise, considering that the only road leading from 
town to the river was on Market street, for perpendicular rocks, about 
40 feef above the usual stand of the river, extended from Poplar 
street to Rocky Branch. 

yd The Union Cause in Xt. Louis in 1861. 

In 1812 the Territory was named Missouri; a Governor was ap- 
pointed and the Legislature, biannually elective, met every year in 
St. Louis, the first meeting being in Mr. Sanguinette's loghouse on 
Second street. 

For the war of 1812 with Great Britain, St. Louis mustered one 
Company of Riflemen, one of Infantry and one of Artillery and one 
of Veterans above 45 years of age, which, according to the "Gazette," 
comprised nearly every man in the pldce. There were also several 
hundred Regulars here; their main duty was to watch the Indians, 
who under the pretext of war, robbed and killed several persons in 
the neighborhood. During this war, expeditions of Regulars went 
from St. Louis or Belief ountaine to Portage des Sioux, Rock Island, 
Natchitoches, the Falls of St. Anthony and Council Bluff. Already 
February 18, 1815, the St. Louisians could fire a salute in honor of 
the victory of New Orleans, gained January 8, full fourteen days 
after the "Treaty of Ghent" had been signed, of which no tele- 
graphic news could then be conveyed. Another memorable event 
gladdened the heart of the St. Louis people, when on August 2, 1815, 
probably the larger portion of the 2,000 inhabitants, watched the 
landing of the first steamboat on the St. Louis Levee : little did they 
dream then that less than fifty years later more than one hundred 
large steamboats would crowd that landing and that within another 
fifty years those floating palaces would be almost entirely superseded 
by the "Iron Horse," which on this Continent commenced to feed on 
coal, cash and human flesh, full 13 years later than the landing of 
the steamer "Pike." 

From the date Avhen St. Louis became part of the Union to the 
admission of Missouri as a State, namely, in a period of 17 years, the 
new conditions brought many notable men to the city. It is not 
possible within the compass of these lines to do justice to their 
merits. To those readers acquainted with the relations of St. Louis, 
the names themselves will suggest many living and institutional 
mementoes, while not few of these men acquired even a national 


This designation comprises chiefly those settlers who came to St. 
Louis between the dates of the Louisiana purchase and the admission 
of Missouri to Statehood. Many of these men are most intimatelv 
connected with the early development of St. Louis and are known 
even to the present generation. According to Mr. Billon's excellent 

The People of St. Louis. 81 

Chronicle, there came to St. Louis in 1804. Gen. Daniel Bissell, 
Merriwether Lewis, Geo. Win. Clark, Wm. C. Carr, Rufus Easton, 
Alex MeNair, John Mullanphy; in 1805 : Z. M. Pike, Clement Biddle, 
Jno. B. C Lucas; 1806; Joseph Charless. the Blow family. Fred 
Bates , 1807 : Dr. Bernard J. Farrar , 1809 . John W. Honey, Michael 
Tesson, Bartholo Berthold, Rene Paul, Moses Austin; 1810: Judge 
Robt. Wash: 1811: Hy Von Phul, 1813: Peter, John and Jessie 
Lindell, Captain Theo. Hunt, Jas. Kennerly 1814 Edward Bates, 
Nathaniel Paschall ; 1815: Major Thos Forsyth, Captain Mackey 
Wherry, Thos. Hart Benton; 1816. Archibald Gamble, James Clem- 
ens. John Bobb: 1817: Robt. Collet, John D. Daggett, Wm. Glasgow, 
Jr.. Thornton Grimsley, John L. Sutton; 1818: Hamilton R. Gam- 
ble. Geo. Collier, Sullivan Blood, Archbishop Louis Wm. V Du- 
bourg, F K. Billon, Jeremiah Connor, Col. John O'Fallon, Fred 
Dent ; 1<S19 : Dr. Wm. Carr Lane, Henry Shaw, Chas. Chambers, Jos. 
C. Laveille, Edward Knapp ; 1820 : Chester Harding, Sr., Elihu W 
Sheppard, Britton A. Hill, D Robt. Barclay, Wm. Higgins, N. B. 
Atwood. These men, with a few of the original settlers, very soon 
controlled the bulk of the real estate. Some of the largest holdings 
were soon subdivided, like the John Mullanphy estate, which through 
five married daughters went to Richard Graham, Chas. Chambers, 
Thos. Biddle, Wm. S Harney, James Clemens, and one son, Bryan 
Mullanphy, whose generosity established the Mullanphy Emigrant 
Home. No doubt these large land holdings exerted a conservative 
influence and in latter days outweighed slaveholding interests. Gen. 
Daniel Bissell. Commander at Bellefountaine, bought a large tract of 
land in that neighborhood. Officers of the Army and of the Terri- 
torial Government, exercised through their culture and education -a 
directive influence, while old troopers, discharged at this point, added 
to the settlement a hardy and resolute element. 

When Fred K. Billon arrived in St. Louis in 1818, its population 
was estimated at 3,000. The census gave the State of Missouri 
20,000, and the Legislature petitioned Congress for admission as a 
State into the Union, which proved its appreciation of this part of 
the country by sending in 1819 the steamer "Western Engineer," 
drawing only 19 inches of water, up to the Yellow Stone river, to 
select a site for a fort and to make geodetic, geological, botanical 
and zoological observations , each branch being represented by a pro- 
ficient scientist. This expedition started from Pittsburg and was ex- 
pected to stay out for two years By this time two banks had been 

S2 The I'nion (. : <ttixr, in St. Louis in 1861. 

started in St. Louis; the first was discontinued on account of too 
little confidence by the people, and the second on account of too 
much confidence in the people. Characteristic for the period (1810- 
1818) are the four duels which had been fought on Bloody Island 
opposite St. Louis. None of these had an adequate cause and two 
terminated fatally All of the parties professed to be Christians, 
though their vindictive hatred is little in accord with the teachings 
of the great master. In one of these duels, Thomas H. Benton 
killed Charles Lucas, a young attorney. Benton came recently from 
Tennessee, where he had been already prominent in politics, and 
where some of his experience is so far germane to these lines, as he 
was soon to become the most prominent man in St. Louis and 

Under date of September 10, 1813, Thomas H. Benton describes 
a scene which casts a shadow before coming events, in so far as it 
brings to light vindictive passions and acts of cruel violence, that 
could only have been nurtured under the degrading influences of 
Slavery surroundings. He writes to a newspaper at Franklin, Tenn., 
September 10, 1813: 

"A difference which had been for some months brewing between Gen- 
eral Jackson and myself, produced on Saturday, the 4th inst., in the town 
of Nashville, the most outrageous affray ever witnessed in a civilized 

"In communicating this affair to my friends and fellow citizens, I limit 
myself to the statement of a few leading facts, the truth of which I am 
ready to establish by judicial proofs. 

"1. That myself and my brother, Jesse Benton, arriving at Nashville 
on the morning of the affray, and knowing of Gen'l Jackson's threats, 
went and took our lodgings in a different house from the one in which 
he stayed, on purpose to avoid him. 

"2. That the General and some of his friends came to the house where 
we had put up, and commenced the attack by leveling a pistol at me, when 
I had no weapon drawn, and advancing upon me at a quick pace, without 
giving me time to draw one. 

"3. That seeing this, my brother fired upon General Jackson, when he 
had got within eight or ten feet of me. 

"4. That four other pistols were fired in quick succession— one by Gen- 
eral Jackson at me, two by me at the General, and one by Col. Coffee at 
me. In the course of this firing, General Jackson was brought to the 
ground, but I received no hurt. 

The People of St. Louis. 83 

"5. That daggers were then drawn. Col. Coffee and Mr. Alexander Don- 
aldson made at me and gave me five slight wounds. Captain Hammond 
and Mr. Stockley Hays engaged my brother, who, being still weak from 
the effects of a severe wound he had lately received in a duel, was not 
able to resist two men. They got him down, and while Captain Ham- 
mond beat him on the head to make him lay still, Mr. Hays attempted 
to stab him, and wounded him in both arms, as he lay on his back 
parrying the thrusts with his naked hands. Prom this situation a gen- 
erous hearted citizen of Nashville, Mr. Summers, relieved him. Before 
he came to the ground, my brother clapped a pistol to the breast of Mr. 
Hays to blow him through, but it missed fire. 

"6. My own and my brother's pistols carried two balls each; for it was 
our intention, if driven to our arms, to have no child's play. The pistols 
fired at me were so near that the blaze of the muzzle of one of them 
burned the sleeve of my coat, and the other was aimed at my head, a little 
more than arm's length from it. 

"7. Captain Carroll was to have taken part in the affray, but was 
absent by the permission of General Jackson, as he has since proved, by 
the General's certificate, which leaves the doubt open, whether it reflects 
less honor upon the General or upon the Captain. 

"8. That this attack was made upon me in the house where the Judge 
of the District, Mr. Searcy, had his lodging! So little are the laws and 
its ministers respected! Nor has the Civil authority yet taken cogni- 
zance of this horrible outrage. 

"These facts are sufficient to fix the public opinion. For my own part, 
I think it scandalous, that such things should take place at any time, 
when the public service requires the aid of all its citizens. As for the 
name of courage, God forbid that I should ever attempt to gain it by becom- 
ing a bully. v 

"Those who know me, know full well that I would give a thousand times 
more for the reputation of Croghan, in defending his post, than I would 
tor the reputation of all the duelists and gladiators that ever appeared on 
the face of the earth. 

"Thomas Hart Benton, 
"Lt. Colonel 39th Infantry." 

The incident displays the temper of persons, called upon to act a 
leading part in coming events. Soon after the above incident, Ben- 
ton removed to St. Louis, and in 1819 edited a newspaper in opposi- 
tion to the "Missouri Gazette" published by Joseph Charless. Charless 
was born in Ireland, 1772 ; took part in the Irish rebellion of 1795, 
in which Robert Emmett perished. He fled to the United States; 
went first to Lexington, Ky., and came in 1806 to St. Louis, and being 
a practical printer and man of a liberal disposition, founded the "Mis- 
souri Gazette," the parent of the "St. Louis Republic." It was prob- 

^4 The. Union ('tuisc in Sf Louix in 1861. 

ably the example of Charless which started a large Irish emigration 
to St. Louis, the city whose name was also congenial to their religious 


The fourth session of the Missouri Territorial Legislature, organ- 
ized at St. Louis, October 26, 1818, by electing David Barton 
Speaker, and resolved upon the recommendation of a committee, that 
it was both proper and expedient to petition Congress, to admit 
Missouri as a State, authorizing it to propose a Constitution and form 
a State Government. The census gave Missouri 19,218 white male 
inhabitants, and the whole subject relative to Statehood was embodied 
into a memorial and the delegate to Congress was requested to present 
the same to the Federal Legislature. An act introduced at the same 
time in the Territorial Legislature of Missouri by Hy S. Geyer, to 
incorporate a Board of Trustees for superintending schools in the 
town of St. Louis, shows the fostering care for education, coeval with 
the ambition for Statehood and a resolution passed shortly before 
adjournment on December 24, which rebuked the Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor for arrogating to himself the privilege of letting out the public 
printing, proves the jealousy of the ancestors in the case of vested 

On the reassembling of the Territorial Legislature at St. Louis on 
September 18, 1819, Alexander McNair was declared elected Gov- 
ernor. On October 2 the Legislature had a joint session, in order 
to elect two Senators for Congress. Every one of the members ,of 
both houses had the right to vote for one Senator. David Barton 
received 34 votes ; Thomas H. Benton 27 ; John B. Lucas 16 , while 
27 votes were scattered between three more candidates. Barton and 
Benton were declared duly elected, though either of them received 
only a plurality of the votes cast. As the member to the House of 
Representatives in Washington had been previously elected by the 
people, the whole State machinery was ready for operation, long be- 
fore the State was admitted to the Union. 

The Constitutional Convention assembled at St. Louis, June 12, 
1820. under an act of Congress of March 6, 1820, entitled "An act 
to authorize the people of Missouri Territory to form a Constitu- 
tion and State Government and for the admission of such State into 
the Union on an equal footing with the original States and to pro- 
hibit Slavery in certain territories " The "certain territories'' des- 

The People of St. Louis. 85 

ignated in that act were laying West of Missouri and North of 36° 
30' Latitude, and their consecration for future Free States was the 
consideration for admitting Missouri as a Slave State into the Union. 
This solemn compact was afterwards broken by the repeal of the 
Missouri compromise in 1854. 

St. Louis members of that convention were : David Barton, Presi- 
dent; William Rector, Alexander McNair, Bernard Pratte, Edward 
Bates, John C Sullivan, Pierre Chouteau, Jr.. and Thomas Riddick, 
William G. Pettus was made Secretary over Archibald Gamble, can- 
didate for the same office. The Constitution this convention framed 
guaranteed to colored people equality of punishment, but only with 
regard to capital offenses; slaves abused by their masters were to 
be sold by authority of the State, for the benefit of the master; which 
for the slave, was rather an additional and cruel punishment. Slaves 
could not be emancipated, except by the consent of the owner. The 
provision to prevent free Negroes and Mulattoes from coming to and 
settling in the State was obviated by special ordinance, exacted by 
Congress as imperative, before the President could issue his procla- 
mation for the admission of the State. 

Article II, Section 9, of that Constitution enjoined "No person, 
while he continues to exercise the functions of a bishop, priest, clergy- 
man or teacher of any religious persuasion, denomination, society or 
sect whatever, shall be eligible to a seat in either branch of the Legis- 
lature, or to be elected or appointed to any office of profit within this 
State, the office of Justice of Peace excepted." This indicates that the 
direct political activity of the designated persons was not deemed 
beneficial, by the framers of the Constitution, who adopted the same 
by the vote of all members save one. English and French copies of 
the Constitution were ordered printed, for the use of the authorities 

When the Constitution was presented to Congress for approval 
and acceptance, the motion for its unconditional adoption was de- 
feated, and a resolution passed, of admitting the State on certain 
conditions. The Missouri Legislature complied with these on June 
26, 1821, with these words : 

"That this State has assented and does assent that the fourth clause 
of the twenty-sixth section of the third article of the Constitution of 
this State shall never be construed to authorize the passage of any 
law, and that no law shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which 
any citizen of either of the United States^ shall be excluded from the 
enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such 

gg The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861 

citizens are entitled under the Constitution of the United States. 
This proviso secured to free Negroes and Mulattoes the right to come 
to and reside in Missouri. In consequence of the above pledge Presi- 
dent James Monroe issued his proclamation on August 10, 1821, 
that Missouri had become a State by virtue of accepting the condi- 
tions stipulated by Congress. 

The contest ended by the Missouri Compromise has been related 
before, with the general political development of the Slavery power. 
It seems that Benton's ability and influence lay dormant during this 
important period of State organization, which was the most oppor- 
tune time to free Missouri, as it would also have been the best time 
to fight Slavery extension. But no one was great enough to follow 
the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson, who liberated' the North- West 
Territory, by his far-sighted policy Had Thomas H. Benton cast 
the weight of his capacity and influence for making Missouri a Free 
State, he would have become one of the greatest men of this nation 
and saved hundreds of thousands from premature graves. Fearless, 
able, learned, genial in his disposition, he secured success and renown 
with other measures, but missed the chance of his life, when he 
assisted or suffered Missouri to become a Slave State. It is true he 
would have had to rise above the influences of his youth, the training 
in a Proslavery community, the vicious effects of absolute power, and 
for the time being, the allurements of high office. He was born a 
slaveholder in North Carolina, removed in his youth to a cotton plan- 
tation in Tennessee, got early into politics and was influenced by the 
unbridled passions of Southern Society; of which his own letter 
upon the difficulty with General Jackson is the best proof and the 
duel with young Lucas a sad sequel Benton had afterwards the 
greatest merit in developing the Great West; he helped to secure 
Homesteads to millions; was a sound financier, and like his latter 
days friend, General Jackson, an uncompromising Union man ; but 
he failed to see that the Union could not exist with Slavery. Theo- 
dore Roosevelt says in his work upon Benton: "The South falling 
always more to the rear in the race for prosperity and blindly attrib- 
uting her failure to everything but the true reason— the existence of 
Slavery," also held that Benton tried to hide this cause from himself 
and others and placed it upon the Tariff. A few pages farther 
Roosevelt states: "Now whether a protective Tariff is right or wrong, 
may be open- to question." It certainly was not an open question in 
the minds of the Southerners, who exported their staples for the price 

The People of St. Louis. 87 

made in the world's markets and paid for the imported manufac- 
tures the prices enhanced by the Tariff. 

There are several mitigating circumstances, which to some extent, 
palliate a Proslavery disposition in Missouri at the time. Slavery 
existed in the Louisiana Territory under Spanish dominion. France 
repossessed Louisiana only on paper and made the United States 
guarantee all possessive rights, which could readily be construed to 
include Slavery The "peculiar institution" exhibited in Missouri a 
milder nature than farther South. While corporal punishment could 
be administered by master and overseer, its more severe applications 
were relegated to the justices and resolutions introduced in the Legis- 
lature "to treat them (the slaves) with humanity and to abstain 
from all injury to them, extending to life and limb," prove that the 
slaves were partly protected by the Missouri laws, which were not 
as cruel towards the offending slave, as those in other parts of the 
country It is true that here as in all Slave States a great many 
masters waived excessive punishments and treated their dependents 
with kindness and care; but neither this, nor the fear of remote 
slave insurrections could possibly excuse inhuman laws. 

On July 4, 1826, Thomas Jefferson died; the great statesman and 
patriot was also the ablest opponent of Slavery expansion. Jefferson 
Barracks, named in his honor, was occupied the same day by foui* 
Companies of United States Soldiers and the next year the St. Louis 
Arsenal was started ; few anticipated then that civil war was so near, 
nor that this would be a most important place in the organization of 
Union forces. Three years later the corner stone of the St. Louis 
Cathedral was laid on Walnut street, very near the point where the 
first settlers landed ; the very considerable dimensions of the Church 
anticipated the future great City 


With the year 1830, there commenced in Europe an era of such 
momentum in History that it cast the shadow of coming events west- 
ward, even to the far off banks of the Mississippi. The American 
War of Independence of 1776, and the French Revolution of 1789, 
by their declarations of inalienable natural right, had roused a large 
portion of the people of Europe to a sense of their human dignity. 
The genial heir of France's revolutionary power humbled privileged 
legitimacy all over the Continent. Overreaching his capacity and 

^S The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861 

neglecting the very principles which elevated him, the Corsican 
conqueror fell as much through his own faults as through the 
national enthusiasm of the countries which his despotic rule had 
oppressed. The humbled legitimistic rulers took advantage of the 
national enthusiasm of their people, and, making a virtue out of 
necessity, partly granted and partly promised, liberal organic mea- 
sures. Once out of danger, however, nor dreading any more the 
"Ghost of St. Helena,'' their memory relative liberal promises failed; 
granted rights were evaded, old privileges re-established, and the 
reaction flourished all over Europe. This was the era of the ''Holy 
Alliance" between Russia, Austria and Prussia, whose grasping abso- 
lutist^ tendency was not limited even by the Atlantic Ocean, and 
elicited from a far seeing American Cabinet the famous document 
originating the "Monroe Doctrine." This "Reaction" was supreme 
from 1815 to 1830, but while it could change outward forms, it could 
not suppress the awakened spirit of the people seeking more liberal 
arid progressive relations. The great lessons of American Independ- 
ence and the French Revolution, lived in the minds of the best and 
ablest men, and spread from them quietly but irresistibly through 
the masses. Charles X., King of France, by the grace of the Holy 
Alliance, a royal Bourbon, who never forgot past privileges nor com- 
prehended the progress of modern evolution, was chaSed from France 
by the revolution of 1830, which guided by aged Lafayette, Thiers, 
Arago and other liberal minded men, raised Louis Phillip to the 
throne as a "Citizen King" with constitutionally limited powers. 
This popular upheaval of France set all liberally disposed persons of 
Europe in motion, and for a time a general uprising was anticipated. 
It was partly suppressed and partly neutralized by the yielding of 
the Governments, granting some constitutional institutions, which, 
however, were not satisfactory to the men of most progressive minds, 
and especially not to the students of the German Universities, where 
the "Bursch Societies," cultivated an idealism of truth, which the 
most resolute capacities among them tried to apply to practical life. 
The theories of natural human rights brought down upon them the 
persecution of the absolute governments Prominent among these 
students, both for his zeal in the cause of free institutions, and his 
ability and learning, was Karl Follen or Follenius, who even dreamed 
of a German Republic to be proclaimed on the battlefield of Leipzic, 
for which he and friends had already discussed the plan of a Consti- 
tution. Follen was an uncompromising Republican, in the full 

The People of St. Louis. 89 

meaning of the word. The dawn of the new era of 1830 animated 
him to these lines : 

"It is awaking, 
It is awaking! 
Out of the depth of sun pregnant night, 

In flaming glow of a morning rapture, 
The sun of suns — 
The people's might. 

Humanity, thou greatest of deserts, 
Greeted in vain, by the spring of mind, 
Tear up and break up the ice of ages, 
Rush on in strong, proud ocean billows; 
Down serf and tyrant, who only abused thee. 
Be now a nation, and a Republic — 
Fight for thy kind!" 

Follen's general tendency being known, the authorities made an 
attempt to connect him with the crime of Sand, who for political 
reasons murdered Kotzebue in 1819. This attempt failed, but the' 
persecutions continued. Follen accepted a call for a professorship 
in Chur, Switzerland, which shielded him against the attacks of the 
reactionary powers, until he left for Paris, where the venerable Gen- 
eral Lafayette gave to Follen letters of recommendation, which 
secured him a professorship at the Harvard University in Boston. 
He found friends among the most cultured people and joined the 
Antislavery Society started in 1832, knowing that this would bar his 
permanent employment at the University Animated by the idea 
of "a healthy mind in a healthy body," Follen started a Turn place 
for gymnastic exercises. It will be seen later that the Turners, whose 
societies spread all over the country, were among the first and 
staunchest supporters of the Union cause. 

The Governor of Massachusetts in his inaugural address, intimated 
that the Abolitionists, by their sayings and doings, were guilty of 
an offense against the laws of their country and liable to prosecution. 
The subject was referred to a Committee before whom delegates of 
the Antislavery society appeared, in order to prevent hostile legisla- 
tion. Follen pointed out in his pleading that the object of muzzling 
people by law was to perpetuate Slavery; that the slaveholders had 
incited hatred against the Abolitionists; that Southern Legislatures 
had offered rewards for the abduction or assassination of Antislavery 
men, and that if now any censure should be passed upon the Aboli- 
tionists or members of the Antislavery Society, this would even 

90 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

endanger their personal safety or life, just in the same manner as 
a recent meeting at Faneuil Hall condemning Anti-slavery doc- 
trines, caused the gathering of a mob, which threatened the personal 
liberty of people, and dragged Lloyd Garrison with a halter 
round his neck, through the streets of Boston. Heedless of 
such experiences, five thousand people celebrated the martyrdom of 
Elijah P Lovejoy at the Tabernacle in 1837 For all that, Karl 
Follen never dared to call on his brother in Missouri ; he perished in 
1840 on the steamer Lexington. 

The same spirit which animated Karl Follen was shared by his 
younger brother, Paul Follenius, and the latter's brother-in-law, 
Friederich Muench. While classmates at the University they had 
the same political aims and shared in the same disappointment in 
their old home relations, and organized in 1833 the "Gieszen Emigra- 
tion Society" of five hundred members; one-half started under the 
lead of Follenius via Bremen and New Orleans, the other half under 
the lead of Frederick Muench via Baltimore. Cholera broke out on 
Follenius' vessel on the Mississippi, he himself remained behind 
sick in Paducah; when he arrived at St. Louis, the society had dis- 
banded, without due consideration of incurred obligations. Follenius 
and six families went to Duden's old place, 56 miles west of St. Louis ; 
he bought there a farm of 160 acres, and Father Muench settled in 
the same neighborhood. 

Fred Muench was very active in securing a large German 
immigration to Missouri. Having faith in free institutions, he 
desired to share them with men of similar convictions, who at that 
time despaired of a favorable political development in Germany. He 
no doubt held that an addition of German idealism, thrift and social 
tendency, will be very acceptable to the serious business disposition, 
daring enterprise and more or less puritanic rigor of the native 
American. His writings of a political and philosophical nature, 
enlightened the reader on the questions of American organization. 
Antislavery in conviction, as all educated Europeans had been, he 
still did not agitate the question, expecting from the natural develop- 
ment of forces a favorable solution of the issue. The few allusions 
to the Slavery question in his works published in 1902 are conserva- 
tive, but none the less decided, thus he said in an essay before the 
National Turner Convention at Pittsburgh, in August, 1856: 

"No one will doubt that where equality of human rights is maintained 
without exception, the community is morally elevated. It has the same 

The People of St. Louis. 91 

effect here (in the Union), wherever it exists, to bring the demands of 
justice home to the conscience of the people; while the great exception 
of this condition of the equality of human rights, which still prevails, 
contrary to the spirit of republican institutions, and which threatens 
even to root deeper and spread farther, necessarily obliterates the moral 
conscience and demoralizes the entire character of the people. Had we no 
contest against Slavery, and the other deviations from human rights — 
could we not hope that the better sense of the people will awake and 
carry on the initiated contest until inhumanity is conquered, we would 
have to despair of the possibility of ever vindicating a more honorable 
character as a people, than such as the Russian knout and bondage system 
can show." 

Of the liberal and dissatisfied men of Germany and Switzerland, 
many immigrated and settled in the immediate neighborhood of St. 
Louis. St. Charles, Belleville and Highland. Seeking their new 
homes from love of Liberty, it was not strange that these men cast 
the full weight of their intellectual and moral influence against 
Slavery It was not only the personal activity of men like Fred 
Muench. Gustav Koerner, Weber, Wesselhoeft, the Engelmanns, 
Kehr, Bunsen, Goebel, and many others too numerous to name, 
which exerted a powerful influence in local and national politics, at 
and around St. Louis but their liberal tendency and connections gave 
like elements in Europe a direction towards this locality, when the 
similar, but far more serious later popular upheaval of 1848 and its 
failure, scattered its champions all over the world. 

The men who settled in Missouri during the decade after 1830 
had soon reason to ponder over the evil influence engendered by 
Slavery and race prejudice, when in 1836, F L. Mcintosh, a colored 
steamboat hand, was burned at the stake on the corner of Seventh 
and Chestnut streets, notwithstanding the exertions of Joseph 
Charless, the first publisher of a newspaper in St. Louis, to prevent 
this brutal act. In 1837, the year Lovejoy was murdered in Alton, 
the St. Louis Re-public first appeared as a daily paper; the Bank of 
Missouri was incorporated with a capital of Five Million Dollars and 
the Planters' Hotel was started. In 1846 the Mercantile Library 
was originated and the year later the Boatmen's Savings Institution. 
In 1846 Congress called for 50,000 Volunteers for the Mexican War. 
A Legion was formed in St. Louis, which took a prominent part in 
the war with Mexico, and in which many foreign born citizens had 
enlisted, as their affiliation with the Democratic party which favored 
immigration, led them to support a Democratic measure. This is 
strange enough, as the emigrants from the Continent Of Europe were 

92 The Union Cause in St, Louis in 1861 

nearly all hostile to Slavery, while the Mexican war was waged chiefly 
in the interest of that institution. The year 1849 was one of great 
calamities to St. Louis ; a great fire destroyed nearly all the wholesale 
business portion of the city and the cholera reduced the population 
by many thousands before it was finally controlled, and an unex- 
plained bank theft of $120,000 shook the confidence of the financial 
circles. Matters improved again when July 4, 1851, ground was first 
broken on the Pacific railroad. In 1852 the great Hungarian patriot, 
Louis Kossuth, animated a St, Louis audience with his eloquent 
pleading for liberty, for his country's and humanity's cause; it was 
the epilogue of a popular movement which shook Europe, and the 
prologue of a popular storm in America, such as the world had never 
witnessed before, and may never witness again. "While the ele- 
mentary forces of this contest were segregating in the Union, more 
or less for three-quarters of a century, the European Revolution of 
1848 had a most direct and powerful bearing upon the determined 
and successful evolution of the Union cause in St. Louis and, there- 
fore, deserves more than a casual notice by all those who seek in 
History the unbroken chain of cause and effect, for useful applica- 
tion in the solution of future events. 


The dissatisfied European Emigrants of 1830 left a large number 
of dissatisfied persons behind, who did not have the heart to part 
from their native country, some of them had faith in the promises 
of the rulers ; others in their own capacity of redressing matters, and 
some did not even have the means to move to localities of better rela- 
tions But the desire for liberty and equal rights, always latent in 
the human breast, had been roused by the events of the past, and 
when the aggression of the privileged few encroached upon the slen- 
der popular acquisitions, it met a passive resistance from the masses, 
which was only the calm before the storm. After the year 1830, the 
co-relation of nations in Europe became even more patent than that 
of forces. The new election law of France brought the possessive and 
middle classes to power. The census was 500 Franks for offices and 
200 Franks for electors, and there was a tendency to represent wealth 
rather than men. Thus the National Guard of Paris, numbering 
60,000 men, was regulated to wear expensive uniforms, entirely be- 
yond the means of small people, and while prosperity was flourishing 
in trade and industry, it was that of the classes and not of the masses. 

The People of St. Louis. 93 

Liberal persons like Lafayette were soon shelved and more and more 
conservative measures adopted. Speculation was rampant, legislators 
indulging in it on the basis of anticipated measures, for which they 
were vigorously attacked by a press, which the Government tried to 
silence by heavy bonds. Meetings of clubs discussing the rights of 
men were closed , the bearing of arms prohibited. 

Xo wonder that the fortifying of Paris in 1840 was suspected as 
a design for the coercion of its inhabitants. The opposition in Par- 
liament ventilated all evils with the full vivacity of the French 
temperament, and demanded universal suffrage, government work- 
shops, exclusion of public officers from politics and a moral reform 
to abate the ruling corruption. The progressive and often revolu- 
tionary commotions in other parts of Europe only added fuel to the 
smoldering fire. 

Yielding to popular pressure, liberal constitutions were granted 
during ISol in Saxonv and the electorate of Hesse, likewise in 1833 
in Brunswick and Hanover, better press regulations were adopted 
in Bavaria and by the Legislature of Baden, where a German National 
representation was even mooted. The student associations at the 
Universities were a powerful lever to raise the sentiment for a United 
Germany, and in adopting the Black, Red and Gold colors, aided in 
verifying Lafayette's prediction that the "Tricolor" would make the 
round of the world. The enthusiasm of the youths was not yet shared 
by large portions of the people and some premature revolutionary 
movements for Union and Liberty were suppressed almost as quickly 
as started. 

Prussia advanced steadily in its industrial development; the im- 
proved means of communication bettered home relations ; with only 
12,000,000 inhabitants but 15 times as many newspapers as Austria, 
it bid fair to outstrip that three times larger empire, whose excess of 
conservatism produced a general stagnation at home. 

The assimilation of all German interests with those of Prussia were 
greatly aided by a Tariff Union with other German States, by which 
25,000,000 people were united by a common trade regulation and 
policy This, no doubt, was advanced through the more rapid com- 
munication by railroads, steamboats, mails and telegraphs; while 
eminent men of thought sought to establish fundamental principles, 
upon which all governmental and generally humane relations should 
be based. It was evident that the spirit of critical research thos 
created could not be satisfied with half measures. The ultra conserve 

94 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

tive policy represented in England by the "Iron Duke," Wellington, 
had also to yield to the spirit of the age, which carried the Parlia- 
ment Reform and a more just representation by the threat of the abo- 
lition of the House of Lords. The so-called "Chartist" movement 
presented a petition with one and a quarter million signatures, de- 
manding universal suffrage, inclusive women; secret ballot, pay of 
members of Parliament ; equal election districts ; no census for elective 
representatives and yearly elections, showing that their aspirations 
were in sympathy and in some, features, even beyond American in- 
stitutions. The emancipation of 800,000 slaves in the West Indies 
set an example whose imitation would have saved the Union several 
milliards of treasure, half a million of lives and untold grief and 
suffering. The emancipation of slaves in the West Indies cost Eng- 
land one hundred million of dollars; it liberated field hands in 
seven years, other slaves in five years , it also freed all newborn chil- 
dren and those under six years of age. This act of emancipation 
passed in 1833, in which year Wilberforce., its chief promoter in 
Parliament, died. In 1839 Richard Cobden brought the Free Trade 
question to the front, while the reduction and final abolition of the 
grain taxes secured a much needed relief to the poorer people; the 
deficit in the Budget, which was thereby created, was made up by an 
income tax exempting $750 incomes, and placing the burden of taxa- 
tion where it could be best borne. Other States were not free from 
the commotions which followed the year of 1830. In Belgium the 
movement took a national character, through its separation from the 
Netherlands and the election of a Constitutional King in the person 
of Leopold of Coburg, the neutrality of the country being guaran- 
teed by the Great Powers, who after the sea battle of Navarin, October 

20, 1827, broke the Osman power and established Otto of Bavaria 
on the Greek throne. This ended in Hellas the turbulent wrangles 
of native oligarchs, but it could not end the continued jealousies with 
Turkey, which latter country was sorely pressed by Mehmed Ali, 
Viceroy of Egypt, until it found protection through the Great Pow- 
ers, chiefly Russia. Even Turkey yielded to the general drift of 
political affairs and made some reforms by the Statute of November 

21, 1839; but it took good care at the same time to have its army 
reorganized by the greatest military capacity of Europe, General 
Hellmuth von Moltke. While Austria lost steadily ground in the 
German Confederation, to which its Teutonic Provinces belonged 
there was great organic progress in Hungary through the emancipa- 

The People of St. Louis. 95 

tion of serfs, the nationalization of its Parliament and administrative 
reforms, under the leadership of a number of able representatives 
and chiefly through the undaunted patriotism and genial eloquence 
of Louis Kossuth. In Spain also liberal concessions were made to 
propitiate the people, for the Government of Christina, the daughter 
of the King, against the legitimate claims of Don Carlos, the brothel 
of the King, who justly claimed that under the Salic law, only 
males could succeed to the throne of Spain. In the course of repeated 
wars between "Carlists" and "Christinos," the Church property was 
confiscated and liberal Constitutions granted. Similar, though with 
slightly differing causes, were the events in Portugal. The rise of 
Poland against the land grabbing powers of Russia, Austria and 
Prussia, and its heroic struggle, may be also attributed to the general 
liberal trend of affairs. The Poles had one element of weakness, 
which entailed their defeat ; they did not liberate their serfs in time, 
and these had no incentive to sympathize with a national movement, 
but even helped the aggressive powers to break it down. 

In the manner of emancipating slaves in the West Indies, England 
gave the Union one example worthy of imitation; Switzerland gave 
her another, by the manner in which it suppressed a Secession up- 
rising. In Switzerland, which was a rather loose Confederation of 
nearly 2,000,000 people, the Cantons, a subdivision similar to the 
States of the Union, exercised considerable independent rights, while 
rifle and other societies kept up generally a sound spirit of democracy 
all over the land. The great number of political refugees, which her 
laws freely admitted, always exposed Switzerland to considerable 
political friction. This as well as the liberal progress of other coun- 
tries and the growing necessity of a more concentrated power for 
defense, led to more liberal constitutional amendments, which 
strengthened the common federal administration. The admission of 
the Jesuits gave rise to serious contentions in several Cantons, seven 
of which, namely: Luzerne, Schwyz, Uri, Unterwalden, Zug, Wall is 
and Neuf chattel, formed a separate Union. This the Congress at 
Berne declared dissolved July 20, 1847, and demanded the removal 
of the Jesuits. The seceded Cantons declined to accede to this request 
and took up arms, whereupon the Central Government ordered Gen- 
eral Dufour on November 4 to exact obedience, placing 30,000 men 
at his command and called out its Reserve forces. The General lost 
no time and moved upon the Secessionists before they could con- 
centrate their forces. Neuf chattel had to capitulate on November 14 ; 
Zug, November 21; on November 23, Dufour outmaneuvered the 

96 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

opponents at their intrenched camp and brought Luzerne to sub- 
mission; on November 25, Schwyz and Unterwaldea surrendered; 
Uri followed suit on the 26th and Wallis November 29 ; this whole 
civil war lasted three weeks. This result made room for the closer 
Union of the whole Confederation, as the recent events had most 
forcibly demonstrated the necessity thereof. In comparing the 
results of this Secession war, with the later one in the United States, 
it should be borne in mind that in both, numerical and industrial 
preponderance and established military organization favored the 
general Government ; the soldierly qualities of the opponents were in 
both equal, but in the United States the armies had to overcome im- 
mense distances with a sparse population, while small Switzerland, 
studded with cities, had ready depots of provisions , the North Ameri- 
can Union, however, is an open country while Switzerland is a natu- 
ral fortress all over. Considering all in all, it must be acknowledged 
that General Dufour used his time and chances to very good ad- 

The impulsive character of a Southern people brought the popu- 
lar fermentation of this period, more to the surface in Italy, than 
anywhere else. Revolts in the poorly governed Pontificate^ Modena, 
Bologna, Parma and the Romagna, were aimed against the temporal 
power and authority of the Pope, which had to be re-established by 
Austrian bayonets. The tyranny wielded by foreigners and a great 
manj- secret societies readily united the people, and the most able 
agitator, Guiseppe Mazzini, prepared Italy for the coming events. 
Carlo Alberto, King of Piedmont, was called to play the part in Italy, 
which later on was offered to the King of Prussia, in Germany. 
Carlo Alberto organized his Kingdom on sound lines of political 
economy improved the administration and perfected the armv Tariff 
Unions likewise prepared the ground. 

In 1846 Pope Gregor XVI., who had condemned railroads as the 
work of the devil, was succeeded by the liberal Pope, Pius IX., whom 
Italian enthusiasm pronounced the leader of Italy on its road towards 
Republican freedom, and the shouts "Eviva Italia libra" were alter- 
nated with "Eviva Pio Nono." This was no small gain with a 
people of whom a large portion was fanatically religious. Hostilities 
between the people and the Austrians governing the Provinces of 
Venice and Lombardy were of daily occurrence Petitions for reforms 
were declined by the Austrians and offensive police regulations 


Leader of Republicans in Germany 

The People of St. Louis. 97 

Considering that at this time about five millions of Germans lived 
in the United States, it becomes quite evident that their representa- 
tions of American institutions and relations exercised at home a 
powerful influence by spreading progressive political ideas. In 1845 
an uprising took place in Leipzig, Saxony, which commenced with 
religious grievances, but also affected political questions, and was 
partially successful. Another issue sprung up in 1846, about the 
nationality of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, the former 
being claimed absolutely and the latter conditionally by the Danes, 
while German public opinion and the great majority of the people 
in the Duchies firmly held to their union and representation in the 
German Confederation. The famous song, "Schleswig-Holstein 
Meerumschlungen" sounded from the Belt to the Alps and roused 
the German national spirit to fever heat and proved already then, 
that the Germans although divided into great many smaller States, 
were still one nation. 

Events commenced to point now towards a near and forcible re- 
arrangement of governmental powers and institutions. Even in pro- 
gressive States like Prussia and Piedmont, the material development 
had outstripped legal provisions, and the wants and desires of the 
people were in advance of the measures designed to satisfy them, 
though urged repeatedly, the King of Prussia conceded to the col- 
lective provincial representatives only an advisory voice and not 
legislative powers, Russia was governed by the absolute will of Em- 
peror Nicolas and Austria by that of the Prime Minister, Metternich. 
In France the exertions for redress of evils were rejected by the arro- 
gant claims of a self 'sufficient power ; in Bavaria, public opinion was 
outraged by the insolence of the adventuress, , Lola Montez, whom 
the favor of the King had dubbed Countess of Landsfeld. 

Inconsiderate repression of popular tendencies and sentiments had 
gathered in many States explosive material, auguring that sudden 
and forced change of relations, which is usually termed a revolution. 
The verdict of the Confederate Diet, claiming only Holstein, dissatis- 
fied all Germany; Prussian liberal statesmen insisted on the consti- 
tutionality of their demands the martial law inflicted on the Vene- 
tians and Milanese was met with undisguised hatred ; the baffled oppo- 
sition in France only watched the moment to upset by force what 
it failed to change by argument. 

On January 12, 1848, the people of the City of Palermo in Sicily 
rose in arms against the Government and demanded a more liberal 

98 The Union Cause- in St. Louis in 1861 

Constitution , other cities in Sicily followed this example, which 
brought the Neapolitans to their feet, and by the 10th of February, 
the Government granted a new Constitution for both parts of the 
Kingdom. February 11 the same was heralded by the Grand Duchy 
of Toscana, while in Piedmont Carlo Alberto proclaimed at the 
instance of Count Cavour a ''fundamental statute" (Constitution) as 
the basis of progressive laws 

In France the message from the throne was met by ominous silence 
from the. opposition, which resolved to have a monster public dem- 
onstration at a Reform banquet, to be held February 22. This was 
officially postponed, but the people of Paris gathered in large, masses, 
cheering for Reform and against the Cabinet; by the 23d the dis- 
contented masses had largely increased, armed men appeared among 
them, and the Government called out the Militia, which, however, 
assembled only partially, showing little disposition to support the 
Government, and in many places took active part in the demonstra- 
tions against the same. King Louis Phillippe now got alarmed 
and accepted the resignation of the Guizot Cabinet, the news of which 
created some satisfaction among the surging crowds, when a chance 
shot went off before the palace of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs on 
the Boulevard of Capuchins. A guard stationed at that place thought 
itself attacked, fired upon the people and killed and wounded a 
large number. Placing the dead and wounded men, women and 
children, on carts, the people marched through the streets shrieking 
for vengeance, while the chimes of the churches called the citizens to 
arms. Barricades rose in all directions; contradictory orders neu- 
tralized the arm of the military, and when the Tuilleries were threat- 
ened by surging crowds, Louis Phillippe abdicated the throne in favor 
of his grandson and sought his own safety in flight. A large number 
of armed citizens pressed into the Chamber of Deputies, where the 
Republic was proclaimed and a provisional Government organized. 

The news of successful revolutions from the South and the West 
spread like wildfire over Germany and the excitement, though slower 
in growth, was for the same reasons all the more lasting. 

On February 27, 1848, a large assembly of people at Manheim 
demanded representation of the people in the German Confederate 
Council; liberty of the press; trial by jury; arming of the people, 
in fact,, all rational and liberal guarantees for human rights. Similar 
demands were made in many large cities of Germany On March 1 
the President of the Confederate Council issued an address, vindi- 

The People of St. Louis. 99. 

eating Germany's position among the nations ; on the 9th the same 
Council adopted for the Confederation the "Black-Red-Gold" colors; 
on the 10th they called upon the various German- Governments to 
send representative trustees, who should form a Council for the revi- 
sion of the fundamental law of the Confederation. This work was 
partly anticipated by a Committee of seven representative men, who 
were elected on March 25 by a meeting of liberal citizens at Heidel- 
berg. This Committee proposed : One head for the German Confed- 
eration ; a responsible Cabinet ; Upper and Lower Chamber of Depu- 
ties, a common army, diplomatic representation, tariff trade policy, 
civil and criminal law and a guarantee of all popular rights. The 
masses of the middle and smaller States favored the above demands 
and also soon secured power to effect them. In Bavaria the King 
yielded on March 6, resigned on the 20th, and the new King swore 
to support the Constitution. The Governments of Wurtemberg and 
Saxony yielded likewise with good grace; those of Hanover and 
Hesse, to an uprising of the people and the threat of an imminent 
attack. However, in those small States there was always' a disposi- 
tion towards liberality, as governors and governed were more in 
touch with each other and conditions partook to some extent of the 
nature of patriarchial relations. It was different in the two large 
German States of Austria and Prussia. 

In Austria the great diversity of nationalities gave to the Govern- 
ment a convenient weapon to suppress one nationality by the preju- 
dices of the other. The aristocratic privileged element, aided the 
Government to keep the masses in a dependent state. There was no 
progressive betterment of public affairs to be expected, without a 
successful revolution. Hungary having a constitution and own Leg- 
islature, was in better condition for organic progress. The King of 
Hungary, who is also Emperor of Austria, had sanctioned many 
liberal laws passed by the Hungarian Parliament, but still more 
liberal laws awaited the King's sanction, when the revolution broke 
out in Vienna. 

By a concerted notice, the members of student societies assembled 
on March 13 in the Aula of the University, in the inner city of 
Vienna. Members of other societies, especially the literary society, 
were present in large numbers and a surging mass of humanity 
crowded the principal streets. At the state house a petition for popu- 
lar rights was presented, backed by thousands of men in the yards 
and on the avenues. This petition received a favorable answer from 

100 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

the Government. Yet some detachment of the military fired on 
the people at the State house and. at the Government Arsenal and 
a few persons were killed. This was the signal for every one to seek 
such arms as he could find. The students assembled at the Aula, put 
that place in defensible condition and sent deputation after deputa- 
tion to the Mayor for arms from the citizens' armory. The order for 
this was received in the evening and by next morning so many arms 
were in the hands of the people that the movement was considered 
beyond the control of the Government. By March 15, the armed 
and partly organized citizen soldiery, greatly outnumbered the regu- 
lar military organization. Emperor Ferdinand had opposed the use 
of force from the start and yielded to all demands of the people. A 
large Hungarian delegation came up to Vienna the same day and 
presented all laws passed by its Parliament, which, under the pres- 
sure of circumstances, received the immediate sanction of the King. 
In Berlin and other Prussian cities, the same excitement was 
caused by the news of successful revolutionary movements in other 
parts of Germany and Europe. On March 14, the King of Prussia 
proclaimed the date of April 27 for the assembly of the United Diet 
and for the exercise of its consultative voice. As threatening dissat- 
isfied masses continued to gather, the date of meeting was reconsid- 
ered and the Diet was convened already for April 2 with an announce- 
ment that it will deal with all the demands of the new era and man} 
timely measures, looking towards the union of all German States. 
This paper was issued March 18, and it is asserted that the population 
conceived the idea to march to the castle of the King in order tc 
thank him for this grant, while many remained behind, to gather 
materials for barricades, in case the "thanksgiving move" should lead 
to trouble, which seems to have been anticipated. When the proces- 
sion arrived at the castle, some shots fell from the military stationed 
there and a charge was made upon the people, who fled shouting, "We 
are betrayed!" Numerous barricades were now built and defended 
by the citizens and stormed by the soldiers. In these contests about 
two hundred of the people were killed. After several urgent repre- 
sentations by leading citizens, King Frederick William IV yielded 
to the popular demand and ordered the military force out of the city. 
Whether he did this in correct deference to circumstances or from 
kindness of heart is an open question. The King with his court and 
staff, decorated with the Union colors of Black, Red and Gold, rode 
among cheers through the streets of Berlin, but was soon afterwards 

The People of St. Louis 101 

greatly humiliated by being obliged to stand bareheaded on the 
balcony of the castle, while the coffins of the 1ST killed citizens were 
carried past him in awful procession. 

In the meantime the movement for the Union of all Germany, and 
for a more popular Government, continued in various forms. Pur- 
suant a previous agreement, a convention of representative prominent 
men assembled at Frankfort on March 31. This convention named 
the Foreparliament, consulted and passed resolutions upon many 
political questions. A motion to declare itself permanent, which 
would have been the logical sequel to its origin, failed by a large 
majority This vote caused all those members to leave the conven- 
tion who distrusted the monarchical governments, and who expected 
a German Union with equal rights for all, only from the establish- 
ment of a German Republic. To effect this, the seceded delegates 
issued a proclamation and called the German people to arms. Al- 
though these delegates were correct in their anticipations of royal 
faithlessness, their rising in arms was not organized with sufficient 
care. Frederick Hecker, an able representative of the people, was 
the chosen leader of the insurrection, which commenced at Constance, 
April 17 1848. A detachment under Hecker's resolute lead, met a 
federal force at Kandern on April 19 and after failing to induce the 
military to espouse the cause of the people, was defeated and had to 
retreat, on the 2:!d the insurgents lost the intrenchments of Frei- 
burg; on the 27th < ieorge Herwegh's Corps was dispersed and already 
on the "29th Hecker and Struwe sent a proclamation from Straszburg, 
which at that time was French Territory, that the Republican move- 
ment had failed, but would be taken up later with a better organized 

The German National Assembly convened at Frankfort May 18; 
much enthusiasm was manifested and great hopes were expressed. It 
was a brilliant assembly of learned men, but achieved nothing be- 
yond advancing the idea of a German Union and clearing up the 
notions of popular rights ; for after the plan for a permanent organi- 
zation of the German Confederation was agreed upon and sanctioned 
by some of the rulers and sworn to by the troops of the smaller Ger- 
man States. Prussia avoided every direct self obligation by an excuse, 
while Austria took no heed of the proposition whatever. Now several 
Republican uprisings took place in different parts, but were sup- 
pressed, generally with the aid of Prussian arms. 

On October S, 1848, the German National Assembly commenced 
the debates on the proposed Constitution for all Germany, and ended 

102 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801 

it on March 28, 1840, by the election of Friederich William IV., 
King of Prussia, as German Emperor. Unfortunately, he declined 
to accept this honor, tendered at the hands of a representative — but, 
in his opinion, a revolutionary body Various Governments now 
recalled their representatives from the Federal Diet, and, after a 
brief exertion of the radical minority, mostly the representatives from 
smaller States, the National Assembly dissolved, without any imme- 
diate practical result. The dissatisfaction, however, with the failure 
of this Union movement, and the despair of gaining more rational 
and equitable political relations through the Governments, gave 
new life to the Republican and radical movement all over Germany, 
with the exception of Prussia and Austria proper, where all the liberal 
concessions had been revoked, and its defenders beaten down by the 
military force. In the Palatinate, Rheinish Prussia and Bavaria, in 
Hesse, Wurtemberg and Baden, the people not only insisted upon 
the ratification of the Confederate Constitution, but in many places 
armed in open hostility to their Governments, being joined by con- 
siderable portions of the regular armies, which sympathized with the 
revolution. A quickly mustered Prussian force, in a short campaign 
from June 13 to June 18, 1849, reconquered the Palatinate from the 
revolutionary host. The latter retreated to Baden and on June 21 
fought a battle at AVaghaeusel, under the lead of the Pole, Mieros- 
lavskv Francis Sigel being second in command. Numerous other 
engagements took place, but the advantage of the excellently organ- 
ized armed and officered Prussian troops was more than a match for 
the devotion of the revolutionary forces. By July 10, 1849, the last 
of their troops and leaders crossed the Swiss boundary, while the fort- 
ress Rastadt capitulated on July 23. From this fortress, Carl Schurz, 
with Captain A. Neustadter, made their escape through the sewers; 
Blenker, Sigel, Mieroslavsky, Gregg, had fled to Switzerland; Fred- 
erick Hecker had returned from America to devote his services to 
German Union and Liberty, but arrived too late for action. 

The German uprising of 1848 and 1849 was for human rights 
and national Union. The patent weakness of small States, the facil- 
ity of intellectual and material communication, and sectional ambi- 
tion, told the knell of doom to the small German principalities. The 
Union sentiment in Germany was at first favored by the Govern- 
ments as an element of strength against possible French aggression, 
but it was disowned by them, when found to be inseparably linked 
with the demand for popular rights. 

The People of St. Louis. 103 

In Italy, the Union and national spirit found its greatest incentive 
in the hatred towards Austria, the foreign oppressor. The King of 
Piedmont was the leader, whom Garibaldi supported with his Free 
Corps and Mazzini with his Republican adherents. Both in Italy 
and Hungary, the revolution led to regular campaigns, with many 
well contested battles and sieges. In Hungary the great diversity 
of nationalities added fuel to the contest. Under Louis Kossuth's 
lead, an energetic war for independence was fought over one year 
until the nation was overpowered by the joint armies of Russia and 
Austria mustering 275,000 men with 600 cannon. An ill-timed up- 
rising in Paris brought the Conservatives to the control of the Na- 
tional Assembly, where they most unfortunately greatly curtailed the 
elective franchise. This gave the President, Louis Bonaparte, a 
chance to supersede the Constitution on December 2, 1851; proclaim 
himself First Consul for ten years and later, as Emperor, reinstate 
Universal Suffrage and thereby secure an overwhelming majority as 
an endorsement by the people. Louis Napoleon at the same time 
proclaimed a new Constitution, which, apparently liberal in the exten- 
sion of the suffrage, greatly rescinded the rights of the people and 
placed the power in his own hands. The "Reaction" was now com- 
plete all over Europe and took bloody revenge on those who ques- 
tioned the rights of Governments not based on the consent of the 

The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Europe, a great moral and mental 
upheaval, was keenly felt on the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, as well 
as on the banks of the Mississippi River. In the American Union, 
this feeling was enlivened by the sympathies of a free people, which 
received with open arms many fugitive emigrants, the bearers of 
deep convictions on human rights and universal liberty; many of 
these men had a military education and a valuable experience in 
the organization of armies and in actual warfare, for which they 
should soon have a practical application. For while every man rep- 
resents only one number, his capacity fixes his position before the 
decimal point. 

Great many of the 1848 and 1849 political refugees came to St. 
Louis and vicinity They were attracted to this point by the writings 
and example of the emigration of 1530. Among these men of 1848 
were Theodore Olshausen, member of the provisional Government 
of Schleswig-Holstein, Friederich Hecker, leader of the first Repub- 
lican uprising in Germany ; Carl Daenzer, member of the Frankfurt 

1Q4 The Union Cnusr in St. J.oiiix in i.s'o'i 

Parliament; General Francis Sigel, Commander in Baden; Emil 
i'ntorius. Henry Moernslein, Journalists Theodore Kombauer, direc- 
tor of the arms factory in llungarv; P J. Osterhans. Eno Sanders. 
Dr. Hugo Starkloff. A. Albert. J. T Fiala. and many others, who 
had taken part in the revolutionary wars of Europe. At the time 
when most of these immigrants arrived, there was little agitation 
on the Slavery question, and as the Democratic party was more lib- 
eral on immigration laws, had less religions prejudice, claimed to 
sympathize with Jefferson's radicalism and aversion to aristocracy 
it is quite natural that this immigration gravitated towards that- 
party The action of Captain Ingraham, who cleared the deck to 
liberate Martin Kos/.ta from an Austrian war vessel in the port of 
Smyrna; Secretary Marcy's manly stand in this affair; the twenty- 
one years proposed for the period of naturalization by Whigs and 
Know-Nothings, strengthened the adherence to the Democratic 
party It happened in 1853 that some zealots of the Know-Nothing 
party under the lead of one nicknamed "Ned Bnntlein," raided the 
first ward of St. Louis , burned down one house near Park avenue and 
Seventh street, but were beaten back by the German residents. Such 
incidents served to unify the foreign element, but when later the 
Slavery question came to the foreground, the immigrants dropped 
everv other consideration and rose in arms for the Union. 


Private 3d U. S. Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. 



The canvas and election of 1856 created in the Proslavery men 
of Missouri also the gravest apprehensions and a bitterness of feeling 
which led to disturbances at political meetings. The mantle of Ben- 
ton s leadership fell upon the shoulders of Frank P Blair, who, 
although slaveholder, became an able, bold and eloquent leader of 
the Republican cause. Pie was born in Washington, D. O, in 1821, 
graduated at Princeton College in 1841 and commenced the practice 
of law in St. Louis. Blair went through the Mexican war as a Private, 
and returning in 1848 to St. Louis, supported the Free Soil move- 
ment, was elected to the Legislature of Missouri in 1852 and re-elected 
in 1854. He was sent to Congress in 1856. defeated for the same 
place in 1S58 by Richard Barrett, but seated for the same term by 
a successful contest. In 1860 he was defeated for the short term 
and elected for the long term. Blair's strong convictions, fearless 
utterance and oratorical power brought him to the front among a 
number of able men in his partv and his family connections in 
Washington and the East gave him a far reaching influence in shap- 
ing the Union movement in St. Louis, although the very great ma- 
jority of Republicans in St. Louis were naturalized citizens, chiefly 
Germans, who lifted him on their shoulders in the commencement of 
his political career. 

A convention was called to meet May 10, 1860, in the small hall 
of the Mercantile Library for the purpose of selecting delegates to the 
Republican National Convention, which was to meet at Chicago. The 
call was signed by B. Gratz Brown, Henry Boernstein, O. D. Filley, 
Carl Daenzer, James 0. Broadhead, Wm. D'Oench, Henry T Blow, 
Sam T Glover. John II. Fisse, Ben Farrar, and other representative 
men. B. Gratz Brown was elected president of that Convention in 
recognition of his services, as an eminent political writer, whose 
genius greatly aided the successful Union movement in 1861. The 
convention instructed its delegates to vote at Chicago for Edward 
Bates, born in Virginia in 1793, a lawyer of high-standing, who had 
held many prominent positions in Missouri. Judge Bates was a 


106 The Union Cause in St. Lonis in 1861. 

Whig in politics and though a slaveholder believed in free soil. A 
member of the Missouri State Convention of 1820, he, like Benton, 
failed to keep Slavery out of the State at the time, but was strongly- 
opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to which he was 
indirectly a party The proposition of the name of Edward Bates 
seems to indicate an inclination for a compromise policy, notwith- 
standing that the earnestness of the situation, and the certainty of 
the irrepressible conflict, called for a resolute, energetic, radical leader, 
whose deep convictions were not biased by the rules of an out of date 
conventional law, the obligations of which were scouted by a large 
number of States, fast rising in arms. 

The Democratic National Convention assembled at Charleston, 
S. C, April 23, I860,- and adopted a squatter sovereignty platform, 
referring every question upon which an issue may be raised, to the 
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States upon which 
nearly all Slave State delegations withdrew, holding. that Congress 
-must protect Slavery in -the Territories, and that the citizens thereof 
may prohibit or recognize Slavery, only at the time of entering State- 
hood. On this apparently not very material difference, ostensibly, 
the two factions of the Democracy separated. The real cause was 
that the Ultra Proslavery delegates did not want Douglas, whom they 
distrusted, nor did they care for squatter sovereignty, after they found 
out in Kansas, that the North could colonize faster than the South. " 

The Regular or Squatter Sovereignty Democracy reassembled 
subsequently at Baltimore and nominated Stephen A. Douglas, after 
a number of additional withdrawals of delegates, among which Ben 
F. Butler, with the Massachusetts delegation gave for a reason that a 
withdrawal in part of a majority of States had taken place,- and per- 
sonally to himself he said: "I will not sit in a convention, where the 
African slave trade, which is piracy by the laws of my country, is 
approvingly advocated." The delegates who had seceded at Charles- 
ton convened at Baltimore and nominated John C. Breckinridge, with 
an Ultra Southern platform. 

The Republican National Convention met at Chicago, adopted a 
Free Soil platform, claiming for Congress not only the right, but 
also charging it with the duty of prohibiting Slavery in all- Territo- 
ries but it also said with regard to- its status in the States : 

"That the. maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, 
and especially the right of each State, to order -and control its own 
domestic institutions, according to its own judgment, exclusively, is 

Union Politics. 


essential to that balance of power, on which the perfection and en- 
durance of our political fabric depends, and we denounce the lawless 
invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no mat- 
ter under what party, as among the gravest of crimes." 

The first part of this resolution secures to the States exclusive juris- 
diction respecting Slavery, the second part which is not quite germane 
to the first, condemns lawless incursions into States and Territories 
and fits John Brown's raid into Virginia, and the raids of Missouri 
border people into Kansas. All three platforms dealt with many 
questions which have no direct bearing on the issue. • 

A fourth national ticket was started at Baltimore on May 19, 1860, 
under the name of "Constitutional Union," nominating John Bell 
of Tennessee. Its platform was purely negative, opposed to the crea- 
tion of sectional parties and recognizing no political principle except 
the Constitution of the country, the Union of States, and the enforce- 
ment of the laws, terms to which all parties could subscribe before 
actual Secession. Although there were four parties in the field, prac- 
tically they had only two issues : Free Soil or Slave Soil. The Con- 
stitutional Union men, who had no program of their own, and the 
Squatter Sovereignty votaries, who of late represented only a dis- 
tinction without a difference, were after the election, lost in the con- 
test of the two great parties. 

The Presidential election of the most weighty consequences took 
place November 6, 1860. Of the 4,645,390 votes cast, over 72 per 
cent came from the Free States and less than 28 per cent came from 
the Slave States, outside of South Carolina, which chooses by the 
Legislature. The electoral vote again widely differed from the 
popular vote, which frequent result is caused by the manner of ap- 
portionment. By grouping all the Free States and all the Slave 
States together, the very sectional character of the political parties 
is manifest. According to a table compiled in the "American Con- 
flict," by Horace Greeley, the following was the vote : 






Lincoln . 



























108 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

Nine Slave States had no Lincoln ticket at all, and of the 26,430 
votes cast for Lincoln in Slave States, Missouri alone cast over 17,028, 
and the balance of 9,402 was divided between Delaware, Maryland, 
Virginia and Kentucky Of the popular vote in the Free States, 
Lincoln received 54 per cent, Douglas 34 per cent, Breckinridge 8 per 
cent, and Bell 4 per cent. These figures speak volumes in condem- 
nation of a policy, which in the past had tolerated the growth of 
Slavery It was rather inconvenient for Ultra State Rights poli- 
ticians that Lincoln carried a clear majority of the total number of 

The vote in Missouri stood 

Douglas, Squatter Sovereign, Democrat. .58,361= 36% 

Bell, Compromise. . . . . ..... 57,762= 35% 

Breckinridge, Secessionist. , .30,297= 19% 

Lincoln, Tree Soil Republican 17,017= 10% 

Total 163,437=100% 

In St. Louis, Blair was elected to Congress by a plurality of 1,486 
votes, but was short of a majority by 3,056 votes, in a total of 25,962 
cast for all candidates. 

The vote for Governor of Missouri was : 

Gardenhire, Republican 6,124 

C. T. Jackson, Douglas Democrat. 73,372 

H. Jackson, Secessionist. 11,091 

Orr, Compromise. 65,991 

Total 156,578 

This shows a strong Conservative and Compromise vote, for at that 
time C. T. Jackson posed as a Conservative Democrat, who even after 
the election, in a speech at Boonville, claimed to be opposed to Seces- 
sion. The small Republican vote in the State was chiefly owing to 
intimidation, which was not always successful. It happened on 
election day a party of St. Louis hunters visited F Kennett's castle 
at Selma, and after a successful hunt, started out for the next polling 
place, B. G. Farrar, who afterwards became a General in the Union 
service, was the only Republican in the party, and arrived at the 
polling place at a store in the woods, was warned by a countryman 
not to dare to cast a Black Republican vote, Farrar answered he 

Union Politics. 109 

will vote as he pleases and by way of caution and in full view of the 
countryman loaded his double-barrelled gun with a full complement 
of buckshot, cast his vote for Lincoln and was not molested, owing 
his immunity partly to his shotgun argument and partly to the pres- 
ence of his educated friends, who would not have tolerated any r 
fair action. But even in St. Louis the animosity between the parties 
was steadily growing. At a ratification meeting for Lincoln and 
Hamlin, held on Lucas Market (Twelfth and Olive), the speakers 
were frequently interrupted with taunts and missiles and the meeting 
was broken up. To guard against such impositions a Republican 
campaign organization was formed under the name of "Wide 
Awakes." in which James Peckham, later on author of the valuable 
work. "(Jen. X. Lyon and Missouri in 1801." was the leading spirit. 
Although the "Wide Awakes" were not an armed organization, their 
prompt services, orderly marches and united action were a practical 
example for the powerful military organizations which sprung into 
life in the spring of ISnT. the germs of which, however, lay much 
deeper than the Republican "Wide Awakes" or Democrat "Broom 
Rangers." The time for these campaign exertions could be well 
spared, even by steady men, for business was slack, merchants and 
manufacturers had to contend with financial difficulties, heavy losses 
were imminent on all sides , scarcity of money, heavy discounts and 
poor prospects ahead; but all this did not hinder the good citizens 
of St. Louis to attend to their political duties. 

The result of the election was the end of a most animated cam- 
paign, in which the ablest statesmen and speakers of the North and 
the South addressed large enthusiastic meetings, as the Free Soil 
orators spoke almost exclusively to Northern audiences and the Ultra 
Pro-Slavery Democrats to Southern gatherings, this was no more a 
campaign for an intellectual victory by shaping opinion, but it was 
one of animating the followers of two different and antagonistic 
camps, and of firing the Northern and the Southern heart. That 
which had been mooted in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, 
and had been often threatened by speakers in and out of Congress, 
and had been boldly proclaimed and brought to the verge of execu- 
tion by the nullifying proceedings in South Carolina, should now 
become an accomplished fact of the gravest consequences. Already 
in October, 1856, the Governors of Southern States met at Raleigh, 
N. C, and consulted on common measures to be taken by their 
people in case of Fremont's election, and Governor Wise of Virginia 

UQ The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

volunteered in that event to march to Washington with 20,000 
men, take possession of the Capitol and prevent Fremont's inaugura- 
tion. Unfortunatelv, Fremont was not elected and the Anti-Free 
Soil Seceders, not hindered by the irresolute and incapable adminis- 
tration of Buchanan, gained four more years to stock Southern 
Arsenals with arms and ammunition; to disperse the United States 
Navy to all points of the compass; to bring faithless officers into 
command of troops located in the South; and to work up to fever 
heat race prejudice and apprehensions of possession in a Southern 
population, which was always more inclined to bold action, than to 
cool reflecting reasoning. 


The immense moral power in this gigantic contest, both North 
and South, was based on the two diametrically opposed interpreta- 
tions of implied rights, which were derived and claimed from cir- 
cumstances, but nowhere clearly defined or concisely expressed, nor 
vested by the Constitution of the United States in any authority ; the 
South claiming State sovereignty and the North the sovereignty of 
the Union. Incidental causes were assigned, as the Fugitive Slave 
law and the Personal Liberty bills ; the making and the repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise; the Protective Tariff, the ethical verdict 
of the world; abolition fanaticism; the servility of ministers of the 
Gospel, the different systems of labor creating divergent interests 
and disposition , estrangement on account of contrary views on the 
liberty of conscience, of speech, of the press, of education and inalien- 
able human rights ; the injustice in the representation ; the inven- 
tion of the cotton gin ; Squatter Sovereignty ; the Louisiana Pur- 
chase ; the Mexican War ; the admission of Territories as States and 
other minor causes, but all these are only stages or incidents of the 
gradual development from the original great cause: the permanent 
admission of the institution of Slavery by the Constitution of the 
United States of America. State rights and the maxim of an equal 
number of Northern and Southern States ; a rigorous Fugitive Slave 
Law, the muzzling of free speech, prohibition of education, lynch 
law and mob violence were advocated and practiced almost exclu- 
sively in defense of Slavery only; the representation of three-fifths 
of all other persons (meaning slaves) was in the same interest, and 

Union Politics. Ill 

its injustice is flagrant. According to the census of 1860, six slave- 
holding Gulf States with a population of 2,311,260 white citizens, 
had 28 Representatives and 12 Senators, or 40 in all, while the State 
of Ohio, with a population of 2,339,599 white citizens, had only a 
representation in Congress of 18 members in the house and 2 Sen- 
ators, or 20 in all — just one-half the representation for a larger num- 
ber of citizens 

The invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney of Massachusetts 
added one thousand millions of dollars to Southern -wealth; it made 
slave labor more remunerative, but not more just. However, when 
the South set up its bill of grievances against the North, and espe- 
cially against Massachusetts, it should have credited the same with 
the thousand millions gained by the invention of Eli Whitney from 
Massachusetts. The State sovereignty doctrine was illogically de- 
rived from the constitutional limitations of Congress, which were 
enacted with the evident intention of counterbalancing Federal cen- 
tralization, advocated by Hamilton and the Federalists, and it was 
this interest for which Jefferson and Madison proposed the Ken- 
tucky and Virginia resolutions, for both were decided anti-Slavery 
men. During later developments it was found that State rights 
were the best shield for Slavery ; but when the Northern States tried 
to neutralize some effects of the Fugitive Slave act through Personal 
Liberty bills brought by their State Legislatures the Southern states- 
men charged ill faith and appealed to the Federal Government to 
vindicate the supremacy of the Union, which was done, as the case of 
Anthony Burns, a fugitive slave, proved, who in 1855 was returned 
from Massachusetts and marched through the streets of Boston under 
the protection of United States Marines and State militia, in spite of 
an outraged population. 

The Presidential vote of 1860 terminated Slavery extension to new 
territory, but the Republican party reaffirmed the obligation of non- 
interference with Slavery in the States. There is no doubt that later 
a gradual emancipation would be sought and realized in every State. 
But this could only be done with the consent of each State, and in a 
manner subservient to the interests of the slaveholders. At present 
every one comprehends that this would have been an immense sav- 
ing in life, health, happiness, treasure and chances of development. 
Why was it not done? It was not done because the slaveholders of 
the South, barely one-fifth of its population, were also the large land- 
owners, formed an aristocracy and became the rulers in politics 

1]2 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

through educational facilities and a high property qualification for 
office holding. Standing intellectually and materially above their 
white fellow citizens, the slave barons directed them to vote, work 
and fight for the "peculiar institution." The habit of commanding 
slaves made the planters domineering, haughty, overbearing and un- 
fitted for a representative government, and the moment their selfish 
arguments did not prevail, their very nature prompted them to vio- 
lence. Alike with every other aristocracy in the world, its status was 
fortified by laws made at the expense of outclassed neighbors. 

The South was by nature an agricultural country ; a rich soil and 
genial climate favored this condition, but the climate was also ener- 
vating, ill adapted to manufactures, nay, even unfavorable to mer- 
cantile pursuits, which demand a higher bodily and mental alacrity. 
This circumstance often entailed a dependence of the planter antici- 
pating the price of his crops from the trader, who advanced the 
means for maintaining the slaves. Planters and traders were the 
most efficient church members, and many preachers avoided those 
ethical questions which endangered their pulpits, while others, true 
to their vocation, served the cause of religion under great difficulties. 
As to the Southern poor people, it must be borne in mind that satis- 
faction in life largely depends upon comparative conditions, and that 
people felt somewhat dignified to have others not only poor, but also 
black and enslaved. 

The unrestrained rule and license toward slaves, as they had no 
rights which a white man was "bound to respect," reacted fearfully 
upon the white population ; for if a man does not respect the rights 
of one set of men, why should he respect the rights of another? Ne- 
gro Slavery was the substratum of Southern aristocracy, but every 
other slavery and aristocracy produced the same effects. The aristoc- 
racies of the old world all led to corruption and their own overthrow ; 
for if the common people had sunk too low, these aristocracies led to 
empires, and where the common people had sufficient moral strength 
left, they regenerated in republics. That the breeder of slaves for 
the market of the Cotton States was a willing tool of the planter is 

It must be admitted that the South could not well tolerate the 
preaching of abolition doctrines ; that any measure of immediate and 
unconditional emancipation would have been wrong, both for the 
slaveowner and the slave ; but such extreme doctrines had hardly 
any following, and its votaries were persecuted at the North. Edu- 

Union Politics. 113 

rat ion (.if the Negro could only come with the prospective liberty of 
the slave, which would have removed the incentive for Negro insur- 
rections and the apprehension for the safety of slaveholding fami- 
lies, probably the greatest cause of Southern irritation and of the 
desire to suppress the discussion of the Slavery question. 

Tyrannical, oppressive and vicious as Slavery was to the Negro, it 
was a by far greater curse to the White man who practiced it and to 
the one who tolerated it. Figuratively speaking, the whole American 
Nation was put to the cross before it could redeem the commonwealth 
from this terrible evil. 


When Lincoln's election became most probable meetings of 
prominent representative men were held in South Carolina and the 
other Southern States, to prepare measures for Secession. Such states- 
men had nearly all died out in the South, who would have said with 
the lamented Henrv Clay : "If Kentucky to-morrow unfurls the ban- 
ner of resistance'. I never will tight under that banner. I owe a para- 
mount allegiance to the whole Union, a subordinate one to my State." 
Different sentiments prevailed now, which were voiced on the eve of 
election in a speech bv N. W Boyce of South Carolina, when he said: 
"T think the onlv policy for us is to arm as soon as we receive au- 
thentic intelligence of the election of Lincoln. It is for South Caro- 
lina in the quickest manner and bv the most direct means to with- 
draw from the Union."' This advice was promptly followed. The 
news of Lincoln's election was received in Charleston with enthusi- 
astic cheers for the Southern Confederacy. On November 7th the 
Governor of South Carolina recommended to the Legislature Seces- 
sion, and the arming of all men from the 18th to the 45th year of 
age. also that the Legislature call a Convention, to meet at Columbia, 
December 17. 1800. This latter body met, and on the 20th of De- 
cember passed by a unanimous vote the following Secession ordi- 

"An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Caro- 
lina and other States, united with her under the compact entitled the 
Constitution of the United States of America. 

"We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assem- 
bled, do declare, and ordain and it is hereby declared and ordained, that 
the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23d day of May, in 
the year of our Lord 1788^ whereby the Constitution of the United States of 
America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

Assembly of this State, ratifying the amendments of the said Constitu- 
tion, are hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting between 
South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of 
America, is hereby dissolved." 

After giving as a cause for this action, the shortcomings of the 
Free States in their obligations with regard to Slavery and the Fugi- 
tive Slave law, and stating that the failure of one of the contracting 
parties to perform a material part of the agreement entirely releases 
the obligation of the other, they conclude by appealing to the "Su- 
preme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions," and 
state "that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position 
among the nations of the world as a separate and independent State, 
with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, estab- 
lish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent 
States may of right do." 

There are several incorrections in this document, the most obvious 
lies in the words : "South Carolina has resumed her position among 
the nations of the world," for she never held that position, being a 
British Province before her people joined the Union, and being only 
part of a nation after they joined the Union. Although this attempt 
at legitimacy may have no intrinsic value, it shows that the people 
of South Carolina were desirous of placing their action upon a legal 
basis. It was not ^his effort at legitimacy which then prevented the 
expression of Union sentiments in the South, but the wild, excited 
crowds with Secession cockades and Secession flags, threatening vio- 
lence to dissenters. 

As anticipated by Southern statesmen, the Secession lead of South 
Carolina was quickly followed by the other States, which adopted 
Secession ordinances in the following order : 

Date of Secession. 


■ 1860. 

Dec. 20. 
Jan'y 9 . 
Jan'y 10 
Jan'y 11 
Jan'y 18 
Jan'y 26 
Febr'y 1 . 

Free men. 


South Carolina 






Florida . 









Louisiana ... 



Texas ... 






2,656,948 2,312,046 ' 4,968,994 

Union Politics. 



Date of Secession. 


Free Men. 



1861. May. 

1861. May 

1861. May 


North Carolina. 
Virginia. . . 














Aggregate of Seceding States. . 





Maryland . . 


District of Columbia. 






. : 599,846 


.! 1,067,352 




. 71,895 | 










Of the population of the States which seceded immediately after 
the election, 47% were slaves; in the group of States which deferred 
Secession the slave population was only 31%, and in the Slave States 
which did not secede the slave population was only 1<>% of their in- 
habitants. As the large plantations were in South Carolina, Georgia 
and the Gulf States, which first rushed into Secession, it is evident 
that the slave oligarchs forced the issue ia the supposed interest of 
their large possessions. The Secessionists had hardly a bare majority 
in any of the Southern States, but by acting a couple of months be- 
fore the inauguration of President Lincoln the seceders gained a very 
valuable time for organization, without risking any interference from 
President Buchanan's pusillanimous administration. Another rea- 
son prompted immediate action on their part: the members of a 
defeated party always feel bitter after the election; passion? are 
worked up to a high pitch, and the people are inclined to redress by 
violence their shortcomings in judgment or management. This dis- 
position would have cooled off shortly afterwards, and the judicious, 
conciliating, yet firm and energetic action which could be expected 
from President Lincoln would have restricted Secession to a very feu- 
States. As it were, all the Slave States that did not secede disa,r 

116 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

proved this measure, either through their Governors or through votes 
by the people. It would be erroneous, however, to estimate the re- 
sources in men and material by taking only the seceded States into 
account. There was a large population in the Border States which 
furnished a considerable contingent to the Southern armies, and 
there were in the ranks of the Democratic party at the North a num- 
ber of Southern sympathizers, who often hindered energetic action, 
and even threatened riot and violence. 

Several Northern publicists of great influence, like Horace Gree- 
ley, "Wendell Phillips and others, would permit Secession, notwith- 
standing the necessity that, if the Secessionists were not immediately 
conquered as insurgents, they would have to be conquered soon after- 
wards as aliens. Southern statesmen, with few exceptions, did not 
deem either contingency probable, for they counted upon the greater 
martial spirit of the Southerners and upon the ability and greater 
number of the West Pointers hailing from their section. No doubt 
the great extent of Southern territory, its large wooded portion cut up 
by great rivers, bays and bayous, its poor roads and means of trans- 
portation, were favorable to a defensive war. They placed also some 
reliance upon European, chiefly British, intervention, as one-eighth 
of the population of England depended for a living upon the cotton 
factories, drawing their raw material almost entirely from the Cotton 
States. This hope proved futile, for England did not receive the 
Southern Commissioners in December, 1860, nor did they fare bet- 
ter in France, whose disposition was reflected by the "Opinion-Na- 
tionale," which denounced the application for aid made by the Con- 
federate Commissioners, stating: 

"In the Nineteenth Century, men are found so destitute of all moral 
sense, as to rebel, to revolutionize the country, expose it to ruin and 
civil war, in the name of that social leprosy called Slavery. O shame! 
These men, without heart, dare address an appeal to France to aid them, 
and rend herself an accomplice in their criminal projects. No! The 
France of 79-30-48 can never take under her protection traders in human 

At home matters of public opinion were more favorable. The con- 
servative element of all parties was for compromise and peace, even 
at a sacrifice. Possessive and business interests favored a procrastina- 
tion of the issue, either not knowing that time only increased the 
magnitude of the evil, or from the usual policy of habitual selfish- 
ness. "After lis the deluge." It is true that the Regular army of the 
Federal Government was small, and the available Militia at first of 

Union Politics. 117 

little value in the field. But there were nineteen million people 
Noxth to eight million whites and four million slaves in the South, 
and in a last emergency these four million slaves could be turned 
into four million allies, which was partly done when, towards the 
end of the war, Negro Regiments were organized. Besides this, the 
North vastly outstripped the South in industrial capacity, skilled arti- 
zans, machinery, military outfit and provisions. One advantage of 
the South was real, even if not quite obvious at first sight : the meas- 
ures of the North were limited by the Constitution of the United 
States, whose validity it tried to enforce, while the Confederacy 
framed its Constitution to suit the exigencies of the hour. 


Upon the heels of the election of the Republican candidate came 
the news of the immediate Secession movement in the South. The 
excitement of the canvass had not quite subsided when the attention 
of patriots was directed to the threatened danger. There was hardly 
time for opinions to crystallize into measures, yet the emergency was 
pressing and many and various propositions were advanced to meet 
the difficulties. The New York Tribune, a leading Republican paper, 
advised, November 9, 1860: "If the Cotton States shall decide that 
they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting 
them go in peace." Other influential papers, in trying to avoid civil 
war, suggested a Convention of the people, counselling moderation 
and agreement on mutual interests. December 10, 1860, a Union 
meeting was held at Philadelphia in which the Mayor of the town 
favored another compromise and yielding to Southern aggression in 
order to prevent the loss of the Southern trade. To prove how cir- 
cumstances alter cases, one speaker called Slavery the moth in the 
eyes of the South, and Free-Soil notions the beam in the eyes of the 
North. The resolutions of that meeting called for the repeal of of- 
fensive State laws; for a cheerful submission to the Fugitive Slave 
law, and for muzzling the public North and South upon the Slavery 
question. It was an expression of conservative cowardice, stimulated 
by selfish greed. There were some good grounds for despondency in 
the face of the three months' continuance of the administration of 
Buchanan, who announced his helplessness in his last message to 
Congress, in which he said "that intemperate interference of the 
Northern people with the question of Slavery in the Southern States 

118 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

has at length produced its natural effect''; but in this President 
Buchanan was not correct, for the avowed object of the Republican 
party was to prevent the extension of Slavery into the Territories, 
while it disavowed either the intention or the right to interfere with 
Slavery in the States where it existed. Theodore Roosevelt, in his 
book on Benton, says: "The national government, even under Re- 
publican rule, would never have meddled with Slavery in the vari- 
ous States unless as a war measure." This was correct at the time, 
but would have changed after new acts of violence had broken down 
all considerations of amity and fellowship. 

President Buchanan justly blamed some States for trying to de- 
feat the Fugitive Slave law, but in referring to apprehensions of 
slave insurrections he omitted to state that none of any consequence 
took place, and that a policy of gradual emancipation upon good be- 
havior, financially guaranteed by the United States, would prevent 
any possible slave insurrection. He also said it was his duty and de- 
termination to protect the public property and to enforce the laws 
in all the States, but he had no officers in the South (they had re- 
signed). He could not execute the laws, and, under the circum- 
stances, there was no power of coercion granted to Congress, the Judi- 
ciary or the President. 

With regard to this message of the President, the reflection readily 
suggests itself that excuses are always near at hand where the good 
will is wanting, and President Buchanan found them without diffi- 
culty, as he was not inclined to act as the President of the United 
States, but only as the President of a political party— a misconcep- 
tion of duty which necessarily must lower the dignity and authority 
of that high office. The conservative, even reactionary, manifesta- 
tions of the public naturally found a reflection in the old Congress 
assembling December 3, 1860, and whose time only expired March 3, 
1861, and whose many members still cherished the hope of a peace- 
ful solution. With the pressing emergency grew the exertion for 
devising measures to allay the coming storm. Desirous of finding a 
just mean between the opposing factions, statesmen of ability and 
patriotic intentions strained every nerve to find the correct remedies. 
Among the suggestions were: the immediate apportionment of all 
the territory into future States ; the re-establishment of the division 
line of 36° 30' ; the subdivision of the Union into four political bodies 
called sections, the North, the West, the Pacific and the South, a ma- 
jority in each section to be requisite for the passage of an act. This 

Union Politics. 119 

would have given any section an absolute veto power ; the abolition of 
the Presidency; the establishment of an equilibrium between Free 
and Slave States, and a Convention of all States was also suggested. 
All these various propositions were referred to a grand select commit- 
tee in the House, and a similar committee took up all propositions 
offered in the Senate, among which those offered by J. J Crittenden 
of Kentucky were most prominent, bearing the authority and weight 
of a highly esteemed Senator, coming from a Slave State offering 
great strategical advantages in case of war. The leading features of 
the Crittenden compromise were : 

In Territories north of 36° 30' north latitude Slavery is prohibited; 
in Territories south of that line it is to be admitted and protected by 
Congress. The Territories Xorth and South of that line may elect to 
come into the Union as Free or as Slave States at the time of making 
their application for admission ; Congress shall not abolish Slavery on 
places where the United States have exclusive jurisdiction within the 
limits of Slave States, nor in the District of Columbia, as long as 
Slavery exists in Virginia and Maryland , the transportation of slaves 
shall not be hindered and Congress shall pay for rescued slaves; the 
Fugitive Slave law shall be made more efficient, and State laws con- 
flicting with it shall be repealed. 

The above conditions mostly favored the views and objects of the 
Slavery power, while some minor conditions proposed with regard to 
fees of officers, nugatory features of the Fugitive Slave act, and upon 
the African slave trade, made the proposed compromise more accep- 
table to Northern views. Article 6, however, of the Crittenden Com- 
promise contained the most extraordinary provision, forbidding any 
future amendment to the United States Constitution with regard to 
some of the amendments just proposed, and also with regard to some 
which were already in the Constitution. Mr. Crittenden forgot that 
there is only one power which makes immutable laws. Moreover, 
the above condition tended to change the United States Constitution 
to a compact, the very contrivance upon which the doctrine of Seces- 
sion was based and which sooner or later would have led to civil war. 


The above terms were probably the best that had a chance to be 
accepted by the Southern States with the exception of South Carolina ; 
Northern Democrats sustained them and President Buchanan urged 

120 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

their adoption ; but as they sacrificed the Free Soil principle and their 
sanction by constitutional amendments was slow and uncertain, they 
were opposed by most Republicans, of whom Th. L. Snead, a South- 
ern writer, in his valuable work, "A Fight for Missouri," says : 

"They would not abandon, in the hour of victory, the principles for 
which they had manfully contended through forty years of defeat and 
disaster, nor would they let those whom they had just vanquished, destroy 
the Union, in the very Hour that it was about to be dedicated, as they 
believed, to a wider freedom and higher humanity." 

Senator B. F Wade of Ohio represented the Republican sentiment 
when he frankly declared that every civilized nation on the globe has 
the same opinion of Slavery as the Republican party, and if it had 
the power, not another inch of Free Soil of this government should be 
invaded by Slavery ; at the same time it repudiates the idea of inter- 
'fering with the institution in the States ; the day of compromise was 
gone ; they were not kept. The honest verdict of the people by a fair 
election cannot be set aside by a compromise; a majority fairly given 
must rule. This spirit evidenced by B. F Wade carried a substitute 
for the Crittenden resolutions, offered by Clark of New Hampshire : 

"Resolved, That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the 
preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests 
of the country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that 
an extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous 
efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce the 
laws, rather than in new guarantees for peculiar interests, compromises 
for particular difficulties, or concessions to unreasonable demands. 

"Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or over- 
throw or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation 
of constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory and destructive; that, 
in the opinion of the Senate of the United States, no such reconstruction 
is practicable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union 
and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the depart- 
ments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens." 

This was carried by 25 Republican votes, and opposed by 21 Demo- 
crats and 2 Conservatives, 23 votes in all. Subsequently a direct 
vote was had on the Crittenden resolutions. They were defeated by 
the majority of one, all Republicans voting against them and all 
Democrats and Conservatives for them. The House of Representa- 
tives also defeated the Crittenden Compromise by a decided vote, and, 
upon recommendation of the Committee of Thirty-three, adopted 

Union Politics. 121 

Thomas Corwin's resolutions, which made concessions to the South 
relative to hostile legislation by Northern States, the Fugitive Slave 
law and migration with slaves, but made no concession to Slavery in 
the Territories. It is claimed that these resolutions would have been 
also adopted by the Senate if any disposition whatever would have 
been shown that they are acceptable to the South. The Senate's 
"Clark" resolution was brought into the House as a substitute to Cor- 
win's, but not acted upon, as the latter covered the same ground, in 
addition to some compromise measures, and their wording was 
milder, yet fully as decided on the question of maintaining the 

While these unavailing attempts at a Compromise were made, 
events steadily drifted towards a hostile conflict. Howell Cobb, 
Secretary of the Treasury, anticipating the final breakdown, resigned- 
on December 8th and left for Georgia. December 15th General Scott 
suggested the reinforcement of Major Anderson at Charleston with 
300 men, and, though Secretary Cass also strongly urged this meas- 
ure, President Buchanan refused his consent, whereupon Cass re- 
signed and Judge Black became Secretary of State. Major Anderson, 
deserted by the administration, finding it impossible to defend Fort 
Moultrie and Fort Sumter with two weak companies of Artillery, 
abandoned Moultrie and removed all his forces to Fort Sumter. 
Floyd, hearing the news, wrote to the President: "One remedy is 
left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charles- 
ton. I hope the President will allow me to make the order at once. 
This order, in my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil 
war." The President declined to act upon his advice and Floyd re- 
signed ; he evidently knew what was coming, for on the 26th the Se- 
cessisonists seized Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinkney and the Custom- 
house and all United States officers in South Carolina resigned. On 
the 30th the United States Arsenal of that State, with munitions of 
war to the value of $500,000 was seized. In the face of such facts 
Buchanan's declaration made on the last of the year that he will 
defend Fort Sumter was of very little consequence. The very same 
day the Senate committee reported that they cannot agree upon any 
plan of settlement between the North and the South. 

A Democratic State Convention was held at Albany, N. Y., Janu- 
ary 1, 1861, in which the most prominent men of the party and 
other conservatives took part. The tenor of the speeches and resolu- 
tions were chiefly criticisms of the Republican party; warnings 

122 The Union Canxc in St Louis in lS(il 

against coercion ; prayers for compromise , abuse of Congress ; threats 
of the guillotine for those who propose to maintain the Union by 
force , indorsement of the Crittenden resolutions and a Convention by 
States; also the appointment of alternates to the Peace Conference 
which, pursuant to a call of the Virginia Legislature, was to assem- 
ble at Washington February 4, 1861. At this Peace Conference 
nearly all the Free States w T ere represented, of the Slave States only 
seven, namely, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee and Missouri. This conference, through its chair- 
man, John Tyler, ex-President of the United States, proposed as an 
amendment to the Constitution : to exclude Slavery in all Territories 
north of 36° 30' north latitude, but to admit States North or South of 
that line with or without Slavery , only conditional acquisition of new 
territory by consent of a majority of the Northern and a majority of 
the Southern Representatives; restrictions regarding Slavery in the 
District of Columbia; enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law; reim- 
bursement for fugitives, regulation of slave trade, consent of all 
States to certain constitutional amendments. These and other com- 
promise measures were offered before the close of the session, but 
without any result. As a further concession to the South may be 
considered the passage by Congress of separate acts organizing the 
Territories of Colorado, Nevada and Dakotah without any condition 
relative to Slavery. This left the status of those Territories only 
subject to past laws and their interpretation by the Supreme Court; 
practically, however, Slavery was out of the question in any of those 
Territories, and the result proved that the South paid little heed to 
such advances. 

A Texas Senator, referring to the free debates which similar propo- 
sitions might elicit at home, remarked: "A great many of the free 
debaters were hanging from the trees of that country," and a Georgia 
Senator, while discussing Texas politics, apostrophized Sam Houston 
for his Union fealty by expressing the wish: "Some Texas Brutus 
may arise to rid his country of this old hoary-headed traitor." When 
such sentiments prevail among the Senators of a great party, all con- 
cessions and peace offerings would appear to be idle waste. If any 
one doubted this proposition, the general rejoicing, booming of can- 
non and festive celebration which took place in all the larger cities 
of the South upon the news of the Secession of South Carolina, De- 
cember 20, 1860, ought to have convinced him of the error of his 

Union Politics. 123 


A demand made on President Buchanan to rid his Cabinet from 
unreliable and even hostile elements was fully justified by circum- 
stances. During 1860 Secretary Floyd had transferred from the 
Springfield Armory and Watervliet Arsenal, by order of December 
29, 1859, 115,000 stands of arms and had sent them to the several 
arsenals at the South. A few days before Floyd resigned, towards 
the end of December, an order arrived from him at the Alleghany 
Arsenal, near Pittsburgh, to send 46 pieces of heavy ordnance to 
Ship Island, Louisiana, and 78 similar cannon to Galveston, Texas. 
An indignation meeting of citizens at Pittsburg secured a counter- 
manding order from Washington which stopped this treasonable out- 
rage. Secretarv of War Floyd sold between the first of January, 
1860, and the first of January, 1861, 31,610 percussion muskets at 
$2.50 apiece, on which the officers appointed for scrutiny disagreed 
as to their warranted condemnation. He wanted to send to Southern 
forts not ready for armament over 100 columbiads and a large num- 
ber of 32-pounders, but the order was countermanded by Secretary 
Holt before it was fully executed. On November 21, 1860, a Mr. 
Belknap made application to buy from 100,000 to 250,000 United 
States muskets at .$2.15. The Secretary claimed that this application 
was granted under the misapprehension that the price was to be 
$2.50. and Secretary Holt refused to recognize this contract. General 
Scott stated that Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ala- 
bama, Mississippi and Kansas were supplied with their full quotas of 
arms for 1861 in advance. Thus it seems that all the seceding States 
anticipated the war in 1860. In Texas the Union Governor, Sam 
Houston, prevented this, while a strong drift of Union sentiment did 
the same in Tennessee and Arkansas. 

After Floyd left he was indicted by the United States Grand Jury 
for a defalcation of a quarter million of dollars. He had systemati- 
cally stocked the Southern forts and arsenals with arms, ammunition 
and war material. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, and Jacob 
Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, slaveholders and Secessionists, 
acted in a similar way, sending good arms to the South and the war 
vessels to distant ports, leaving for home service, from a total of 90 
vessels with 2,418 guns, one vessel, the steamer "Brooklyn," with 25 
guns, and the storeship "Relief," with 2 guns. A report upon the 
condition of the navy, made to Congress in February, 1861, shows 

124 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

that the same had been as treacherously handled as the army Octo- 
ber 13, 1860, the "Richmond" was sent to the Mediterranean squad- 
ron , December 21 the "Vandalia" to East India, the "Saratoga" to 
join the African squadron, and other vessels to Vera Cruz. February 
21, 1861, Dawes reports there are 28 dismantled ships with 874 guns, 
none of which could be repaired under several weeks, while many 
would require six months. No orders had been issued to put any of 
them in readiness. The whole Atlantic Coast was left without de- 
fense and the "Brooklyn" was too large to enter the harbor of Charles- 
ton. But for this treacherous disposition of vessels there would have 
been an ample force to protect the United States forts, arsenals, cus- 
tom-houses and navy yards, and to prevent any possible powerful 
organization of the Secession forces. Resignations of navy officers 
were accepted after the date on which they had betrayed their trust, 
some by telegraph and some even made retrospective. It was report- 
ed later that when the "Star of the West" was sent with supplies to 
the starving garrison of Fort Sumter, Secretary Thompson betrayed 
her mission to the South Carolina authorities and subsequently even 
bragged of this treason in a speech at Oxford, Mississippi. "I sent a 
dispatch to Judge Longstreth that the 'Star of the West' was coming 
with reinforcements. The troops were then put on their guard, and 
when the 'Star of the West' arrived she received a warm welcome 
from booming cannon, and beat a hasty retreat." The report of a 
select committee of the House of Representatives, appointed Febru- 
ary 21, 1861, is quoted as the authority for the above statements. 

With the Secession hand in hand went the seizure of arsenals and 
forts, until in the course of a few weeks the arsenals of Charleston, 
S. O, Augusta, Ga., Fayetteville, N. O, Mobile, Ala., Baton Rouge, 
La., and the forts in South Carolina, Pulaski and Jackson in Georgia, 
Fort Mason and others in North Carolina, Forts Jackson, St. Philip 
and Pike in Louisiana, Fort Barancas and the navy yard in Pensa- 
cola, Fla., were seized. To complete this spoliation, about the end of 
February, 1861, Brigadier General Twiggs surrendered nearly one- 
half of the United States army, with all forts and war material, to 
the State authorities of Texas. A number of revenue cutters were 
lost in this way Of the Southern fortified defenses all that was left 
to the United States were Fortress Monroe, Fort Sumter, Fort Pick- 
ens, the fortresses on Key AVest, the Tortugas, and the Arsenal at St. 
Louis, Mo. It was estimated that 5000 cannon, over 200,000 stand 
of arms and an immense war material amounting in all to over forty 

Union Politics, 125 

millions of dollars were taken from the United States even before 
President Buchanan's term expired. Towards the end the Cabinet 
of that most ill-advised of all Presidents went to pieces ; some mem- 
bers resigned because he admitted interference in the South; others 
because he did not interfere enough, and some left to avoid the con- 
sequences of their criminal acts. 



.North of Texas and west of the Mississippi River to the Rocky 
Mountains extended the Department of the AY est, to whose command 
General Harney was assigned, who arrived at St. Louis November 
18, 1860. Harney, born in Louisiana, was a slaveholder, though 
credited to be a Union man. Although he had a national reputation 
as a great Indian fighter, his assignment to St. Louis was made for 
political reasons. Having married a Mullanphy heiress, he was in- 
timately connected with the largest landed estate and its many repre- 
sentatives in St. Louis, and could be expected to harmonize with the 
leading political party of the State. The Kansas-Nebraska difficulty 
was not yet finally adjusted, and a strong disciplinarian might have 
awed the Jayhawker (Free State man) and the Border Ruffian (Pro- 
slavery Democrat) Harney was barely three days in command 
when news came that Montgomery and his band had invaded Fort 
Scott. General Frost's Brigade of Missouri Militia, 550 men, was 
called out to march to Fort Scott, and military companies were or- 
ganized all over the State to assist Frost. General Harney left St. 
Louis November 24 and hastened to the somewhat indefinite seat of 
war. The Governor of Kansas also issued a proclamation against 
mol) law, and an armed band under the leadership of "one James 
Montgomery " The trouble seems to have originated by Free State 
men settling upon what was claimed to be Cherokee neutral land. 
These settlers were forcibly ejected by an agent of the Indian Bu- 
reau and some fifteen of their shanties burned, upon which their own- 
ers banded together and retaliated upon Proslavery men. Some kid- 
napers of Negroes in the Territory were killed, in keeping with Mont- 
gomery s "higher law" notions, which enjoined that "any man con- 
victed of kidnaping a human heing in the Territory shall die.'' Ac- 
cording to the "Missouri Democrat," Montgomery took up arms to 
avenge the quarrel of parties who had been expelled from lands re- 


Missouri Events. 127 

served for the use of Indian tribes. Even Leavenworth Republicans 
passed resolutions condemning Montgomery's raid, although the 
charge that the invasion was made to liberate slaves in Missouri was 
false. Sixteen of Montgomery's men approached Fort Scott, but no 
one was molested, least of all the United States Court. The lynching 
of three men hung and two shot was done in the Territory, and, 
although frankly owned up by Montgomery's men, was as much to 
be condemned as all lynch outrages. But for the exaggerated reports 
from Fort Scott, Frost's Brigade would never have been ordered out, 
and as the whole difficulty occurred in the Territory, the resort to 
Missouri Militia was as impolitic as it was improper. 1 Frost's Brigade 
returned to St. Louis already on December 18. Its being called out 
for this service, however, has this peculiar bearing on the St. Louis 
avents of 1861, that this Brigade formed the bulk of the State Militia 
force which the next May was concentrated at Camp Jackson. It 
was mooted that this excursion was made with the design of a later 
resistance to Federal authority State-right badges were worn by 
troopers in this campaign, and a detachment of all three arms was 
left on the border under the command of a determined Secessionist. 
Robert Stewart, the outgoing Governor, was not wittingly a party to 
such a scheme, which might be readily credited to the incoming of- 
ficers of Secession proclivities. 


The last days of 1860 found the State of Missouri with a heteroge- 
neous population of 1,200,000 people, with 100,000 slaves, while St. 
Louis had then 200,000 inhabitants and 120 slaves. The State was 
Democratic, the city Republican. In detail the city voters were: 
Republicans, Conservatives and Secessionists, the State voters, Con- 
servatives, Secessionists, Republicans, approximating in strength 
the order in which they are here named. The citizens of foreign ex- 
traction, mostly Germans, were, with few exceptions, decided Union 
men, and even the Irishmen, though leaning politically strongly 
towards the Democratic South, wheeled into the Union ranks after 

i Of this South West expedition, Uriel Wright, a very able attorney, State- 
Rights man, and later on officer in the Confederate Army, made the state- 
ment in the Missouri State Convention: "The only reason why an army was 
sent to the frontier to put down a Montgomery raid, was that there was no 
Montgomery raid to put down." 

12S I'lw I'n it> n Cause in St. Louis in lSfil 

tlic first tVw months of LSIil and formed some excellent Regiments 
The convivial hal>its of the Cermans. their common interests, tastes, 
progressive views upon human rights, spread through numerous sing- 
ing and other societies a strong spirit of fellowship, which found its 
most advanced expression in the St. Louis Turnverein. The immi- 
grants of l.S.'iO. with more academic views, had become somewhat 
conservative and habituated to existing institutions and relations, 
while those of 1848 were more radical and uncompromising; still, 
when it came to questions of leading humanitarian principles, both 
immigrations stood shoulder to shoulder for all progressive measures. 
The St. Louis Turn .Society was a branch of the national organiza- 
tion, it became a center of social amusement and rational develop- 
ment, seeking to verify the time-honored adage, ''A healthy mind in 
a healthy body."' The society was organized May 12, 1850, by 
Charles Speck. Fred Roever. C. B. Dickriede, W Moll, George Meyer, 
Theodore Hildenbrandt, John Bolland, William Grahl, L. A. Bennet, 
Louis Barthels and William Meyer. It was incorporated on February 
24. 1855. with the aid of Attorney D. M. Frost, Avho on the day of the 
capture of Camp Jackson may have felt remorse for this act of cour- 
tesy. The "'St. Louis Turnverein" soon united several hundred able- 
bodied and clear-headed young men, who without interfering with 
others claimed the privilege of living up to their own convictions. 
Soon after the organization of the society a rifle section was formed 
with about fifty members, who were pledged to military obedience 
when in service ; they elected their officers and instructors and bought 
their own rifles, took up regular weekly drills, arranged target prac- 
tices and trial marches to neighboring cities. Already in February, 
1800, General Francis Sigel lectured before this section. At that 
time the Prussian tactics, published by the Cincinnati Turner Society. 
were in practice. Among the instructors were Louis Duestrow, Theo- 
dore Fischbach. Hugo Gollmer, Francis Sigel, Constantin Blandovski. 
April 4, 1860, a keg of powder was bought, and in May a new target 
practice place selected and drill twice a week ordered; in July target 
practice was held every week, in September, upon the advice of Gen- 
eral Sigel, Scott's tactics were adopted. On November 8 the rifles and 
armament were transferred to the mother society, which, pursuant 
to its new constitution, ordered all members to regular military drill 
as part of the gymnastic exercises. This was certainly a quick and 
significant answer to all threats of Secession, uttered on account of 
Lincoln's election. The rifles were to be kept at Turner Hall on 

Missouri Events. 129 

Tenth and Walnut, and their price was credited to their owners on 
their dues maturing. January 10 ,1861, bayonet fencing was taken 
up under Captain Blandovski, and those who wished to join the rifle 
company after February 7 had to report to J Tiemeyer, who would 
furnish them with rifles. Among the three to four hundred mem- 
bers of the society were many prominent business men, merchants, 
manufacturers, lawyers, doctors, in fact, the St. Louis Turnverein 
was a good representation of the solid Teutonic element in the com- 

Threats by the ultra Southern press were so frequent and violent 
that towards the end of 1860, even a local conflict was anticipated by 
many, and they deemed it advisable to prepare for it. A consider- 
able portion of the people of St. Louis came from Southern States, 
shared in the fiery spirit of that section, was leaning to Know Noth- 
ingism and had national and religious prejudices. All these sources of 
antagonism were unfortunately fostered by the circumstance that the 
different elements of population occupied also different and pretty 
well defined sections of the city The Americans lived nearly all in 
the central and western part of town, the foreign-born citizens, main- 
ly Germans and their descendants, lived mostly south of Market 
street, with a strong colony on Franklin avenue and also an even 
stronger contingent north of Cass avenue. Between these last two 
localities, on "Wash, Carr, Biddle, Mullanphy and Cass avenue, were 
the habitations of most Irishmen. While all men of common sense 
or culture vindicate the liberty of conscience to everybody those who 
are unfortunately limited when born and those whose education is 
neglected often cherish sentiments of jealousy and even of hatred 
towards people who differ from them. In this sense there was consid- 
erable animosity felt in St. Louis between different elements of the 
population. It does not improve matters that the latter disposition 
was often nursed for selfish purposes 


The German newspapers of St. Louis were ably edited in the past 
by Theodore Olshausen, Emil Preetorius, Henry Boernstein, George 
Hillgaertner, Charles L. Bernays, D. Hertel, with most valuable con- 
tributions from Fred Muench, Gustave Koerner, Fred Hecker, Carl 
Schurz, Carl Luedeking and others, who animated their readers to 
aid with their votes and actions the country of their adoption. The 

130 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

publications in the German language were able exponents of the 
views of the readers and of their progressive disposition. While not 
extreme on the Slavery question, they were firm and uncompromising 
with regard to the inalienable rights of men and most determined for 
the maintenance of the Union of all States. The Missouri Democrat, 
the leading Republican paper of the West, exercised a great influence 
during the past decades and fearlessly spread the gospel of human lib- 
erty. It was the medium of information between Congress and the 
West, and its editors, proprietors and coworkers formed the center of 
Western American liberalism. Robinson, in his "Kansas Conflict," 
writes of the "Missouri Democrat" "It is doubtful if Kansas could 
have been saved from the grasp of the invaders but for the hot shot 
poured into Atchison, Stringfellow & Co. by this paper. James Rid- 
path was its regular correspondent. The leading Democratic paper, 
the "St. Louis Republic," did not permit its conservative proclivities 
to drag it into the disunion camp. In fact, it seemed at times as if the 
spirit of its founder, Joseph Charless, the Irish patriot, the man who 
opposed the brutal . lynching of the negro Mcintosh and who be- 
friended E. P Love joy, was still permeating the columns of that 
paper. Editorially and by correspondents the paper contended for 
the legality of Lincoln's election and was opposed to the folly of Se- 

On November 10 Henry Clay Dean, an Iowa Democrat, published 
through the columns of the "St. Louis Republic" these words: "Mr. 
Lincoln is elected. He is the constitutional President. Every North- 
ern State has voted for him. We have no discretion but to yield obe- 
dience. Resistance is revolution, and civil war must follow revolu- 
tion." A couple days later C. R. Wickliffe writes in the same paper 
"Let us all unite upon this one question, that the disunionists may 
know they have no allies or sympathizers among the citizens of Ken- 
tucky." The same paper quotes on November 12 the proceedings of 
a former Mississippi State Convention which condemned Secession. 
Its columns, however, were open to the following advertisement : 

"Runaway Slave. Was committed to the jail of Cape Girardeau County, 
in the State of Missouri, on the 15th of September, 1860, as a runaway 
slave, a negro man who calls himself Henry Williams, and says he is free, 
and lived on the island of Hayti; he is of copper color, 5 feet 4i/> inches 
high, weighs about 150 pounds, supposed to be 22 years old, has three upper 
jaw teeth out, whiskers on his chin, heavy head of hair, no scars about his 
person, except his ears have been pierced; says he got off a steamboat at 
Mound City about the 10th inst; had on when taken a pair of new pants of 

Missouri Events. 131 

dark grey cashmere, red flannel drawers, black color frock coat, striped 
cashmere vest, a brown hat, three white shirts with linen bosoms, and an 
old pair of gaiter shoes. 

"The owner of said negro is hereby notified to come forward and prove 
said Slave and pay charges, otherwise said Slave will be sold at pu'blic 
auction to the highest bidder, for cash on hand, at the Court House door, 
in the town of Jackson, in Cape Girardeau County, Mo., on Tuesday, the 
1st day of January, A. D. 1861." 

What right did the Sheriff have to sell that man, when he did not 
even know that he was a slave and had an owner? 

Other slave sale advertisements were made for January 1, 1861, to 
take place at the east door of the St. Louis Courthouse, and B. M. 
Lynch advertised his large, airy, new quarters, No. 57 South Fifth 
(now Broadway), corner of Myrtle, and will pay highest price for 
Negroes suited to the Southern market. "Negroes on hand and for 
sale at all times." From this 'it would appear that the Negro breeding 
for the Southern market was not restricted to the Eastern Border 

" On the 14th of November the "St. Louis Republic" deemed a 
stronger dose of Unionism necessary to. the failing patriots, and it 
published in full President Jackson's proclamation against the Se- 
cessionists of South Carolina, issued December 11, 1832. The inten- 
tion was good and locally had a wholesome effect, as later on the vote 
for the members of the Missouri State Convention proved. As to the 
Cotton States, they were then already past redemption , to their senti- 
mental disposition the words of Schiller fully applied : 

"Man fears the lion's kingly tread, 
Man fears the tiger's fangs of terror, 

But Man himself is most to dread 
When mad with social error!" 

Carlyle's translation of: 

"Gefaehrlich ists den Leu zu wecken, 

Verderblich ist des Tigers Zahn, 
Doch ach der schreklichste der Schreken 

Das ist der Mensch in seinem Wahn." 

On the other hand, there were powerful influences which made 
St. Louis a veritable commonwealth for both sections. The North- 
ern and Southern trade of the Mississippi Valley centered here, it was 

132 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

the distributing point for the Eastern wholesale trade. Large mills, 
foundries machine shops and factories combined the interests of the 
capitalist, the engineer, the laborer, and with a hostile South and a 
hostile immediate West all this was doomed to destruction. Although 
the directive capital was chiefly in the hands of Southerners, their 
very great possessions pleaded most eloquently for the maintenance 
of peace These considerations guided the conservative element of 
the city and State and remained a powerful factor until the furies of 
war stamped out every peaceful disposition in the Union. Events 
strongly pointed in that direction when on December 13, 1860, 
Southern members of Congress recommended to their constituencies 
speedy Secession. 


The Commissioners of the seceded State of South Carolina called 
on President Buchanan December 28, 1860, and proposed to treat 
with him as with the representative of a foreign power, which he de- 
clined, referring them to Congress This was useless, for December 
31 the committee of thirteen Republican and thirteen Senators from 
all other parties, forming two classes with equal rights, reported that, 
after considering many propositions, they could not agree upon any, 
general plan of adjustment. So far only South Carolina had seceded, 
but Conventions for that purpose had been called by Georgia, Missis- 
sippi, Florida, Louisiana and Alabama; the Governors of Missouri, 
Tennessee, Arkansas and Virginia favored Secession, and the calling 
of a Convention, while Governor Hicks of Maryland and Sam Hous- 
ton of Texas were opposed to any such measure. Houston even said 
he would hang every Secessionist as a traitor if he had the power. 

End of November, I860, a company of Constitutional Guards was 
formed under Colonel Thornton Grimslev a declaration of principles 
was issued for them by which they claimed fealty to the Union and 
to the State of Missouri; also claimed that the Republican party and 
the Personal Liberty laws should be put down as well as all traitors 
to the supreme Federal Government, as long as the latter acts within 
the sphere of its constitutional duties. They enjoined that every 
State should "contend for its right and equality within the Union so 
long as its protective powers remain unexhausted, and any one De- 
partment of that government is able to uphold its true spirit and in- 
tegritv " and "that all should rally behind the remaining bulwarks of 
the Constitution." 

Missouri Events. 133 

Verbose and confused in its original text as this declaration was, it 
shows that there must have existed a strong Union feeling among 
those who were expected to join the organization. Still, the many 
conditions ornamenting this Unionism were so many loopholes to 
slip from it to outright Secessionism. Far less moderate was the antag- 
onism against the incoming Federal administration further South. In 
New Orleans men were beaten and almost lynched for selling medals 
of Lincoln and shouting "Hurrah for Lincoln!" In South Caro- 
lina the President elect was burned in effigy, and the Southern army 
and navy officers were called upon "to renounce at once the sword and 
rations of the vulgar oppressor and to hasten at once to the homes 
that gave them birth." Good many could not do this, for, having 
emigrated to Western States, they had to shift their State Rights pa- 
triotism to the new basis of settlement. General Pillow called Lin- 
coln's election "the death knell of the Union." More characteristic 
is an extract from a letter of Paul J. Semmes, a graduate of West 
Point, made Brigadier General in Georgia and subsequently made 
famous by his cruises and blockade running, which shows the bitter 
resentment of Southern people and the great chasm which separated 
them from the friends of the Union 

"Southerners have a high and sacred duty to perform; they know well 
how to perform that duty He who dallies is a dastard, he who doubts 
is damned, and he who cries peace, peace, Union, Union, when there 
is no peace, no Union, and never can be, with a fanatic and infidel people, 
who, repudiating God and the Bible, have proclaimed themselves in favor 
of an Anti-Slavery Bible and an Anti-Slavery God, deserves everlasting 
execration." Characterizing the financial policy of the Union as a robbery, 
Semmes goes on: "Their votes, their hands (in our pockets) we dread, 
Their bayonets themselves we despise. Let a United South rally and 
strike down this God-forsaken Union with robbers, fanatics, incen- 
diaries, infidels." 

It is strange that a brave man like Semmes should have indulged 
in such blustering talk, for true heroism is generally paired with 
modesty At that time there were considerate men who had not yet 
given up all hope for an adjustment. Governor Johnson of Georgia 
answered men who consulted him that the election of Lincoln was 
no cause for dissolving the Union ; that the majority of Congress was 
still Democratic, and that Lincoln cannot even organize his Cabinet 
without the consent of the Senate. The possible failure to execute 
the Fugitive Slave act Governor Johnson considered a more serious 

134 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

In the meantime a wavering policy was continued at Washington, 
where on December 4 President Buchanan took the position that coer- 
cion is unconstitutional, and recommended . 

1. An amendment to the Constitution which shall plainly acknowl- 
edge the legality of Slavery in the States. 

2. Protect Slavery in all Territories until they become States. 

3. Enforce the Fugitive Slave law. 

Attorney General Black gave his opinion to the President that the 
Government had a right to defend its property and also to retake it 
when invaded, and further claimed that the President has a right to 
call out the Militia when the execution of the law is obstructed by 
combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of 
judicial proceedings. But the military must be used in support of 
the civil officers, and if no civil officers are found the use of the mili- 
tary is illegal because, as Judge Black said, it would be levying war 
upon such State. According to this reasoning, South, Carolina was 
in the Union far enough to claim the protection of the Constitution, 
but otherwise sufficiently out of the Union to void all her obligations 
and connections with it. Judge Black said, further, the President 
must remain strictly on the defensive; if the means to collect the 
revenue are insufficient, Congress may make them more effective. 
Even under Black's opinion, the President had the right and duty to 
defend the forts of the United States. He should have reinforced 
them in time, and Robert Anderson should have broken up the bat- 
teries raised to subdue him. President Buchanan never asked Con- 
gress for additional power to aid Fort Sumter, and a fort cannot be 
defended without breaking up the batteries which were erected to 
reduce it. It seems that none of the .conservative politicians under- 
stood the question of the hour, which was Shall the Union perish, or 
shall the South be subdued by war? 

Stephen A. Douglas spoke towards the end of 1860 at different 
places of the South, denying the right of Secession and strengthen- 
ing the Union sentiment; but no little and no big giant could stay 
any more the tide of coming events, of which one able writer prophet- 
ically said. "When we see such men at the South as Stephens and 
Johnson of Georgia, Forsyth and Winston of Alabama, Foote of Ten- 
nessee, Soule and Wickliff of Louisiana, Houston of Texas and hosts 
of other distinguished statesmen of the South borne down by the re- 
sistless tide, we cannot, if we would, shut our eyes to the danger which 
menaces the safety and perpetuity of the Union." 

Missouri Events. 135 

Grave cares oppressed all thoughtful men, for most ominous were 
the forebodings of the last days of 1860. 



met on the last day of 1860, and organized January 2, by electing 
avowed Secessionists as officers. Governor Stewart in his farewell 
message denied the right of Secession, as Missouri belonged to the 
Union by right of purchase, and said : 

"So long as there 'is hope of success, she (Missouri) will seek for justice 
within the Union. She cannot be frightened from her propriety by the 
past unfriendly legislation from the North, nor be dragooned into Seces- 
sion 'by the extreme South. Missouri will rather take the high position 
of armed neutrality." Governor Stewart also makes use of these words: 
"Missouri, with scarcely a disunionist per se to be found in her borders," 
and closes with the words: "I would here, in my last public official act 
as Governor of Missouri, record my solemn protest against unwise and 
hasty action, and my unalterable devotion to the Union, as long as it can 
be made the protector of equal rights." 

This is strong evidence that the majority of Missourians were Union 
men. Governor Stewart's remarks of an "armed neutrality'"' gave 
probably the keynote to some subsequent threats of the same nature. 

The idea of an armed neutrality was mooted in the Border States 
and Indian Territory early in the course of hostile development. 
Strategically it was a genial conception in favor of Secession, and if 
carried out would have secured to the seceded States, with the ex- 
ception of their seacoast, immunity against hostile aggression from 
the North. Such a neutral belt, resulting from the dissolution of the 
Union, would have served also as a buffer zone between the Northern 
and Southern confederation. Under "equal rights,"' upon which 
Governor Stewart based his "unaltered devotion to the Union,'' he 
must have meant equal State Rights respecting Slavery in the Terri- 
tories, tor in the South at that time equal rights were on a level with 
the planters' conception. "This is a free country; this man is mine." 
Governor Clayborn F Jackson, born in Kentucky in 1807, was a 
decided pro-Slavery man, who in the Missouri Legislature of 1848-49 
reported the resolutions instructing Benton and his colleague in the 
Senate to support that tendency 

13(1 The Union Cause in St, Louis in 1SH1. 

The qualifying words in these resolutions were- "Any organization 
of the Territorial Government excluding the citizens of anv part of 
the Union from removing to such Territories with their property 
would alienate one portion of the Union from another and tend u!ti- 
matelv r<> disunion." Benton s opposition to these resolutions defeat- 
ed him for re-election to the Senate and eliminated him from becom- 
ing a possible President, who, like Andrew Jackson, might have 
stamped out Secession in its very inception. Clayborne F Jackson 
said in his inaugural: "Missouri and Kentucky should stand bv the 
South and preserve her equilibrium ;" also that he will defend the 
honor and interests of Missouri against all assailants whatever. 

Hy Governor Jackson's statement that "if the Northern Slates have 
resolved to admit no more Slaveholding States into the Union'" they 
have practically abandoned the Union, and will not expect our sub- 
mission to a Government on terms of inequality and subordination," 
he practically announces his hostility to the Union, which by a ma- 
jority of votes had decided to admit no more Slave States. Governor 
Jackson s demand for an amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, asked for very obvious reasons, an impossibility at 
the time. He concluded by recommending the immediate call of a 
State Convention, saying: "In this way the whole subject will be 
brought directly before the people at large, who will determine for 
themselves what is to be the ultimate action of the State.*' It seems, 
however, that the Governor himself had little faith in his peaceful 
remedy as at the end of his message he recommends "a thorough or- 
ganization of our Militia." Governor Jackson must have seen that, 
while the pro-Slavery disposition was clear and emphatic in the Cot- 
ton States, the anti-Slavery disposition was by no means such in the 
Northern States . for the great enthusiasm for the war in the North 
and the great sacrifices brought later on by the Northern States were 
chiefly made for the preservation of the Union of States, and not for 
the destruction of Slavery Even if Governor Jackson was convinced 
that the once-roused conscience of the Nation would not stop short of 
the complete extinction of Slavery he had every reason to believe- 
that emancipation would be gradual and with an equitable compensa- 
tion. But for him and the leaders in the Secession movement the 
question, pure and simple, was- "Slavery in the Union or Slavery out 
of the Union." 

Governor Jackson recommended the holding of a State Convention, 
for which a bill passed on January 18, in order to consider whether 

Missouri Events. 137 

Missouri should secede , also for the purpose of vindicating the sover- 
eignty of the State and the protection of her institutions. With the 
exception of the St. Louis delegation nearly all members voted for 
this measure. The known disposition of the Governor, Lieutenant 
Governor and Legislators justify the supposition that the call was 
made under the false impression that the Convention would vote for 
Secession . This belief was caused by the more passionate and demon- 
strative nature of the ultra Southerners, which made them appear 
much stronger in numbers than they actually were. It was not the 
first time in history that appearances deceived. 

It can be safely assumed that in every community the great ma- 
jority of people are well-intended persons, and their differences, 
though intensified by prejudices, are rooted in deep elementary con- 
victions. "While in ordinary times party affiliations are formed often 
without much reflection, in consequence of association, derivation, 
local pride self-interest and inheritance, yet when an actual recourse 
to the arbitrament of arms is imminent a great many people are in 
doubt which side to choose. The hope to influence this portion of the 
population dictated in the Border States that temporizing, vacillating, 
procrastinating policy which deferred success and caused great loss of 
life and treasure Neither the Free Soil Republicans nor the Slavery 
and State Rights defenders in St. Louis were guilty of the above fault, 
they knew that war was the only alternative left, and thev proceeded 
to organize and arm. 

On the 4th of January, D. R. Russell, Commissioner of the State 
of Mississippi, was received by the joint session of the Legislature at 
Jefferson City He came to ask the cooperation of Missouri in the 
common defense of the Slaveholding States. A special committee 
was appointed to conduct Russell to the hall, and Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor Reynolds, presiding, ordered: "When the Commissioner from 
the State of Mississippi is announced the members of the General As- 
sembly will rise to receive him." J. D. Stevenson, from St. Louis, 
objected to this demand, which was qualified by Reynolds with the 
rather rude remark ''I will change it to a request, and I hope no 
member of this General Assembly will have the indecency to refuse 
to rise." Stevenson did not dream then that in 1863 he, as General, 
will command the leading attack against A r icksburg and effectually 
help to conquer the very State of that Commissioner. Russell spoke, 
as might have been expected, from a representative of a seceded State. 

Lieutenant Governor Reynolds was very prominent in the Seces- 
sion movement in Missouri ; he claimed to be a native of South Caro- 

138 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

lina, was well versed in politics and diplomacy, had a very good edu- 
cation and was energetic and fearless. Early in December, 1860, he 
sought the councils of the Southern leaders in Washington, and it is 
more than probable that there and then plans were adopted and meas- 
ures resolved upon which should guide the Secession policy in Mis- 
souri. It was hardly in keeping with his usual sense of tact and pro- 
priety that he anticipated both the messages of the outgoing and of 
the incoming Governor by publishing on the first legislative day a 
letter indicating his personal , views upon the course Missouri should 
pursue. He advised the General Assembly to resist all attempts at 
coercion or for collecting United States revenues or for enforcing Fed- 
eral laws in seceded States, and urged the speedy organization of the 
State Militia. He also advised Missouri to call a Convention of all the 
States for the settlement of their differences, and held that if no such 
adjustment could be secured before March 4, Missouri should not per- 
mit Mr. Lincoln to exercise any functions of government within her 
limits. It is also more than probable that the heated political de- 
bates during the election campaign of 1860 led Governor Reynolds 
from step to step, as it did so many others, until sentiments of local 
patriotism, pride and falsely conceived honor made it impossible for 
him to retrace his steps. How bitter the political controversies of pre- 
ceding days were may be judged by the fact that in consequence of 
them Reynolds fought two duels with B. Gratz Borwn, in the second 
of which the latter was wounded. 

Measures hostile to St. Louis and the Union were now rushed 
through at Jefferson City. Bills were introduced for the call of a 
State Convention, which was to consider the relations between Mis- 
souri, the Union and the different States of the Union and for the 
vindication of Missouri's State sovereignty and the protection of her 
institutions. There were also acts introduced to arm and equip the 
Militia; to curtail the powers of the Mayor of St. Louis; to increase 
the powers of the Governor ; to create a new Police Board for the city, 
which the Governor was to appoint. Of the tendency of these bills 
Thomas S, Snead, himself a Secessionist and Secretary of Governor 
Jackson, in his eminent work, "A Fight for Missouri," says: 

"The prompt and almost unanimous favor with which the General 
Assembly received these measures, shows the strength of the feeling 
which was then forcing Missouri onward towards Secession. To the 
casual observer it seemed to be irresistible, and the Southern Rights People 
were exultant, and even defiant." 

Missouri Events. 139 

The Military bill introduced by Monroe Parsons January 5, appro- 
priated to the disposal of the Governor $150,000 ; it placed the whole 
population of the State at his mercy; it punished disrespectful lan- 
guage towardsjjovernor or Legislature and superseded the allegiance 
to the Federal Government. The Militia law passed, gave the Gov- 
ernor all power; the money of the schools, the Blind and Insane Asy- 
lum were diverted to pay the expenses of the Militia. It was prohib- 
ited to teach slaves to read or write, and running away slaves was 
punished by death. To popularize this last measure the same penalty 
was decreed for horse stealing. 

In consideration of a larger fixed contribution to the Democratic 
campaign fund the Missouri Legislature passed a bill which made it 
obligatory that all legal advertisements and notices in St. Louis Coun- 
ty (which at that time included the city of St. Louis) should be made 
in the "State Journal,'' published by Moritz Niedner. This indirect 
extortion of money from the public, to be passed temporarily to M. 
Niedner in order to be squeezed out of him for the Democratic cam- 
paign fund, was an outrage, and as all St. Louis newspapers lost 
through the same valuable advertisements their ardor in denouncing 
the measure knew no bounds, and Niedner for a time at least was the 
best-abused man in St. Louis and even threatened to be lynched. His 
defense that he was onlv a printer and could not secure the publica- 
tion of the Legal Record without submitting to the extortion was 
ignored by the local press. This indirect corruption, which was to 
furnish the sinews of war for the Secession campaign, greatly aided 
the Union cause in St. Louis, for the Legislature, known to be hostile 
to the Union, added injury to insult by curtailing the revenue of all 


Brigadier General Frost of the Missouri State militia, issued order 
No. 4 on January 8, which commanded all troops to assemble as soon 
as the bells of the churches sound continued peals with five-minute 
intermission, and to await further orders. Archbishop Ken drick, an 
eminent church dignitary, promptly stopped this abuse of church 
bells under his control. The measure of church bells was of doubtful 
utility, for it would have roused the Union men and organizations 
as well as the Secessionists. 

The measure of suddenly assembling the State Militia through 
alarm bells was believed to be intended for the capture of the Arsenal, 

140 The I'/iion Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

of which the Confederate writer, J C Moore states: "It could have 
been taken at any time for months with the tacit consent of its com- 
mandant if the State authorities had possessed the courage to take it." 
•"Volunteers were ready to act at an hour's notice." 

It was now deemed opportune in St. Louis to neutralize the animos- 
ity which the last presidential campaign had created between Union 
Democrats and Republicans On January 11 a meeting was called at 
Washington Hall for the organization of Union clubs, irrespective of 
previous party affiliations. This helped to consolidate the Union ele- 
ment to some extent, and by bringing the men in different localities 
more in contact with each other materially aided the formation of the 
first ten Regiments enlisting in the United States service. 

Another Union meeting was called for January 12 by N. Paschal, 
Hamilton R, Gamble, James E. Yeatman and Robert Campbell, ask- 
ing among other things for the protection of slave property by the 
Federal Government and threatening that "if the Federal Govern- 
ment shall fail and refuse this right * * * Missouri will share 
the common duties and common dangers of the South." The meet- 
ing also took strong grounds against coercion, approved the Critten- 
den Compromise and a State Convention for Missouri. 

This meeting represented conservative and conditional Union men 
but neither the mass of Republicans nor the active working Union 
men of St. Louis, who were warned by posters not to participate in 
this conservative move. The "St. Louis Republic" strongly advocated 
a similar conservative policy in its issue of January 14, stating that 
six States had already seceded, and one-half of the others would resist 
a policv of coercion, and Kentucky and Tennessee would again be- 
come the "Dark and Bloody Ground." 

A Bill calling a Convention of the State of Missouri passed both 
houses of the Legislature, with only 20 dissenting votes, and the date 
for the election of members to the Convention was set for February 
18. Besides this, another care beset the minds of the Union people in 
whose eyes General Harney s loyalty"" was an unknown quantity and 
beyond their mental computation ; another circumstance greatly ag- 
gravated the situation, namely, the commander of the Arsenal, which 
held HO, 000 stand of arms, large quantities of ammunition and war 
material, was at that time William H. Bell, from North Carolina, a 
man known to have strong Southern sympathies. Matters looked 
very unsafe in and around St. Louis, and induced Isaac H. Sturgeon, 
United States Assistant Treasurer, to write to President Buchanan 

Missouri Events. 141 

that "both parties had their eyes fixed upon those two points," mean- 
ing the Arsenal and the Subtreasury with $400,000 cash in its vaults. 
Sturgeon suggested to the President to concentrate troops at the Ar- 
senal for the protection of the property in both places. In response 
to this General Scott wired on February 13 to Harney: "Have you 
in St. Louis Arsenal troops enough to defend it? Ought you not send 
up all the men from Jefferson Barracks?" to which Harney answered: 

"The Secession party is in a minority in St. Louis, and there is 
every reason to suppose, that in the event of a movement from any 
quarter upon the Arsenal, its garrisons would be promptly succored 
by an overwhelming force from the city " General Scott neverthe- 
less ordered fifty men to St. Louis to be placed by the Department 
Commander at the disposal of the Assistant Treasurer. The men 
were stationed at the Custom House, until the treasure was removed. 
This transaction created an immense excitement in the city and 
gathered great crowds on the streets: which, however, is not unusual 
even on very trivial occasions Governor Jackson called the atten- 
tion of the General Assembly to the event, and Senator Parsons 
vindicated the honor of Missouri by offering the following resolution : 
"That we view the act of the Administration as insulting to the 
dignity and patriotism of the State, and calculated to arouse sus- 
picion and distrust on the part of her people towards the Federal 

"Resolved, That the Governor be requested to inquire of the Presi- 
dent, what had induced him to place the property of the United 
States within the State, in charge of an armed Federal force." With 
due recollection and appreciation of the recent seizure of the Sub- 
Treasurv at New Orleans, the inquiry was dropped. Strangely 
enough the argument was used later that this apparent distrust 
of the Federal authorities advanced the Secession disposition in Mis- 
souri, while it would appear that the inducement for Secession could 
not possibly be increased by the removal of these funds, which 
lessened the opportunities to secure the sinews of war. 

While these measures were carried out, the overcharged imagina- 
tion of some "Fire-eaters" urged Governor Jackson to "do and dare" 
and take the Arsenal with its 60,000 stand of arms, great store of 
powder and war material. Governor Jackson wisely thought "discre- 
tion the better part of valor" and deferred an attack upon the Arsenal 
until he had a force to insure success, which, however, never hap- 
pened. The St. Louis Arsenal could be defended against great odds; 

142 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

its main strength, however, was its location, surrounded by a loyal 
population. The St. Louis ward lines run at that time from the 
river west to the city limits, the numbers commencing at the south 
end with the First Ward. The wards south of Market street, peo- 
pled mainly by Germans and other immigrants, were so strongly 
imbued by Union sentiments, that besides furnishing the bulk of 
the first four Volunteer Regiments, they also raised three Regiments 
of Reserves or Home Guards, and all of this before the sun set on 
the 8th of May 

In January and February, 1861, the Arsenal at St. Louis was 
also comparatively safe, because actual hostilities against the Union 
had not commenced and the Secessionists of Missouri trusted to the 
State Convention to give them a kind of a legal standing by passing 
a Secession Ordinance; besides this they relied upon the State Rights 
proclivities of Major Bell, the Commander of the Arsenal, as the 
following highly interesting letter of General D. M. Frost shows: 


"St. Louis, January 24, 1861. 
"To C. T. Jackson, Governor of Missouri: 

"Dear Sir — I have just returned from the Arsenal, where I have had 
an interview with Major Bell, the commanding officer of that place. I 
found the Major everything that you or I could desire. He assured me that 
he considered that Missouri had, whenever the time came, a right to claim 
it as being on her soil. He asserted his determination to defend it against 
any and all irresponsible mobs, come from whence they might, but at the 
same time gave me to understand that he would not attempt any defense 
against the proper State authorities. 

"He promised me, upon the honor of an officer and a gentleman, that he 
would not suffer any arms to be removed from the place without first 
giving me timely information, and I, in return, promised him that I would 
use all the force at my command to prevent him being annoyed by irrespon- 
sible persons. 

"I at the same time gave him notice that if affairs assumed so threaten- 
ing a character as to render it unsafe, to leave the place in its compara- 
tively unprotected condition, that I might come down and quarter a proper 
force there, to protect it from the assaults of any persons whatsoever, to 
which he assented. In a word, the Major is with us, where he ought to be, 
for all his worldly wealth lies here in St. Louis (and it is very large) ; and 
then, again, his sympathies are with us. 

"I shall therefore rest perfectly easy and use all my influence to stop 
the sensationists from attracting the particular attention qt the Govern- 
ment to this particular spot. The telegrams you received were the sheerest 
"canards" of persons who, without discretion, are extremely anxious to 

Missouri Events. 143 

show their zeal. I shall be thoroughly prepared with the proper force, to 
act as emergency may require. The use of force will only be resorted to 
when nothing else will avail, to prevent the shipment or removal of arms. 
The Major informed me that he had arms for 40,000 men, with all the ap- 
pliances to manufacture munitions of almost every kind. 

"This Arsenal, if properly looked after, Will be everything to our State, 
and I intend to look after It, very quietly, however. I have every con- 
fidence in the word of honor pledged to me by the Major, and would as soon 
think of doubting the oath of the best man in the community. 

"His idea is that it would be disgraceful to him as a military man to 
surrender to a mob, whilst he could do so, without compromising his dig- 
nity to the State authorities. Of course, I did not show him your order, 
but I informed him that you authorized me to act as I might think proper, 
to protect the public property He desired that I would not divulge his 
peculiar views, which I promised ( not to do, except to yourself. I beg, 
therefore, that you will say nothing that might compromise him eventually 
with the General Government, for thereby I would be placed in an awkward 
position, while he probably would be removed, which would be unpleasant 
to our interests. „ McLaren and George made the mistake of tele- 

graphing a falsehood to you. 

"I should be pleased to hear whether you approve of the course I have 
adopted, and if not, I am ready to take any other that you, as my com- 
mander, may suggest. I am, etc., 

D. M. Frost." 

General D. M. Frost, born in New York in 1823, graduated at 
West Point in 1844 ; took part in the Mexican war and was breveted 
First Lieutenant by General Harney after the Battle of Cerro Gordo. 
His connections in St. Louis were with Southern families, and he 
resigned his commission in the army already in 1853; he was a 
member of the Missouri Legislature and became General of the 
Brigade sent to the Southwest frontier, ostensibly to protect Mis- 
sourians from an invasion of Kansas people under Captain Mont- 
gomery Frost's Brigade comprised Infantry, Cavalry and Artillery, 
and numbered near 600 men, which was less than one-third of 
its full complement, but which in case of an emergency, could have 
been recruited up on short notice. It is difficult to understand the 
whole course of General Frost. Born and educated in a Northern 
State, of independent fortune, his Missouri Southern connections led 
him to espouse the cause of Secession ; no doubt that wounded pride, 
on account of the surrender of Camp Jackson, affected his course; 
after being exchanged, he immediately joined the Confederate serv- 
ice, but left this already in 1863 and went to Canada. His, also, was 
one of those cases where sentiment obliterated sound judgment. T. 
S. Snead states that General Frost made the necessity of seizing the 

144 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Arsenal, manifest to the Governor, "and was by him authorized to 
seize the Arsenal." whenever the occasion might require such de- 
cisive action, and thereby proves, that those who anticipated such a 
probable event, showed eminent good sense. Tt also proves that the 
State authorities, made plans for the seizure of the Arsenal as early 
as January, 1861. 

Colonel Rroadhead in a short treatise upon the war in St. Louis 
quotes an interview of Governor Jackson with Isaac H. Sturgeon. 
President of the North Missouri Railroad, at the latter's office, in 
which Jackson said "That if his advice had been taken, the Ar- 
senal would have been seized, when he could have walked in with 
ten armed men and taken it, as it had no protection ; but to do so now 
would cost the lives of great many men, and the probable destruction 
of the city.'' These sentiments do not tally with the expressions 
of General Frost in his letter to the Governor, of January 26th, and 
the most charitable construction that can be placed upon this in- 
cident, is, that the Governor's mind was unsettled, for his subse- 
quent behavior did not bear out his above quoted expressions. All 
subsequent professions of pacific intentions uttered by Governor 
Jackson or General Frost must appear in the light of being at first 
a veil and later on a palliation of "constructive treason" to the United 
States On the same day on which General Frost wrote to Governor 
Jackson a telegram was sent from Washington to the New York 
Evening Post, stating that General Scott had information of a plot 
for the seizure of the St. Louis Arsenal ; was this caused by General 
Frosts visit to the Arsenal? So much is certain, that this informa- 
tion and the earnest and repeated demands of Frank P. Blair and 
other decided Union men, at last prevailed upon the administra- 
tion at Washington. Major Bell was superseded in command of 
the Arsenal by Major Hagner. This frustrated all chances of a 
peaceful occupation of the U S. Arsenal by Secessionists in the 
guise of State Militia. 

On January 26 Captain Sweeney was ordered from Jefferson Bar- 
racks, to take command of the troops at the Arsenal; but Major Hag- 
ner remained Commander of the Arsenal, and was his superior offi- 
cer, and while Sweeney had the de facto power to assume authority, 
he could do so only at the risk of a court martial, for evidently the 
final authority vested in Major Hagner, An anecdote reveals the 
peculiar service relations of that period. An old fellow officer of 
Sweenev. named Croghan, called on him at the Arsenal, revealed his 

Missouri Events. 115 

uniform and rank as a Confederate field officer and advised Sweeney 
to get out of the Arsenal, because he said "We intend to take it." 
Sweeney peremptorily declared he would blow up the Arsenal be- 
fore surrendering it, and warned Croghan of bis danger of being in 
a Confederate uniform at the Arsenal. 

Rumor, which a Latin poet 1.900 years ago. designated, as a hor- 
rible, immense, blind monster, was now as ever busily at work. 
Union leaders and men were alarmed and cautioned to defend the 
Arsenal against secretly planned attacks by the Secessionist, for 
which even specific dates were designated, but no clearly formulated 
plan is thus far on record, no such attack was ever made and all 
such schemes appear to have remained in the embryo condition 
of mere evil intentions. 


Towards the end of January, a number of Union men met at the 
Mercantile Library and appointed a committee to propose candi- 
dates for the State Convention. An adjourned meeting at Verandah 
Hall adopted the following ticket: Ferd. Mover, T. T Oantt, Dr. 
M. L. Linton, II. R. Oamble, Hudson E. Bridge. John F Long, Sol. 
Smith. J. II. Shakelford, Uriel Wright, Samuel Breckenridge, Rob- 
ert Holmes. Jas. O. Broadhead, Isidore Bush, John How, Henry 
Hitchcock, which were classified as seven Douglas Democrats, four 
Lincoln Republicans, three Union men from the Bell and Everett 
following, and one was not classified. Strong Union resolutions in- 
dorsed these candidates. The names on the ticket were not selected 
in proportion to the Union vote in St. Louis, which was chiefly 
German, and in its great majority for Lincoln, but the object was 
to secure the undecided vote and the favorable result, fully justified 
the selection. 

With regard to the political complexion as far as the voters of the 
whole State are concerned, the classification of T L. Snead, Secre- 
tary to Oovernor Jackson, may be safely assumed as reliable; he 
states that the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, a majority of the 
General Assembly, both United States Senators, Jas. L. Green and 
Trusten Polk; also General David Atchison, were Secessionists in so 
far that they would have Missouri eventually side with the seceded 
States, which, in their opinion, would include all slaveholding 
States, their faction represented about 19 per cent of the voters. He 
classifies as conditional Union men : H. U. Gamble, A. W Doniphan, 


146 The Union Cause in St, Louis in 1861 

Jas. R. Collins, W A. Hall, J 8. Phelps,, Robert Stewart, Sterling 
Price, N. Paschall, editor of the St. Louis Republic, and states that 
their influence was chiefly with men who sympathized with the 
South, but saw that the business and geographical relations made it 
the interest of the State to remain with the Northern States in the 
Union ; many men of this faction had still a latent hope for a com- 
promise. They recruited from the Douglas and Bell men and 
jointly cast about 71 per cent in the last election. The unconditional 
Union men were immigrants from Europe, chiefly Germany, with 
comparatively few Americans from the Middle and Eastern States 
and mountaineers from the border States; they were mostly inhabi- 
tants of cities and cast only 10 per cent of the votes at the last 
presidential election. However, that was not their real strength, 
for in the interior of the State, great many did not vote for pruden- 
tial reasons, others voted for Douglas believing in squatter sover- 
eignty, and again others for Bell on general principle of conserva- 
tism, indecision and doubt. 

It will be remembered that Virginia had asked all States to send 
Commissioners to Washington for a Convention on February 4 to 
consider and if practicable to agree upon some suitable adjustment 
between the North and the South. Although Congress treated the 
proposition with indifference, most Northern and all border States, 
Tennessee and North Carolina, sent delegates. There was a hope 
that this Peace Convention would result in a compromise, for abso- 
lute yielding either at the North or at the South was entirely 
out of the question. This hope was used to great advantage by the 
conditional Union men during the campaign for the election of 
Convention members. The brilliant eloquence of James S. Rollins, 
himself a large slaveholder, a Union man, though opposed to 
coercion ; the convincing logic of W A. Hall, who pointed out the 
hopeless strategical position of Missouri as a Secession State, wedged 
in between the three energetic and blooming Free States of Illinois, 
Iowa and Kansas ; the uselessness in case of isolation of her splendid 
communicational means of the greatest navigable river net of the 
world ; the certainty of the loss of all slaves in case of Secession and 
the danger to the families and possessions of the seceders in the 
State , all these were so weighty that they largely overcame the more 
sentimental influence of derivation, habit and past association. 

The members of the Missouri State Convention were elected on 
February 18, upon the presumption that they had the right to 

Missouri Events. 147 

submit a Secession Ordinance to the voters of the State. It is a 
memorable fact, that out of the 104 members elected for the Con- 
vention 81 were born in Slave States. 19 in Free States, 3 in Ger- 
many and 1 in Ireland. Contrary to the anticipations of the Gov- 
ernor, the election passed off quietly and resulted in a great Union 
victory In St. Louis city and county, the Union men received over 
5,000, and in the State over 80,000 majority, and not a single 
avowed Secessionist was elected. This was a terrible defeat for the 
Governor and the Secessionists in the Legislature and a damper 
on their military schemes. 

As far as ascertained from i>9 members of the Convention, only 
27 were under and 72 above forty years of age; with regard to the 
same number, 52 were lawyers (9 of whom had been judges), 26 
farmers, 11 merchants and 10 other professions; certainly a very 
conservative body, regarding both age and occupation, and as far 
as experience in life is concerned it was entitled to the highest 
consideration. W L. "Webb, a Confederate writer, classified the 
members of the Missouri State Convention as 52 unconditional 
Union men and 47 who believed in Secession under circumstances 
of sufficient provocation ; but with regard to the latter number, due 
allowance must be made, between avowed intention and practical 
execution, which both are influenced by developing circumstances. 
Be this as it may, so much is certain, that this Convention was a 
very strong representative body, and while it could not quite save 
Missouri from the ravages of civil war, it imparted a knowledge 
of the true interests of the State, which kept many Missourians from 
unnecessary sacrifices. The thanks of the State are due to all its 
members, even to those whose better judgment was afterwards over- 
come by sentiment, local pride and chivalrous notions which had no 
solid foundation in facts. 


MARCH 31, 1861. 
Name. Born. Representing. 

Sterling Price, President Virginia Brunswick, Chariton Co. 

Sam A. Lowe, Secretary Maryland Georgetown, Pettis Co. 

R. A. Campbell, Asst. Secretary. ..Missouri Bowling Green, Pike Co. 

C. P Anderson, Doorkeeper Tennessee California. 

B. W. Grover, Sergeant-at-Arms Ohio Warrensburg. 

And. Monroe, Chaplain Virginia Fayette. 

Allen, J. S Tennessee Bethany, Harrison Co. 

Bartlet, Orson Virginia Bloomfield, Stoddard -Co. 

148 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Name. Born. Representing. 

Bass, L. E Tennessee Ashland, Boone Co. 

Bast, Geo. Y Kentucky..... Rhineland, Montgomery Co. 

Birch, Jas. H Virginia .Plattsburg, Clinton Co. 

Bogy, Joseph Missouri..... St. Mary, St. Genevieve Co 

Breckinridge, Sam Kentucky St. Louis. 

Broadhead, Jas. O Virginia St. Louis. 

Bridge, Hudson E New Hampshire St. Louis. 

Brown, R. A Tennessee Cass County. 

Bush, Isidor Bohemia St. Louis. 

Calhoun, Robert Ireland Callaway County. 

Cayce, Milton P Virginia Farmington, St. Francis Co. 

Chenault, Jno. R Kentucky Carthage, Jasper Co. 

Collier, Sam Missouri Fredericktown, Madison Co. 

Comingo, A Kentucky Independence. 

Crawford, Robt. W Virginia Mt. Vernon, Lawrence Co. 

Doniphan, A. W Kentucky Liberty, Clay Co. 

Donnell, R. W North Carolina St. Joseph. 

Douglass, Wm Virginia Boonville. 

Drake, Chas Kentucky California. 

Dunn, Geo. W Kentucky Richmond. 

Eitzen, Chas. D Germany Hermann. 

Frayser, Robt. B Virginia St. Charles Co. 

Flood, Jos Kentucky Callaway County. 

Foster, John D Kentucky Kirksville. 

Gamble, Hamilton R Virginia St. Louis. 

Gantt, Thos. T Dist. Columbia St. Louis. 

Givens, N. F Kentucky Clark County. 

Gorin, Hy. M Kentucky Scotland County. 

Gravely, J. J Virginia Cedar County. 

Hall, Willard P _ Virginia St. Joseph. 

Hall, William A Maine Randolph County. 

Harbin, A. S North Carolina Barry County 

Hatcher, Robt. A Virginia New Madrid. 

Henderson, John B Virginia Pike County. 

Hendrick, Littleberry Virginia Springfield. 

Hill, V. B Kentucky Pulaski County. 

Hitchcock, Hy Alabama St. Louis. 

Holmes, Robt Pennsylvania St. Louis. 

Holt, John Kentucky Dent County. 

Hough, Harrison Kentucky Mississippi County. 

How, John Pennsylvania St. Louis. 

Howell, Wm. J Kentucky Monroe County. 

Hudgins, Prince L Kentucky Andrew County. 

Irwin, Jos. M Virginia Shelby County 

Isbell, Z Virginia Osage County. 

Jackson, Wm Tennessee Putnam County. 

Jameson, Robt. W Kentucky Webster County. 

Johnson, Jas. W Virginia Bolivar. 

Missouri Events. 


Name. Born. Representing. 

Kidd, Christ. G Kentucky Henry County. 

Knott, J. Proctor Kentucky Jefferson City. 

Leper, Wm. T Tennessee Wayne County. 

Linton, M. L ...Kentucky St. Louis. 

Long, John F Missouri St. Louis. 

Marmaduke, Vincent Missouri Saline County. 

Marvin, Asa C New Hampshire Henry County. 

Matson, Jas. T Missouri Ralls County. 

Maupin, A. W Missouri Franklin County. 

McClurg, J. W Missouri Linn Creek. 

McCormack, Jas. R Missouri Perry County. 

McDowell, Nelson Illinois Dade County. 

McFerran, Jas. ...Maine Daviess County. 

Meyer, Ferdinand Prussia St. Louis. 

Morrow, W L Tennessee Dallas County. 

Moss, Jas. H .Missouri Clay County. 

Noell, Jas. C Virginia Bollinger County. 

Norton, E. H Kentucky Platte City. 

Orr, Sample Tennessee Springfield. 

Phillips, John F. Missouri Pettis County. 

Pipkin, Phil Tennessee Iron County. 

Pomeroy, Wm. G Xew York Crawford County. 

Rankin, Chas. G Missouri Jefferson County. 

Ray, Robt. D... Kentucky Carrol ton. 

Redd, John T Kentucky Palmyra. 

Ritchey, M. H Tennessee Newton County. 

Ross, Jas. P Maryland Morgan County. 

Rowland, Fred North Carolina Macon City. 

Sawyer, Sam L New Hampshire Lexington. 

Sayre, E. K New Jersey Lewis County. 

Scott, Thomas Kentucky Tuscumbia. 

Shackelford, Thomas Missouri Glasgow. 

Shackelford, J. H Kentucky St. Louis County. 

Sheehey, Jas. K Kentucky Independence. 

Smith, Jacob Kentucky Linn County. 

Smith, Sol New York St. Louis. 

Stewart, Robt. M New York St. Joseph. 

Tindall, Jacob T. Kentucky Grundy County. 

Turner, W W Illinois Lebanon. 

Waller, Jos. G Virginia Warren County. 

Watkins, N. W ...Kentucky Cape Girardeau County. 

Welch, Aikman Missouri Warrensburg. 

Wilson, Robt Virginia St. Joseph. 

Woodson, Warren Virginia Columbia. 

Woolfolk, Alex. M Kentucky Chillicothe. 

Wright, Uriel Virginia St. Louis. 

Vanbuskirk, Elery Ohio Holt County. 

Zimmerman, Geo Virginia New Hope. 

150 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801, 

The members of the Convention met at Jefferson City on February 
28th and organized, by all members taking the oath of office to 
support the Constitution of the United States and "of the State pf 
Missouri." They adopted the rules of a previous convention , elected, 
on motion of Jas. O. Broadhead, Gen. Sterling Price permanent 
chairman ; resolved to continue their sessions at St. Louis, and made 
their resolutions, taken thus far final, by laying a motion for recon- 
sideration on the table ; this latter was carried by a vote of 65. to 30, 
showing the ruling tendency of the convention. After this, the con- 
vention adjourned to St. Louis, into an atmosphere more favorable to 
the Union cause. Shortly before, on Friday, February 15th, the 
Legislature tried to tune the convention by passing Mr. Vest's anti- 
coercion bill, which emphatically stated that, upon the invasion of 
any State, "the people of Missouri will instantly rally on the side of 
their Southern brethren, to resist the invaders at all hazards and to 
the last extremity" This resolution may to some extent have in- 
fluenced public opinion, but had no binding force upon any one 
member of the convention, nor its decisions, which upon the ques- 
tions at issue were the supreme law of the State. However, events 
must be related now which exercised an influence upon the transac- 
tions of the convention. 


During the Kansas troubles, a military officer stationed in that 
Territory called at the Missouri Democrat office, to settle his sub- 
scription. Daniel M. Houser, one of the proprietors, met him and 
expressed his gratification to find among the very conservative ele- 
ment of the army an officer who would support the radical tendency 
of the Missouri Democrat, to which remark the officer replied with 
great earnestness : "Every possible means should be. exhausted be- 
fore another Slave State is admitted into the Union." This man 
was Captain Nathaniel Lyon. When it became evident that a 
change in the command at the St. Louis Arsenal was absolutely 
necessary, D. M. Houser suggested to a conference of Union men 
Captain Lyon, whose appointment was secured, and who arrived at 
the St. Louis Arsenal with eighty men, Infantry ; not as a stranger, 
but as a well-known, resolute^ uncompromising Union man and a 
Free Soiler, notwithstanding that he had been a Democrat, favoring 
free trade. 

Missouri Events. 151 

Lyon was born July 14. 1818, at Ashford. Conn. ; graduated 
at "West Point in 1841; distinguished himself in the Mexican War 
and was breveted Captain August. 1847, and afterwards served with 
distinction against the Indians in California. The picture he makes 
of himself at the time is highly interesting- "Growing old, but not 
ashamed of it ; proud, perhaps, but not haughty ; prudent, it may be, 
in worldly affairs, yet not crafty for wealth ; desirous enough for 
fame, but not infuriated with blind ambition ; and in general, taking 
the world as it comes, enjoying richly its many blessings, sympa- 
thizing with the unfortunate, and laughing with the indifference 
of cool philosophy at the sore disappointments with which selfishness 
and cupidity are ever torturing their victims." 

In 1852 Lyon was a Democrat and a supporter of Franklin Pierce, 
and. while on leave, spoke in favor of his election. "While at Wash- 
ington he took great interest in the debates of Congress upon the 
Kansas-Nebraska issue, and these debates crystalized his opinion and 
strongly enlisted his sympathies in favor of the oppressed race. Sent 
to Fmt Riley in 1854, during the animated discussion sprung upon 
Congress by the Kansas and Nebraska Act, he espoused the cause of 
the Free Soil party with all the fervor of an earnest soul. A few 
extracts from his letters will show his disposition. He writes on 
March 2d, 1855 "It is fully apprehended that the aggressions 
of the pro-Slavery men will not be checked till a lesson has been 
taught them in letters of fire and blood." In December of the same 
year Lyon writes "I have seen so much of the overbearing domina- 
tion of the pro-Slavery people in Kansas toward the Free State men, 
that I am persuaded that the latter have either to fight in self-de- 
fense or submit ignobly to the demands of their aggressors." 
'T despair of living peaceably with our Southern brethren, without 
making disgraceful concessions, but rest assured that this will not 
always be. and in this view I foresee ultimate sectional strife, which 
I do not care to delay " In another letter he names Jefferson Davis, 
at the time Secretary of War, a heartless villain. 

The partiality of Buchanan's administration for the pro-Slavery 
party in Kansas disgusted Lyon to an extent that he seriously 
considered his resignation from the army rather than to enforce 
the laws of the United States in Kansas, arguing that he "could not 
submit to the self-debasement and humiliation of being employed as 
a tool in the hands of evil rulers for the accomplishment of evil 

152 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Lyon writes from Fort Scott, to which place he was sent by Gen. 
Harnev to head off Montgomery with the aid of Frost's Missouri 
Militia ''January '27th. 1861. — I do not consider troops at all nec- 
essary here, and should much prefer to be employed in the legitimate 
and appropriate service of contributing to stay the idiotic fratricidal 
hands now at work to destroy our Government. It is no 

longer useful to appeal to reason, but to the sword, and trifle no 
longer in senseless wrangling. I shall not hesitate to rejoice at the 
triumph of my principles, though this triumph may involve an 
issue in which I certainly expect to expose and very likely shall lose 
my life. I would a thousand times rather incur this than recall the 
result of our presidential election. We shall rejoice, though, in mar- 
tyrdom if need be." 

It was an "Ave libertas, moriturus te salutam" (Hail liberty! 
fated to die, I greet thee!") A few days later Lyon's company was 
ordered to St. Louis. 

Snead describes Lyon as 43 years old, less than medium height, 
slender and angular, with abundant sandy hair, reddish-brown 
beard, deep-set blue eyes, rough and homely features, and weather- 
beaten aspect; while Peckham describes Lyon's disposition serious, 
his bearing modest, stature slender and proportionally well built, 
with large forehead spreading above, clear deep-blue eyes, face nar- 
row, hair and beard sandy Both descriptions are correct. There 
may be added to them that Lyons features had a thoughtful and 
keen cast and made the impression of a nervous disposition. He 
was a diligent student of classical literature and history, and an ad- 
mirer of the deeds of great men. Personal experience and past events 
shaped Lyons convictions, which were to serve the highest aims of 
humanity For him the flag of the United States was the symbol 
of that tendency and his determination was that it should wave in 
triumph over the North American Continent. How clear Lyons 
mind was upon the great issues of the day, his own words show: 
"I do not see how war is to be avoided. Under quack management 
it may be long and bloody , yet I have no apprehension about the 
final triumph of Almighty Truth, though at the cost of many un- 
necessary sacrifices. I would rather see the country lighted up with 
flames, from its center to its remotest borders, than that the great 
rights and hopes of the human race should expire before the arro- 
gance of the Secessionists. Of this, however, there is no danger. 

Missouri Events. 153 

They (the Secessionists) are at war with nature and the human 
heart, and cannot succeed." 

Arrived at St. Louis Arsenal February 6th, 1861. Lyon asserted 
his right to command, being an older Captain than Hagner. The 
latter was sustained, however, by Harney and the President, because 
Hagner had been breveted Major. It was said that Lyon made the 
claim because he distrusted Hagner, who associated with Southern 
sympathizers, and whose wife was a slave-holder's daughter. Lyon 
certainly was convinced of the justice of his own claim, or he 
never would have made it. He established the closest relations with 
Blair and other influential Union men, who said that he had been 
sent to them, as it were, by Providence." His clear intellect and 
great energy mastered all phases of the local situation. A life- 
long officer of the regular army, with its strict discipline and 
punctilious system of order, it was no easy task to be called to the 
head of many organizations of a heterogeneous nature, which on all 
sides were rapidly springing into life, nor could he have done it 
without the efficient aid of many able, experienced and cultured men 
of St. Louis, nor without the devotion of the Union population, which 
stands without a parallel in the annals of our History 

On February 16th the garrison at the Arsenal was reinforced by 
-M>:> men, to which, a few days later, 102 were added, bringing the 
force stationed there to 481 men. Harney had reported East 
that there never was a danger of an attack upon the Arsenal, and if 
an attack should be made, the garrison would be promptly rescued 
by an overwhelming force from the city This latter conclusion 
of Harney was correct, but not the premises, for the Secessionists 
certainly had the intention and would have improved any chance 
to capture the Arsenal, but great vigilance prevented such a chance, 
and the vote on members of the Missouri State Convention on Feb- 
ruary 18th, defeating every Secession candidate, destroyed all hope 
of support from the irresolute, noncommittal portion of the com- 
munity, which at best was an unknown quantity The vote on the 
Convention members had a depressing influence upon the Seces- 
sionists, but neither they nor the Union men did for a moment 
relent in their efforts to prepare by all possible means for the coming 

To remedy the unsatisfactory condition of affairs at the Arsenal, 
F P Blair went to Washington, stopping off on his way at Spring- 

154 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

field, Illinois, to see the incoming President. Lyon wrote to Blair 
on February 25th a long letter, specifying all grievances, which, 
among other things, is also memorable for the latitude of expression 
which an American officer used about his superior officer. Part of 
the words referred to are: "The announcement of General Scott 
that the command belongs to Major Hagner, is his own decision 
and done in his usual sordid spirit of partisanship and favoritism 
to pets and personal associates and toadies." Lyon states in this 
letter that the fine stone wall surrounding the Arsenal should be 
used for defense by preparing scaffoldings from which to fire, hav- 
ing sand bags ready to protect artillery pieces, which would sweep 
the outside faces of the walls; also to put up traverses inside, and 
place a battery to clear out intruders inside the walls ; further, to 
mine the buildings for blowing them up if they could not be de- 
fended ; to form a battery towards the Mississippi, or Arsenal Island, 
and the opposite shore. Major Hagner objected to all these prepara- 
tions, wanted to admit the enemy unopposed inside the wall, and 
only to defend the main buildings. Captain Lyon in his letter 
designates Hagner's plan in his terse diction: "This is either im- 
becility or villainy" He ends the letter with the words: "If I 
should have command, I would have no trouble to arm any assisting 
party , and perhaps, by becoming responsible for the arms, etc., I 
might fit out the Regiment we saw in the garden the other day ; but 
most I concern myself with a view to sustain the Government here, 
and trust to such measures as may be found available. Yours truly, 
N. Lyon." 

Two days before this letter, an article appeared in the Missouri 
Democrat, representing the defenses of the Arsenal much stronger 
than they actually were, with the evident intention of deterring 
Secessionists from attacking the same. • 

A few days later, on March 1st, the Commissioner of Georgia, 
Luther J. Glenn, arrived at Jefferson City to invite Missouri into 
the Southern Confederacy, Notwithstanding the overwhelming 
Union vote of the State, Governor Jackson introduced him to a 
meeting, and reiterated that the honor of Missouri required her to 
stand with the Confederate States and to join them, should Lincoln 
make war on the South. Both Houses invited Mr. Glenn to address 
the members of the Legislature, but his speech did not elicit any 
specific action of that body Glenn had the satisfaction of a serenade 

Missouri Events. 155 

and of witnessing that some members of the Legislature habitually 
saluted a Secession flag, which was hoisted opposite the Post Office. 
The St. Louis State Convention met at the St. Louis Mercantile 
Library hall on March 4 and organized" by electing Sterling Price 
President, with 75 out of 99 votes. On May 3 the Minute Men raised 
the flag of Missouri on the Courthouse dome, which, being unauthor- 
ized, was taken down by the Custodian. The same parties raised a 
Secession flag on Berthold's building, Fifth and Pine, the Minute 
Men's Headquarters. A Union flag was raised on the opposite build- 
ing by Tony Kiederwieser, his brother and other Union men. 
Crowds gathering in the street, commenced to cheer their respective 
flags, and a chance shot might have precipitated a fearful street 
fight ; but passions had not reached that fever heat, which disregards 
all danger and all consequences. The Union men in the street were 
prevailed upon to defer action to a more propitious time. Rumor 
brought this excitement in connection with a very improbable 
scheme to capture the Arsenal. On the 4th of March the spirit of 
the Secessionists was at its lowest ebb ; their number was too small 
for such an enterprise, and the chances could not be improved by 
starting a street fight two and one-half miles away 



In the meantime, seizures of United States property went on 
lustily in the South. On the 3d of January Fort Pulaski, near 
Savannah; on the 4th. the Arsenal, near Mount Vernon, Alabama, 
on the oth. Fort Morgan and Gaines, guarding the approaches to 
Mobile, on the 6th, the Arsenal at Apalachicola ; on the 7th. Fort 
Marion, near St. Augustin, was seized; it was also officially stated 
that Virginia was already then prepared to arm 25,000 troops. A 
day of national humiliation, fasting and prayer was proclaimed at 
"Washington, but a less peaceful spirit prevailed next day at many 
places in the North, where salutes were fired in approval of Major 
Anderson's removal to Fort Sumter, which, in fact, was an act of the 
plainest military duty Delegates from South Carolina now called 
upon President Buchanan, who said he could receive them only as 
private citizens, and also informed them that he would defend Fort 
Sumter. Upon this information, the delegation of private citizens 
left unceremoniously for home. On January •"> the ''Star of the West'' 
left New York harbor with men and munitions of war for Fort Sum- 
ter; the same day the Senators from Georgia, Florida, Alabama, 
Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas met at Washington and 
advised their States to secede, and to organize a Slave-holding Con- 
federacy This action was incorrectly attributed to the President's 
answer to the citizens of South Carolina, likewise to the sailing of 
the '"Star of the West." The Senators, as part of the Government, 
were in daily and direct communication with the President, and did 
not need any outside information. It may be taken as a self-evident 
axiom in History that great events have great causes. The probability 
is that the South Carolina delegation was sent to Washington to 
hasten the call for the Slave-holding Confederation, a measure which 
had lieeii preconsideivd long before. 


The Approaching Storm. 157 

On the last of December, an anticoercion resolution was tabled in 
the House of Congress*by a vote of 98 to 55, and later a resolution 
was passed, approving Major Anderson's removal to Fort Sumter and 
promising support to the President for all his constitutional meas- 
ures for the preservation of the Union. A bill introduced by Bing- 
ham of Ohio in the House, empowering the President to transfer the 
Collector's office, if need be, on board of a war vessel, was supported 
by 103 votes against 62, which, not being the two-third vote requisite 
under the rules, had to lay over and was never reached. There was 
no use in President Buchanan s asking Congress to enact laws, which 
would give him power to perform his duty, when the votes of his 
party friends and Southern sympathizers could block such legisla- 
tion. The compromise measures still pending were probably the 
greatest hindrance to energetic action. 

In times of general excitement men may be led to odd notions. 
Fernando "Wood, Mayor of New York, stung by some legislation 
which curtailed the corporate rights of New York City, recom- 
mended to the Common Council, early in January, to consider the 
advisability of seceding from the State and the Union. As he 
stated himself, this step may not be necessary if the Legislature and 
Congress will bring the desired relief by the repeal of objectionable 
laws and the restoration of corporate rights. It is not recorded 
whether the steel-nerved and clear-headed business men of New 
York only smiled at this odd suggestion or laughed outright. This 
exceeded even the dreams of those political visionaries that hinted at 
the possibility of a separate Northwestern, Pacific or Western Union, 
in addition to the Southern Confederacy 

AVhen the "Star of the West" arrived before Charleston harbor it 
was fired upon from the Batteries of the Secessionists, which had 
been erected to reduce Fort Sumter and to defend Charleston. The 
surmise that the mission of the "Star of the West" had precipitated 
the war, had no foundation in fact, for the Cotton States were bent 
on Secession, unless the principle of Slavery extension was granted, 
and, besides, it was the solemn duty of the President to maintain the 
Arsenals and Forts of the United States in a defensible condition. 
Nor was it very material who commenced hostilities; for, with the 
disposition of the people of both sections of the Union, war was 
inevitable. The shot fired at the "Star of the West" was only the 
last drop, which made the bucket overflow. . The response from the 

158 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

North came quick, in accents which could not be misunderstood. 
Already, on the 11th of January, the Legislature of New York 
passed a preamble recounting all treasonable acts in the Cotton 
States, specifying the "firing into a Government vessel, ordered by 
the Government to convey troops and provisions to Fort Sumter," 
and stating that by this act "the Cotton States virtually declared 
war." The Legislature resolved to support and preserve the Union 
unimpaired, and closed with the emphatic words: "Renewing the 
pledge given and redeemed by our fathers, we are ready to devote our 
fortunes, our lives and our sacred honor to upholding the Union and 
Constitution." The Legislatures of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, 
Wisconsin, and Minnesota passed similar resolutions, and Governor 
Andrews of Massachusetts ordered the enrollment of all militiamen 
to be ready for field service, on the call of the President. 

In the meantime the disintegrating process went on in the South. 
January 9 Mississippi and on the 10th Florida seceded and occupied 
the barracks at Pensacola, while Lieutenant Slemmer transferred the 
United States forces from the mainland to Fort Pickens. On the 
10th the Arsenal at Baton Rouge, and on the 11th Fort St. Philip 
and Fort Jackson, in Louisiana, were seized, and the same day Ala- 
bama seceded and invited all Slave-holding States to send delegates, 
to meet in convention February 4 at Montgomery, in order to con- 
sider measures for their common peace and security. On January 
19 the Legislature of Virginia voted one million dollars for arming 
and equipping the Militia, and resolved : "That if all efforts to recon- 
cile the differences between the two sections of the country should 
prove abortive, then every consideration of honor and interest 
demanded that Virginia should unite her destinies with those of her 
sister Slave-holding States." About the same time both the Legis- 
latures of Tennessee and Kentucky passed anti-coercion resolutions 
and threatened to resist every invasion of their territory made by 
the Federal Army for the purpose of keeping the seceded States in 
the Union. 


In Georgia the example of the seceding States was sorely felt. Its 
leading Statesman, Alexander Stephens, was opposed to all hasty 
action, and stated that Secession should be conditioned on President 
Lincoln's actions, or on the repeal of the Fugitrve Slave law, which 
could not take place before the new Congress assembled. Stephens 

The Approaching Storm. 159 

held civil war the greatest curse that can befall a free people, and 
pointed at improper motives, saying. "Some of our public men 
have failed in their aspirations, that is true, and from that comes 
a great part of our trouble, but, for all that, he would say, Georgia 
first and the Union next," About the middle of January he made 
the effort of his life before the Georgia State Convention, and the 
strongest and ablest argument that ever was made against Secession. 
This speech, more than any other circumstance, proves how strong- 
State rights patriotism, and love for accustomed home associations, 
must have been in the South, that, notwithstanding his views of the 
madness of Secession, Stephens could cling to his native State, even 
in its folly, and dignify what he knew to be a lost cause by accepting 
the Vice-Presidency of the Confederate States. Shortly before 
Stephens had said "Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix 
from which spring all our characteristics," and he knew that the 
institution of Slavery had so shaped Southern pride, passion and 
domineering ambition; knew that the excitement of the recent 
political campaign had so inflamed Southern sentiment that the 
people there would not even listen to, far less consider, the wisest 
counsel. And. still, Alexander II. Stephens, known as the clearest 
head of the South, thought it his duty to make a final appeal to 
prevent the Secession of Georgia, and thus addressed the Convention. 

"This step (Secession) once taken, can never be recalled; and all the 
baleful and withering consequences that must follow, will rest on the Con- 
vention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely 
South, desolated by the demon of war, which this act of yours will inevitably 
invite and call forth; when our green fields of waving harvest shall be 
trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweeping over 
our land; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the horrors and desolations 
of war upon us; who but this Convention will be held responsible for it? 
and who but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and 
ill-timed measure, as I honestly think and believe, shall be held to strict 
account for this suicidal act by the present generation, and probably cursed 
and execrated by posterity for all coming time, for the wide and desolating 
ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate? 
Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reason you can 
give that will even satisfy yourself in calmer moments, what reasons you 
can give to your fellow sufferers, in the calamity that it will bring upon 
us. What reasons can you give to the nations of the earth to justify it? 
They will be the calm and deliberate judges in the case; and what cause 
or one overt act can you name or print on which to rest the plea of 
justification? What right has the North assailed? What interest of the 
South has been invaded? What justice has been denied? and what claim 

160 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

founded in justice and right has been withheld? Can either of you today 
name one governmental act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done by the 
Government of Washington of which the South has a right Jx> complain? 
I challenge the answer. While on the other hand, let me show the facts 
(and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North, but 
I am here the friend, the firm friend and lover of the South and her institu- 
tions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faithfully for yours, mine 
and every other mans interest, the words of truth and soberness) of which 
I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and unde- 
niable and which now stand as records, authentic, in the History of our 
country. When we of the South demanded the Slave trade, or the importa- 
tion of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the 
right for twenty years? When we asked a three-fifths representation in 
Congress for our slaves, was it not granted? When we asked and demanded 
the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons 
owing labor or allegiance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, and 
again ratified and strengthened by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? But do 
you reply that in many instances they have violated this compact, and have 
not been faithful to their engagements? As individual and local communi- 
ties they have done so, but not by the sanction of Government; for that has 
always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another 
act: when we have asked that more territory should be added that we might 
spread the institution of Slavery, have they not yielded to our demands in 
giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, out of which four States have been 
carved, and ample territory for four more to be added in due time, if you 
by this unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and, perhaps, by 
it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military 
rule, as South America and Mexico, or by the vindictive decree of a uni- 
versal emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow? 

"But again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of 
our relation to the General Government? We have always had the control 
of it, and can yet, if we remain in it, and are as united as we have been. 
We have had a majority of the Presidents chosen from the South, as well 
as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. 
We have had sixty years of Southern Presidents to their twenty-four, thus 
controlling the executive department. So of the judges of the Supreme 
Court, we have had eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the 
North; although nearly three-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the 
Free States, yet a majority of the Court had always been from the South.. 
This we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the Con- 
stitution unfavorable to us. In like manner, we have been equally watchful 
to guard our interests in the Legislative branch of Government. In choos- 
ing the presiding Presidents (pro tem) of the Senate, we have had twenty- 
four to their eleven. Speakers of the House, we have had twenty-three and 
they twelve. While the majority of the Representatives, from their greater 
population, have always been from the North, yet we have so generally 
secured the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the 
legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every other 

The Approaching Storm. 161 

department of the General Government. Attorney-Generals we have had 
fourteen, while the North had but five. Foreign Ministers we had eighty- 
six, and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business which de- 
mands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, from their 
greater commercial interests, yet we have had the principal embassies, so 
as to secure the world markets for our cotton, tobacco and sugar, on the 
best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of 
both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors 
were drawn from the North. Equally so of clerks, auditors and comptrollers, 
filling the executive department, the records show for the last fifty years 
that of the 3.000 thus employed we have had more than two-thirds of the 
same, while we have but one-third of the white population of the Republic. 

"Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have a 
great and vital interest; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting 
Government. From official documents, we learn that a fraction over three- 
fourths of the revenue collected for the support of Government has uni- 
formly been raised from the North. 

"Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and 
candidly these important items. Look at another necessary branch of 
the Government and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand 
in that department. I mean the mail and post-office privileges that we now 
enjoy under the General Government, as it has been for years past. The 
expense for the transportation of the mail in the Free States was, by the 
report of the Postmaster General for the year 1860, a little over $13,000,000, 
while the income was $1 9,000,000. But in the Slave States, the transporta- 
tion of the mail was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was 
$8,001,026. leaving a deficit of $6,704,974 to be supplied by the North, for our 
accommodation, and without it we must have been entirely cut off from 
this most essential branch of Government. 

"Leaving out of view for the present the countless millions of dollars 
you must expend in a war with the North, with tens of thousands of your 
sons and brothers slain in battle and offered up as sacrifices upon the altar 
of your ambition — and for what? we ask again. Is it for the overthrow of 
the American Government, established by our common ancestry, cemented 
and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles 
of Right. Justice and Humanity? And as such I must declare here, as I 
have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and 
wises of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best 
and freest Government — the most equal in its rights, the most just in its 
decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its 
principles, to elevate the race of men that the sun of heaven ever shone 
upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a Government as this, 
under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in 
which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic 
safety while the elements of peril are. around us, with peace and tranquility 
accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed — is the height 
of madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction 
nor my vote." 

162 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

It was all in vain. Georgia seceded January 19, 1861. 

Of the means used to bring this about Colonel T. T. Gantt, a State 
Rights man and Democrat, stated in the Missouri State Convention : 
"Most infamous falsehoods were sent over the telegraph in order to 
precipitate the passage of the act of Secession by the Convention. It 
was reported, through the telegraph, that the Federal Government 
had sent an army to Charleston, that operations were commenced 
by the bombardment of that city; that old men, helpless children 
and women were being slaughtered by the hundreds; that the city 
was in flames — all by an act of a tyrannous Federal executive." 

Had Georgia voted down Secession, probably no more States would 
have followed in the wake of South Carolina, and the leaves of His- 
tory would have recorded less heroism and more compromises. 

Frail man must bow to the wisdom which governs the Universe, 
though he often may not comprehend it. 

As early as January 11, Governor Pickens demanded from Major 
Anderson the surrender of Fort Sumter. The Major reported this 
to Washington, where Southern Senators requested the President 
not to reinforce Fort Sumter. To these Senators the President inti- 
mated, through the Secretary of War, J. Holt, that no hostile action 
is intended by him towards the State of South Carolina, and that 
the transfer of Major Anderson's Command to Fort Sumter was for 
protection of United States property, and purely a defensive measure, 
and that, when needed,, Fort Sumter will be reinforced. 

On the last day of January Colonel Hayne, pursuant instructions 
from Charleston, demanded the surrender of Fort Sumter. Presi- 
dent Buchanan refused to comply with this demand, stating that 
he had no constitutional warrant for such action, and closed his reply 
with the words "If the authorities of that State (South Carolina) 
shall assault Fort Sumter and thus plunge our common 

country into the horrors of civil war, then, upon them and those 
they represent, must rest the responsibility" It seems President 
Buchanan could have made short work of the civil war had he acted 
with the same decision as President Jackson did under similar cir- 


The same day on which the Peace Conference called by the State 
of Virginia met at Washington, namely, February 4, the delegates 

The Approaching Storm. 163 

of the seceded States also met at Montgomery, Alabama, adopted a 
few days later a provisional Constitution, and elected Jefferson Davis 
President and Alexander Stephens Vice-President of the Confederate 
States of America. The coincidence of these dates sounds almost like 
a mockery of fate at the exertions of men. Commissioners appeared 
to the Peace Conference from the Governors or Legislatures of thir- 
teen Northern and five Border States, and from Tennessee and North 
Carolina, but none from the States further South. John Tyler, ex- 
President of the United States, was made Chairman. The Confer- 
ence lasted thirteen days; its recommendations, similar to the Crit- 
tenden resolutions, were of little practical value, for both the House 
of Representatives and the Senate rejected them. 

The Commissioners which the Confederate States had sent to 
Washington in February to treat with the Federal Government 
upon the establishment of friendly relations, met a similar fate. 
Shortly afterwards. Jefferson Davis was inaugurated, and called out 
100,000 Volunteers for military service ; anticipating the first Union 
call by two months and exceeding it by 25,000 men. The same time, 
General Twiggs, at San Antonio, Texas, was surrounded by General 
McCulloch and compelled to surrender, also in Arkansas, which had 
not yet seceded, the Arsenal and Totten's Battery were seized, not- 
withstanding the protest of the citizens of Little Rock. All over the 
South, military organization was energetically pushed, and on March 
1 General Beauregard took command of the troops at Charleston. 

While all this was going on at the South some of their representa- 
tives in the United States Congress and Cabinet held to their offices 
with the avowed purpose of crippling the United States Government. 
Senator D. L. Yulee of Florida wrote in a letter dated January 7, 
1861 : "By remaining in our places until the 4th of March, it is 
thought we can keep Mr. Buchanan's hands tied and disable the 
Republicans from effecting any legislation which will strengthen the 
hands of the incoming Administration." Among such measures was 
one by Jefferson Davis, who stayed in the United States Senate till 
January 21, obliging the President to withdraw all United States 
forces, upon the request of a State Legislature or Convention ; also 
one to authorize a State to keep troops and a navy Hunter of Vir- 
ginia offered a resolution directing the President, upon the request 
of a State, to retrocede jurisdiction. The same offered a resolution 
to suspend the laws for the collection of Revenue in South Carolina 

164 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

or any other seceding State; he also offered principles of adjustment, 
without being able to state that they would be acceptable to his own 
people. The most characteristic was a resolution offered February 
11 by B. Craigs of North Carolina, proposing that as "South Caro- 
lina. Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana have 
seceded and established a Government under the name of the Con- 
federacy of the United States South," that "the President of the 
United States is required to acknowledge the independence of said 
Government and to receive Ambassadors or Commissioners appointed 
by it, for the purpose of amicably adjusting the matters." This was 
not reported back from the Committee. 

Less dangerous than these machinations were some meetings of 
conservative people at New York and Boston ; at the meeting held at 
Faneuil Hall even Edward Everett advocated a peaceful separation. 
These meetings had hardly any effect locally, and none whatever in 
the Union. 

In the last days of the session a substitute to a resolution of the 
Committee of Thirty-Three was offered by T. Corwin : Article XII. 
"No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will 
authorize Congress to' interfere with Slavery" This passed the 
House, and on March 2 passed the Senate, but did not change mat- 
ters in the least. All these compromise measures were supported 
by the conservative Democrats North and South; they were at best 
a makeshift for a short period. Republicans were opposed to con- 
cessions by which the Secessionists were to be bribed to remain loyal 
to the Union. Lincoln himself condemned such a policy, as his own 
language, quoted in the New York Tribune, January 30, 1861, 
proves: "I will suffer death before I will consent or advise my 
friends to consent to any concession or compromise which looks like 
buying the privilege of taking possession of the Government to 
which we have a constitutional right." 


Such were the grave circumstances under which Lincoln left 
Springfield, 111., on February 11, after taking a, pathetic leave from 
his fellow-citizens. On his journey eastward he met the greatest 
enthusiasm everywhere ; at Indianapolis the Legislature adjourned to 
greet him at the depot. He made short addresses which struck sym- 
pathetic chords of the people at Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, 

The Approaching Storm. 165 

Buffalo, Albany, New York and Harrisburg. At Philadelphia, Lin- 
coln hoisted, with his own hands, the United States flag over Inde- 
pendence Hall and said, as if his spirit was dimmed with regard to 
the immediate, yet prophetically clear in the distant future: 

"I have often inquired of myself, what great principle or idea it was that 
kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the 
separation of the colonies from the mother land: but that sentiment in the 
Declaration of Independence, which gave liberty, not only to the people of 
this country, but I hope to the world, for all future time. It was that 
which gave promise, that in due time the weight would be lifted from 
the shoulders of all men. This was a sentiment embodied in the Declaration 
of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be saved on this 
basis? If it can, I shall consider myself one of the happiest men in the 
world if I can help save it. If it can not be saved on that principle, it will 
be truly awful. But if this country can not be saved without giving up 
that principle, I was about to say, I would rather be assassinated on this 
spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, 
there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not 
in favor of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be no 
bloodshed unless it be forced upon the Government, and then it will be 
compelled to act in self-defense." 

Could Lincoln hope that there would be no war? Seven States 
had already separated and more were on the threshold of Secession. 
The peal of hostile cannon which drove the United States boat "Star 
of the West" from Charleston harbor reverberated all over the 
Union, and men were marshaling in military array at the North 
and at the South. The offers for peace and compromise, emanating 
mainly from the Border States, were not heeded at all in the Cot- 
ton States, and rejected with a sullen determination by the great 
majority of the people at the North. 

At Philadelphia the President-elect was warned that there was a 
scheme laid to start a riot while he was passing through Baltimore, 
and that he was to be assassinated during the confusion. The pro- 
gramme of the journey was therefore changed, and he passed 
through Baltimore one day earlier and arrived in Washington on 
the morning of February 23. A Committee of the House of Repre- 
sentatives had reported in January that Militia companies were 
organized from former political clubs in Maryland, to hinder the 
passage of military companies through that State. A few days 
before Lincoln's arrival at Washington, Secretary of War J. Holt 
reported, in answer to Congressional inquiry, that, while troops at 
Washington were few, they, can preserve the peace at the Capital. 

166 The Union Cause in St. Lou'ts in 1861. 

Early in January the seizure of the Capital was planned ; the state- 
ment made in the Senate that the Union was already dissolved aided 
such schemes 

Rumors that were coming from different sources and statements 
made in Congress that Lincoln should not, or could not, be 
inaugurated at Washington, also indicated maturing plans for its 
capture, which Southern journals openly advocated. Residents 
became disquieted and members of Congress insisted upon pre- 
cautionary measures. Consequently sufficient military force was 
concentrated to meet any emergency that might arise, particularly 
as it was the duty of the outgoing President to secure his successor 
a peaceful inauguration. The presence of troops for securing this 
object could only be offensive to those who desired to destroy the 


In keeping with the above views, Secretary Holt and General Win- 
field Scott, the Commander of the United States Armies, assembled 
a larger force at Washington. By the 4th of March the city was 
crowded with strangers from all parts of the country. An imposing 
escort led and followed the carriage in which President Buchanan 
and Lincoln were conveyed to the East Front of the Capitol. Sur- 
rounded by the Senators, Judges of the Supreme Court, Members of 
the House of Representatives, foreign Ambassadors and an immense 
concourse of people, the President-elect took his position upon the 
platform, greeted by the enthusiastic cheers of the masses. At his 
side stood Senator Stephen A. Douglas, holding his hat, giving by 
his presence and attitude an ominous warning to the South that the 
Northern Democracy will stand by the Union. 

In his address Lincoln again uttered words of kindness and con- 
ciliation, but also defined his firm purpose, that the laws of the coun- 
try must be obeyed. With reference to Secession he said : 

"We cannot separate, we cannot remove our respective sections from each 
other, nor build an impassable wall between them. The different parts of 
our country cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse either amicable 
or hostile must continue between them. Is it possible then to make that 
intercourse more advantageous, or more satisfactory after separation than 
before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can 
treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among 
friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always, and when after 
much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the 
identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you." 

The Approaching Storm. 167 

"I shall take care that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all 
the States. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and possess 
the property and places belonging to the Government and collect the duties 
and imports; but beyond what may be necessary for this, there will be no 
invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." 

"With a pathetic appeal to the memory of common battlefields and 
patriot graves, the President-elect closed. The oath of office was 
administered by the Chief Justice, and, with the same imposing 
escort. Abraham Lincoln drove to the White House, while the people 
cheered and the cannon boomed. Did any one dream then that, for 
four long years, storming Battalions and rushing Squadrons would 
re-echo those cheers on more than a hundred battlefields, that the 
boom of the destructive cannon would for years resound over the 
fertile fields of this Union, intended by Providence to be an Eden of 
Liberty, and that half a million of graves would soon mark the 
strife and over a million of orphans and widows would soon weep in 
consequence of the omissions and commissions of their ancestors? 


adopted March 11, 1861, by the Convention of the Confederate 
States of America, was substantially the United States Constitution 
with some changes, such as the "One-term" principle and six years' 
term of President and Vice-President; African Slavery in old and 
new States ; no protective Tariff ; no bounties ; the privilege of Heads 
of Departments to discuss questions in Congress ; separate items Veto 
in appropriation bills, and some special provisions securing property 
in slaves Jefferson Davis was elected President and Alexander 
Stephens Vice-President. The latter in addressing a large meeting 
at Savannah, came out squarely and acknowledged the cause of Seces- 
sion. He said, with reference to Slavery: 

"This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and the present revolu- 
tion. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock upon which 
the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him 
is now a realized fact. But whether he comprehended the great truth upon 
which the rock stood and stands may be doubted. The prevailing ideas 
entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the 
formation of the old Constitution were, that the enslavement of the African 
was in violation of the laws of nature, that it was wrong in principle, 
socially, morally and politically It was an evil they knew not well how 
to deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that 
somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be 

168 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

evanescent and pass away. Those ideas, however, were funda- 

mentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of the 
races. Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite 

ideas; its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests upon the great truth 
that the Negro is not equal to the white man; that Slavery, subordination to 
the superior race, is his natural and normal condition. This, our new Govern- 
ment, is the first in the history of the world, based upon this great, physical, 
philosophical and moral truth." 

These candid expressions of Alexander H. Stephens, Vice- 
President of the Confederacy, frankly show the drift of mind 
peculiar to Southern Statesmen. Denying equal rights, the only 
possible basis of a democratic republic, they hide their aristocratic 
tendency behind the screen of race prejudice. It was, however, of 
late, no doubt, not only the first, but also the last attempt, to found 
a State on Slavery In the light of latter days, there was a bitter 
irony in the words of Stephens, possibly unbeknown to himself. 


President Lincoln's peaceful inauguration at Washington reacted 
upon the Missouri Legislature, which, after a spirited debate, refused 
to pass the bill for arming the State. 

In going to the Missouri State Convention, which assembled in thf 
Mercantile Library the day of Lincoln's, inauguration, the eyes of 
many of its members while passing were directed to a Secession flag 
on the Minute Men's Headquarters, which the eloquent Uriel Wright 
described as having only one star and one crescent in a blue field, 
and which was not his flag, and in his enthusiasm for the Star 
Spangled Banner made the following beautiful quotation : 

''When freedom from her mountain height 
Unfurled her standard to the air, 
She tore the azure robe of. night, 
And set the stars of glory there, 
She mingled with its gorgeous dies, 
The milky girdle of the skies, 
And striped its pure celestial white 
With streaking of the morning light. 
Then from his mansion in the skies, 
She called her eagle-bearer down 
And gave into his mighty hand 
The symbol of her chosen land." 


Private 2d U S. Reserve Corps, .Missouri Volunteers. 

The Approaching Storm. 169 

Nevertheless, very soon afterwards, Major Wright did some tall 
fighting in the Confederate Army. 

Shortly after reassembling, Luther J Glenn, Commissioner of the 
seceded State of Georgia, addressed the Convention, urging the 
Secession of Missouri. His proposition was referred to a Committee 
with John B. Henderson as Chairman. At this session H. R. Gamble 
called for a Committee on Federal Relations now existing between 
the Government "of the United States, the Government and people of 
the different States, and the Government and people of this State 
Great many resolutions introduced by members were referred to th 
Committee; they covered a wide range: for the Union; against 
coercion; for State Rights, for the Crittenden resolutions; for a 
"Western policy; for withdrawing Federal garrisons from forts in 
seceded States, denying the right of Secession; for a Border States 
policy and others. 

With regard to the mental complexion of this Convention, it must 
be acknowledged that, while it was a brilliant assembly in experience, 
capacity and activity, very few of its members were in sympathy 
with the Free Soil principles, indorsed by the majority of the nation 
at the recent election; most of the members were still under the 
influence of their Southern education, shaped by the school, the 
pulpit, the bench and the rostrum, and only few men among them 
had emancipated themselves from the thraldom of habit and custom, 
and were resolved to face the issues upon their absolute merits. 
These few were considerate, tempered their expressions with patience 
and forbearance, acknowledged by vote the patriotism of Douglas 
and Crittenden, though not believing in the latter's proposition ; they 
followed their chief aim with perseverance and moderation, and 
eventually secured from the Convention an unqualified expression 
for the Union and against Secession. Broadhead, Hitchcock, 
Breckinridge from the city, Henderson, Hall and Birch from .the 
country, used uncontrovertible arguments and gave correct interpre- 
tations of the United States Constitution, and thus formed a solid 
basis to build upon, while considerations of safety, possession. 
progress and development, powerfully aided to bring about a correct 
solution. Judge Gamble's legal authority, great circumspection and 
personal popularity most happily guided the policy of the Conven- 
tion, and even his anti-Free Soil position, advanced his influence with 
the members. General Sterling Price, the Chairman of the Con- 

170 The Union Cause In St. Louis in 1861 

vention, was not in accord with the majority of the members. His 
selection was no doubt made to influence the Secession element in the 
State, but, although he said in taking the chair, "It may require a 
lifetime to retrace one false step," the example he set later was rather 
encouraging in the wrong direction. His rulings as Chairman were 
prompt and fair, but his usual voting with the "very conditional 
Union" minority in the Convention, left the impression that he 
abided his time to become a very unconditional Secessionist. His 
great popularity in the State, his military capacity and resolute char- 
acter would have saved Missouri and the Union a great many sacri- 
fices had he espoused the Union cause. This disposition of the 
Chairman had the effect that, towards the end of the Convention, the 
important committees were elected by the members. 

Statistical information also greatly aided the Union argument. 
The Census of 1850 gave Missouri 90,000 Slaves and 500,000 free 
white inhabitants; ten years later, in 1860, the number of Slaves 
was only 112,000, while that of free white inhabitants more than 
doubled, reaching 1,100,000, comparatively speaking, very few of 
whom were Slave owners. The taxable property in Missouri in 1850 
was 136 millions and in 1860 360 millions. Such a development 
would have ended Slavery in Missouri in a few decades. The his- 
torian, John C. Moore, bitterly characterizes a large fraction of the 
Convention and of Missouri's political men : "The conditional 
Union men were an unknown quantity. They sometimes acted with 
the Secessionists, and sometimes with the unconditional Union men, 
but were not true to either for any considerable length of time. They 
represented the wealth and the commercial and manufacturing inter- 
ests of St. Louis and the larger towns of the State, and changed their 
tactics constantly to suit their interests. On account of the wealth 
and high character of their leaders, their Southern birth and associa- 
tion, and the weak and hesitating policy of the Southern leaders, 
they had great influence ." The partial truth of this opinion does 
not detract from the great merits of the Convention. On March 9 
Judge (lamble, on behalf of the Committee on Federal Relations, 
made the following statement upon the cause of Secession 

"The origin of the difficulty is rather in the alienated feelings existing 
between Northern and Southern sections of the country, than in the actual 
injury suffered by either; rather in the anticipation of future evils than 
in the pressure of any now actually endured. It is true that a sec- 

The Approaching Storm. 171 

tional political party has been organized at the North, based upon the 
idea that the institution of Southern Slavery is not to be allowed to extend 
itself into the Territories of the United States. The fact that a 

sectional party, avowing opposition to the admission of Slavery into the 
Territories of the United States has been organized and has for the present 
obtained possession of the Government, is to be deeply regretted." 

Notwithstanding these ultra conservative views, which partly 
were not on a level with the progressive political development in the 
Union, Judge Gamble and his Committee, loyal to the instructions of 
the great majority of the people of Missouri, after sketching the con- 
dition of the country continued as follows . 

"To involve Missouri in revolution under the present circumstances is cer- 
tainly not demanded by the magnitude of the grievances of which we com- 
plain nor by the certainty that they cannot be otherwise and more peace- 
fully remedied, or even diminished by such revolution. 

"The position of Missouri in relation to the adjacent States, which would 
continue in the Union, would necessarily expose her, if she became a mem- 
ber of a new Confederacy, to utter destruction, whenever any rupture might 
take place between the different republics. In a military aspect Secession 
and connection with a Southern Confederacy is annihilation of Missouri. 

"The true position for Missouri to assume is that of a State whose 
interests are bound up in the maintenance of the Union, and whose kind 
feelings and strong sympathies are with the people of the Southern States, 
with whom we are connected by the ties of friendship and blood. To 

go with those States — to leave the Government our fathers builded — to blot 
out the star of Missouri from the constellation of the Union, is to ruin our- 
selves, without doing them any good. We cannot follow them, we cannot 
give up the Union, but will do all in our power to induce them to again 
take their places with us in the family from which they have attempted 
to separate themselves. 

"For this purpose we will not only recommend a compromise with which 
they ought to be satisfied, but we will endeavor to procure an assemblage 
of the whole family of States, in order that, in a General Convention, such 
amendments to the Constitution may be agreed upon as shall permanently 
restore harmony in the whole nation. 

The resolutions recommended by the Committee on Federal Rela- 
tions and adopted by the Convention held: 

1. There is at present no adequate cause to secede. 

2. The Union shall be perpetuated and harmony restored. 

3. The Crittenden amendments are recommended. 

4. A convention of all States shall propose amendments to "the 
United States Constitution. 

172 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

5. Coercion will cause civil war; therefore the military power of 
the United States and of the Seceded States should be withheld and 

6. The Convention should adjourn to December 3, 1861, or be 
subject to a call of an appointed Committee. 

A minority report from the Committee on Federal Relations 
presented a more partisan Southern view, but justly held that amend- 
ing the Constitution of the United States would require at least 18 
months, while remedies sought must be immediate. It opposed 
coercion, favored the Crittenden resolutions and advocated a Border 
State Convention. Judge Gamble's majority report prevailed, with 
the anti-coercion clause couched in the terms of a cherished desire 
for its prevention." Of St. Louisans Bridge, Broadhead, Busch, 
Eitzen, Hitchcock and How voted against even this mild objection to 
coercion . 

The Convention was fully informed how matters stood in St. 
Louis, for on the 20th of March Isidore Bush stated, on behalf of 
"the thousands of German citizens whom I have the honor to repre- 
sent," that "should a conflict be inevitable, your German fellow- 
citizens will stand by the Government and by the Union." 

Unusual pressure must have been brought on the majority of the 
Committee for Federal Relations, for on March 18 Judge Gamble 
reported a resolution to send seven delegates to the Border State 
Convention called by Virginia. This concession to the conditional 
Union men was a most dangerous measure, which might have created 
a Border States combination, hostile to the Free Soil policy, the 
expressed will of the nation. The danger was imminent that a 
Border States combination might lead to a neutrality declaration 
fatal to the Union. There was, however, in this last resolution a 
very material divergence from the recommendations of the minority 
report ; the latter proposed a Border Slave State Convention, to frame 
a collective proposition, which was to be presented to the Northern 
States for their acceptance or rejection, which, in its very nature, 
implied a threat; while Judge Gamble's proposition also sent dele- 
gates to a Border Slave State Convention, but with the limitation 
to consult only about measures to be taken to pacify the country, 
and to report the conclusions back to the Missouri Convention for 

The Approaching Storm. 173 

A powerful lever aided the Union cause in the Convention, 
through the report of J B. Henderson's Committee on Luther J. 
Glenn's Secession proposition from Georgia. This report, clear, con- 
cise, logical, took up the phases of Secession in their ethical, political, 
commercial and strategical relations, and proved beyond all doubt 
that the interests of Missouri are and must be with the Union. This 
report exercised a great influence upon the wavering and undecided 
in and out of the Convention. 

Defeated amendments proposed to Judge Gamble's report bore 
evidence that at least two-thirds of the members of the Convention 
were now unconditional Union men, who, although desirous of using 
all possible means to pacify the seceded States, did not favor the 
Secession of Missouri under any conditions. After an animated 
debate, the report and resolutions presented by Judge Gamble's 
Committee were adopted by a. very decided majority, and the Con- 
vention adjourned, subject to the call of a majority of the Committee 
selected for that purpose. 

If an armed neutrality could have been established by the Border 
States it would have aided the seceded States far more than the 
actual Secession of all or of either of those States. The threat of 
their Secession in case coercion was attempted, was only a threat, for 
the cooler and more considered men in those States knew very well 
that the moment any of the Border States declared for Secession it 
would be treated as an enemy, overrun from all but one side by 
Union Armies, and could even be made to bear the expense of the 
war necessary for its reconquest. The real defeat of the Secession 
cause in the Missouri Convention lay in the circumstance of that 
body's refusal of an armed neutrality or conditional resistance. 

Undaunted by this check, the Secessionists of Missouri proceeded 
with their organizations, under various names and pretexts, but all 
with the one purpose, of joining the Secession Armies of the South- 
ern Confederation. The unconditional Union element of St. Louis 
was likewise convinced that war was inevitable, and diligently pro- 
ceeded with perfecting military organizations. An unfavorable 
decision by the Convention would have only inflamed their ardor 
and precipitated local events. 

As the Secession measures in the Legislature and the State at large 
were chiefly urged by Price, Jackson, Reynolds, Rains, Vest, Frost, 
Churchill, Freeman, Clayborne and Harris, all of whom were soon 

174 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1601. 

prominent leaders in the Secession Armies, notwithstanding that the 
State, by a very large vote, had declared against Secession, the St. 
Louis Union men were certainly warranted to anticipate their hostile 
organizations and to disarm as many of them as they could. The 
spirit which dictated the oath of the Missouri State Militia prescribed 
by the new military bill can be best judged by Governor Jackson's 
declining to issue a commission to Captain George L. Andrews of an 
Engineer Company of the National Guards, because Andrews had 
added to that oath a declaration of his paramount allegiance to the 
Government of the United States in case of any conflict with the 
State of Missouri. It is evident that the oath of the Missouri State 
Militia was already a stepping stone to Secession. 


The General Assembly of Missouri defeated at this time James S. 
Green for United States Senator, because he was considered an 
avowed Secessionist, and elected Waldo P. Johnson as a Union man. 
Green took no part in the war, while Johnson resigned his seat in the 
Senate and joined the Secession Army. Upon St. Louis affairs, 
Snead, the Governor's Secretary, writes "The powerful semi- 
military organization of Home Guards" (nearly all Germans) "sus- 
tained the Republican Mayor, it had therefore become a matter of 
supreme importance to the Secessionists to take this grpat power 
from the Mayor, and accordingly a law was now enacted for creating 
a Board of Police Commissioners." This bill passed the Senate 
March 2, the House March 23. By it four Commissioners were 
appointed by the Governor, with the consent of the Senate, who, 
with the Mayor, formed a Commission, having absolute control of 
the police, the Volunteer Militia of St. Louis, of the sheriff and all 
other conservators of the peace. Snead says: "It had other and 
more important purposes, which were carefully concealed." When 
the resolution of the State Convention for calling a Convention of all 
the States to frame amendments to the United States Constitution 
came up before the Missouri Legislature, Vest, as Chairman of a 
Committee, reported upon it adversely, abusing the Convention in 
strong terms and very illogically remembered the blood of his two 
grandfathers, who, during the war for independence, fought for our 
liberties and the establishment of the Federal Union, and not its 

The Approaching Sturm. 175 

destruction. Vest at the time exclaimed, "I will never, never, never 
submit to Northern rule and dictation." Vest's subsequent long and 
useful career as United States Senator from [Missouri proved beyond 
doubt that he was mistaken in his youthful ardor of 1861, notwith- 
standing that the General Assembly indorsed his sentiment and 
adopted his report, declining to call a Convention of all the States. 
On March 2S the Missouri Legislature adjourned, the members 
sought their homes and constituencies, many with a purpose of 
organizing troops and the intention of transferring their activity 
from the rostrum to the tented field. In St. Louis Daniel G. Taylor, 
Democrat, was elected Mayor by "2.1 i. IS majority over John How, the 
unconditional Union candidate. This was claimed a reaction in the 
sentiments of the citizens who. on February 28, elected an uncondi- 
tional Union ticket by over 5,000 majority, but Taylor was 
deservedly popular, as his considerate administration under trying 
circumstances proved: besides this, the issue in April was purely 
local ; the know-nothing element voted against the Republican for- 
eigners, and the clearest beads lost interest in local politics when it 
became quite sure that the bullet would supplant the ballot. The 
police were then under the control of the Secessionists, Basil Duke, 
James H. Carlisle and Charles McLaren, and the Anti-Coercionist,' 
John A. Brownlee. One of the first acts of the Police Commis- 
sioners was an attempt to induce Captain Lyon to withdraw his sen- 
tinels from outside the Arsenal walls. This proved to be an idle 
bluff; for Captain Lyon informed them politely that he would not 
withdraw his sentinels, but, on the contrary, he would reinforce 
them. The feeling of the people towards this "exparte"' police was 
shown at a meeting of Union men at Flora Garden, where an officer 
on duty was peremptorily ordered to leave the hall. Captain Lyon 
was not in the least intimidated by the hostile police, and said that in 
case of need he would issue arms to Union men, law or no law, and 
if Hagner interfered he would pitch him into the river. Thus fore- 
warned, the Police Commissioner became active in the direction of 
least resistance, and issued a number of orders, chiefly regulating the 
colored population. Meetings of colored people were prohibited, 
their evening church service stopped, their saloons closed, Free 
Negroes and Mulattoes had to leave the city by April 24; Slaves were 
not permitted to assemble or hire out their own time, and policemen 
had to be present during their church service. This looks odd, con- 

176 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. 

sidering that the Slaves in St. Louis could barely muster 200 able- 
bodied men. All mobs were as a matter of course to be suppressed; 
the arming and drilling of citizens should be discontinued and chil- 
dren and grown people were to keep off the street after dark ; but the 
two Citizen Companies, per Ward, which should enforce these rules, 
were never organized. 


The repeated representations to Washington from F P Blair and 
other Union men had at last the effect that Captain Lyon was 
assigned to the command of the troops and the defenses of the 
Arsenal. Of this he was notified March 19 by Order 58 : 

"In compliance with Special Order No. 74, War Department, 
Adjutant General's Office, dated March 13, 1861, assigning to Cap- 
tain N. Lyon, Second Infantry, the command of the troops and 
defenses of this post, the undersigned turns over to Captain Lyon all 
command and responsibility not appertaining to the commanding 
officer of the Arsenal and his duties as an officer of Ordnance. 

By order of Major Hagner. 

"M. N. Wright, 
"Lieutenant and Post Adjutant." 

The Special Order 74, issued at Washington, did not meet the 
exigencies of the case ; for it left Captain Lyon dependent upon 
Major Hagner's opinion, and Lyon's wants, that might arise on the 
spur of any moment, were subject to requisitions that had to be 
approved by General Harney, who, right or wrong, doubted the 
necessity of any preparations for defense. The incongruity of the 
arrangements was evident to friends of the cause, and strong repre- 
sentations went to Washington to mend matters. Serious doubts 
were expressed about Mayor Hagner's capacity, even about his good 
will, which was freely discussed in the councils of Union men. 

Captain Lyon therefore again applied to his friend in need, Frank 
P Blair, who was at that time in Washington, and wrote to him 
under date of April 6 : 

"I have no control of the ordnance department and therefore cannot take 
a single round of ammunition nor a piece of Artillery, or any other firearm 
without the direction of General Harney, and in case of an attack various 
means, not foreseen, might suggest themselves, but which I could not obtain 
without taking them forcibly I cannot get a hammer, spade, ax 

The Approaching Storm. 177 

or any needful tool, but upon Major Hagners' concession. The new 

organization of the Metropolitan Police system seems to embolden the Seces- 
sionists so much as to fill me with deep concern to be prepared for them; 
and I am on this account prompted to write you. Of course in all military 
matters there should be one commander, and no such absurd thing as a 
division that shall render it liable to an entire perversion of its purpose. 
Would it not be well for the Secretary of War to order that this 
Special Order No. 74, giving me command of the troops and defenses at this 
post, should have no exception in men and means necessary for this 

Before Lyon received an answer to the above, the United States 
Grand Jury called at the Arsenal Gate and claimed admission. The 
Guard reported to Headquarters, but before the answer came the 
impatient Grand Jurors left and publicly complained that they had 
not been admitted. Captain Lyon explained in the "Missouri Demo- 
crat" of April 12 the propriety of the Guard's action. There were 
also Secessionists on that Grand Jury, and rumors were ripe in town 
of espionage in connection with attacks on the Arsenal. The case 
illustrates the difficult responsibilities which officers have to meet 
during a civil war. 




Notwithstanding President Lincoln s very conservative attitude, 
matters drew rapidly to a head in the East. John Minor Botts. a 
Virginian Statesman and Slave-holder, but an uncompromising 
Union man. states in his work "The Great Rebellion," that Presi- 
dent Lincoln informed him during a private conversation, that he 
had made through Colonel J B. Baldwin, a proposition to the 
Union man in the Virginia Convention, that if that body will 
adjourn "sine die," without passing a Secession ordinance, he (the 
President) will withdraw the garrison from Fort Sumter. I. T 
Lewis, another Virginian of high standing, corroborated this state- 
ment, as having heard it from Colonel Baldwin's own lips. Baldwin, 
however, later qualified this statement by saying that no specific 
proposition was made to him by President Lincoln. There is no 
doubt, however, that the subject was discussed in a spirit of extreme 
liberality. The news of such intention of President Lincoln spread 
even to St. Louis, for W A. Hall of Buchanan stated to the Missouri 
Convention about the same time, "We know the President is about to 
abandon Fort Sumter." In the same conversation the President told 
that he had sent a vessel with provisions to Fort Sumter, and that on 
April 8 he had informed Governor Pickens of South Carolina of this 
mission. Upon this information the Secessionists closed the harbor 
of Charleston by sinking in its channel vessels loaded with stones, 
and their President. Jefferson Davis, gave orders to General Beaure- 
gard to demand from Major Anderson the evacuation of the Fort, 
to which the Major replied that the garrison would be starved out 
by the loth, and unless the United States Government sends sup- 
plies before that date, would then leave the Fort. This answer, 
whose propriety may be seriously doubted, was not deemed satis- 
factory and on April 12. 1861. Beauregard notified Anderson that 


The }V(ir Connnences. 


his Batteries would open fire in an hour, which was actually done 
from 19 Confederate Batteries. Major Anderson did not answer 
with his guns until next morning. The bombardment lasted for 
thirty hours, and over three thousand shots and shells were fired, 
but. owing to the casemated condition of the Fort's defenses, no one 
was hurt. The military honors granted to the garrison were a poor 
consolation for the surrender. 


The news of the fall of Fort Sumter was telegraphed from Wash- 
ington to all loyal States, together with the call for 75,000 men, by 
the following 


"Whereas, the laws of the United States have been for some time past and 
now are opposed and the execution thereof obstructed in the States of South 
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by 
combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial 
proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshals by law; 

"Now, therefore, I. Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in 
virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have 
thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the Militia of the several 
States of the Union, to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress 
said combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed. 

"The details of this object will be immediately communicated to the State 
authorities through the War Department. 

"I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to 
maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our national Union 
and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs, already 
long enough endured. 

"I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby 
called forth, will probably be to repossess the forts, places and property which 
have been seized from the Union, and in every event the utmost care will 
be observed consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, 
any destruction of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peace- 
ful citizens in any part of the country. 

"And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid 
to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within 20 days 
from date. 

"Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordi- 
nary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Con- 
stitution, convene both Houses of Congress. 

"Senators and Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at 
their respective Chambers at 12 o'clock noon on Thursday, the 4th day of 
July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as in their 
wisdom the public safety and interest may seem to demand." 

180 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

"In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of 
the United States to be affixed. 

"Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of April in the year of our 
Lord 1861, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. 

"Abraham Lincoln, 
"By the President. 

"William H. Skward, 
"Secretary of State." 

Under the same date the Secretary of War sent to the Governors of twenty- 
four States — inclusive of Missouri, the following communication: 

"War Department, Washington, April 15, 1861. 

"Sir: Under Act of Congress 'for calling forth the Militia, to execute the 
laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, repel invasions,' etc., approved 
Feb. 28, 1795, I have the honor to request your Excellency to cause to be 
immediately detached from the Militia of your State the quota designated in 
the table below, to serve as Infantry or Riflemen for the period of three 
months unless sooner discharged. 

"Your Excellency will please communicate to me the time at or about 
which your quota will be expected at its rendezvous, as it will be met as soon 
as practicable by an officer or officers to muster it into the service and pay 
of the United States. At the same time the oath of fidelity to the United 
States will be administered to every officer and man. The mustering officer 
will be instructed to receive no man under the rank of commissioned officer 
who is in years apparently over 45 or under 18 or who is not in physical 
strength and vigor. 

"Simon Cameron, ' 
"Secretary of War." 

The quota of the State of Missouri, designated in the table which 
accompanied this letter was four regiments of infantry, being an 
aggregate of 3,123 officers and enlisted men, including one Brigadier 


To this the Governor of Missouri replied by telegraph : 

"Executive Department, Jefferson City, Mo., April 17, 1861. 

"Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. 

"Sir: Your dispatch of the 15th instant, making a call on Missouri for four 
Regiments of men for immediate service has been received. There can be, 
I apprehend, no doubt but the men are intended- to form a part of the Presi- 
dent's army to make war upon the people of the seceded States. 

"Your requisition, in my judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional and revolu- 
tionary in its object, inhuman and diabolical and cannot be complied with. 
Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on any such unholy 

"C. F. Jackson, Governor of Missouri." 

The War Commences. jg^ 

In giving this answer, Governor Jackson disregarded the following 
provision of the Constitution of the United States: 

"Article 1, Section 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance or 

"Article 6, Section 2. This Constitution and the laws of the United States, 
which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which 
shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme 
law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any- 
thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand- 

"Article 1, Section 8. The Congress shall have power to provide 

for the common defense and general welfare of the United States." 

'Article 1, Section 15. To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute 
the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions. 

"Section 16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the Militia, 
and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of 
the United States." 

"Article 4, Section 5. The Governor shall be Commander-in-Chief of the 
army and navy of this State, except when they shall be called into the service 
of the United States." 

It is evident from the above quotations that the Governor of Mis- 
souri, by refusing to furnish troops legally called out, violated his 
oath of office to support the Constitution of the United States and 
of the State of Missouri, and also the laws made pursuant thereof. 
While the Governors of other Border States, with more directness 
than dignity, also refused to comply with the President's call, it was 
only policy and not law which prevented their impeachment ' and 
trial for treason. As a matter of fact, all Border States furnished 
subsequentlv large numbers of troops, both to the Northern and the 
Southern armies Missouri standing at the head of them and St. 
Louis leading the State. 

It should be remembered in this connection that when Jefferson 
Davis asked Jackson to furnish one Regiment for the Confederate 
service in the East, the Missouri Governor's answer, given on May 6, 
was couched in very polite language, and a conditional compliance 
promised by Governor Jackson, who stated that as yet he has to move 
with great caution. Governor Jackson, however, was far from exer- 
cising that great caution, for two days after his refusal to furnish 
troops for the Union service, namely, on April 19, he wrote to David 
Walker, President of the Arkansas State Convention, "Missouri will 
be ready for Secession in less than thirty days" (that would have 

182 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

been within ten days after the capture of Camp Jackson) "and will 
secede if Arkansas will only get out of the way and give her a free 


In this emergency^ Governor Jackson went to St. Louis to consult 
General Frost and others. Of this, Thomas L. Snead, Confederate 
historian, writes: 

"At the conference which they held, some of the most active Secessionists 
of the city were present. Among them were John A. Brownlee, President of 
the Police Board; Judge Wm. A. Cooke, Captain Greene and Duke. They all 
agreed that the most important and first thing to be done was to seize the 
Arsenal, so as to obtain means for at once arming and equipping the State 

General Frost was to draw a memorial, how this was to be done. 

The strongest evidence that Camp Jackson, which was formed 
later, was only the marshaling of Secession forces under the di 
guise of the name of State troops is contained in a letter of General 
Frost to Governor Jackson, dated April 15, 1861, in which he recom- 
mends to the Governor, among other things: 

1. To call the Legislature together at once, for the purpose of placing the 
State in condition to enable you to suppress insurrection or repel invasion. 

2. To send an agent to the Governor of Louisiana (which had already 
seceded, January 26), or further if necessary, to ascertain if mortar or siege 
guns could be obtained from Baton Rouge, or other points. 

3. To send an agent to Liberty, Missouri, to see what is there and to put 
the people of that vicinity on their guard; to prevent its being garrisoned, 
as several United States troops will be at Fort Leavenworth from Kearney, 
in ten or fifteen days from this time. 

4. Publish a proclamation to the people of the State, warning them that 
the President has acted illegally in calling out troops, thus arrogating to 
himself the war-making power; that he has illegally ordered the issue of the 
public arms to the number of 5,000 to societies of the State who have declared 
their intention to resist the constituted authorities, whenever these authori- 
ties may adopt a course distasteful to them, and that they 1 are, therefore, by 
no means bound to give him aid and comfort in his attempts to subjugate by 
force of arms a people who are still free; but, on the contrary, that they 
should prepare themselves to maintain all their rights as citizens of Missouri. 

5. Authorize or order the commanding officer of the present military dis- 
trict to form a military camp of instruction (Camp Jackson) at or near the 
City of St. Louis, to muster military companies into the service of the State, 
to erect batteries and to do all things necessary and proper to be done, to 
maintain the peace, dignity and sovereignty of the State. 

1 The people of Missouri. 

The War Commences. 183 

Regarding this subject, T. L. Snead, the Governor's Secretary, writes: 

"On the same day that the Governor refused to comply with the requisition 
for troops, he sent Captains Greene and Duke to Montgomery, with an 
autograph letter to the President of the Confederate States, requesting him 
to furnish those officers with the siege guns and mortars which General Frost 
wanted for the proposed attack upon the Arsenal; and Judge William M. 
Cooke was sent to Virginia upon a similar errand." 

Every one of these measures shows the plain intention of defeat- 
ing the Union cause and of aiding the seceded States. It does not 
alter the case that on May 10, when General Frost saw that he was in 
the jaws of the lion, averred that no hostility to the United States 
was intended. To "repel invasion" of United States troops coming 
to Missouri ; to ask for mortars and siege guns from a seceded State 
at war with the Union ; to forestall the protection of the Arsenal at 
Liberty, Mo., by United States troops, by putting "the people of that 
vicinity on their guard" and instigate them to plunder it before- 
hand, to charge the President of the United States that he has 
acted illegally in calling out troops "for the protection of United 
States property and United States citizens," could have only the 
meaning of hostility to the United States and an affiliation with 

The St. Louis press reflected the impression which the capture of 
Fort Sumter made. The "St. Louis Republic," after denouncing 
coercion, said "The seceding States can never be conquered." 
. " No one doubts, we apprehend, the ability of the Confed- 
erate States to defend themselves against any force which Mr. Lin- 
coln may send to attack them." 

On the 16th of April the same paper wrote: "We make, no 
doubt, that there are fanatics, and fools and vagabonds enough in 
the North who, collected together, might make a good-sized army in 
point of numbers." 

What a prophetic foresight, considering the 500,000 men of the 
Union Army and the circumstance, that one of the vehement 
proprietors of the St. Louis Republic wore the Federal uniform as 
a Colonel of a Regiment before the war ended. Even as conservative 
a man as Colonel William F Switzler of the "Columbia Statesman" 
was carried away by the impulse of the moment, and urged the 
Border States: "Let them stand as a wall of fire between the 
belligerent extremes ' Let them stand pledged as they now 

184 The V.nion Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

are, to resist any attempt at coercion, and if the war shall 

actually occur, we shall stand by Virginia and Kentucky, and our 
Southern sisters." Sound policy may dictate to a public man or to 
the press, care, moderation or at times even silence, but it does not 
warrant the use of threats, which are not intended to be carried out. 

The proclamation of the President calling out 75,000 men was 
received at the North with the greatest enthusiasm, hundreds of 
meetings were held from East to West, and patriotic telegrams 
approving the course of the Administration poured in from all sides. 
The leader of the Northern Democracy, Stephen A. Douglas, called 
on President Lincoln and offered his services in the gigantic task of 
restoring the Union. Mr. Blaine said the assault on Fort Sumter 
consolidated public sentiment at the North and brought the whole 
people to the determination to re-establish the authority of the 
Union. It is said within fifteen days of the call for 75,000 men 
fully 350,000 offered their services. So much is certain that within 
25 days St. Louis alone had 10,000 Union men under arms. 

Fort Sumter was heralded as the strongest fortress in the seceded 
States, and its surrender filled the Secessionists with undue con- 
fidence in their own military capabilities, and they never reflected 
that this success was secured with war material seized from the 
Union, and that the South had very scant means to reproduce that 


By the 16th of April General Harney revised his views regarding 
the Arsenal, for he writes to General Scott. 

"The Arsenal buildings and grounds are completely commanded by the 
hills immediately in their rear, and within easy range, and I learn from 
sources which I consider reliable, that it is the intention of the executive of 
the State to cause Batteries to be erected on these hills, and also upon the 
island opposite the Arsenal. I am further informed that should such Bat- 
teries be erected, it is contemplated by the State authorities, in the event of 
Secession of the State from the Union, to demand the surrender of the 

"The command of the Arsenal at present consist of nine officers and about 
four hundred and thirty enlisted men. While this force would probably be 
able to resist successfully an assaulting party greatly superior to itself in 
numbers, it could not withstand the fire of Batteries situated as above indi- 
cated. Under these circumstances I respectfully ask instructions for my 

The War Commences. 185 

Lyon must have doubted the reliability of aid from that quarter, 
for he writes under the same date to Governor Yates of Illinois to 
secure the service of the six Regiments, the Illinois Quota, and asks 
Yates to make from him (Lyon) a requisition for arms. In conse- 
quence of this Lyon was ordered to deliver to Governor Yates 10,000 
stand of arms with accoutrements and ammunition. About this 
same time the Union men in Frost's Brigade held a consultation and 
withdrew from that organization. In fact, some left it already a 
second time, like Captains Tony Niederwieser and Fred Schaefer, 
who were prevailed upon by General D. M. Frost to rejoin the com- 
mand with their Companies of Jagers on foot and mounted. This 
circumstance adds to the difficulty of comprehending the actions of 
General D. M. Frost, for he must have known that the two officers 
mentioned above were decided Union men who would not likely be 
subservient to his aims, as professed in his letters to Governor Jack- 

But the keenest apprehensions were felt on account of an order by 
General Scott that Captain Lyon should appear before a court of 
inquiry at Leavenworth on the 15th of April. In time of civic com- 
motion evorv untoward measure is readily laid' at the door of 
jealousy, evil intention, scheme, intrigue or even treason; and so 
was this move attributed by some to ultra conservatives by others 
to outright Secession machinations. The legal axiom, "cui prodest?" 
(whom will it benefit?) found here also a broad application. For- 
tunately. General Scott was prevailed upon to revoke the order, Gen- 
eral Harney now directed Major Hagner to provide Captain Lyon 
with everything he may need for a thorough defense of the Arsenal. 
Consequently loopholes were cut in walls, banquettes raised, bat- 
teries prepared, buildings undermined, and the communication be- 
tween Union men in the city and the Arsenal perfected. There 
was free and frequent intercourse between the members of the 
Union organizations in the city and Captain Lyon, who assured them 
that in case of necessity he would furnish arms to the Union men 
upon his own responsibility. 



The President's call for men roused the entire North and was 
a step in the right direction, which ended all pusillanimous com- 
promises. True, the 75,000 men were considered inadequate to 
the emergency This was voiced by Governor Koerner of Illinois, 
who pointed to the example of small Switzerland calling out 150,- 
000 men and squelching with the same its Secessionist Cantons 
within a few weeks. 

While the Secessionists shouted ''On to Washington," the Vir- 
ginia State Convention passed on April 17 a Secession Ordinance. 
This was done in secret session in order to seize Fortress Monroe, 
the Navy Yard at Norfolk and Harper's Ferry before proper means 
for their defense could be secured by the Federal Government. 
With o.OOO men of previously organized troops, the Virginians ap- 
proached Harper's Ferry Lieutenant Jones of the United States 
Army burned its stores and with his 4.'! men retreated to Carlisle 
Nearly ten million dollars' worth of war material was at the Nor- 
folk Navv Yards. The United States steamer Pawnee with 700 
men landed at Gosport, removed large quantities, spiked the heavy 
guns, of which there was a very large number, and destroyed by 
fire all that coiild be reached. Soon after the Confederate General 
Taliafero occupied Norfolk and closed the harbor by sinking vessels 
laden with stones. Fortress Monroe, being well fortified and guarded, 
was beyond the reach of the Secessionists, but at Washington a 
feeling of unsafety prevailed and Cassius M. Clav organized a 
militia force to control rowdies and incendiaries. The sentiments 
at the South at this period are best characterized bv the words of 
Secretary Walker of the Confederates, who was cheered by an im- 
mense crowd at Montgomery, Alabama, when he said, pointing to 
the Secession bunting "The Hag which now flounts the breeze 


Organization. ] 87 

here will float over the dome of the Capitol at Washington before 
the first of May, and it may eventually float on Faneuil Hall itself." 
Events, however, that happened at the same time in the North and 
near Faneuil Hall were apt to disappoint such sanguine expectations 
When on April 15 a telegram reached Boston from Washington 
calling for help, Governor Andrews of Massachusetts dispatched 
orders to the neighboring towns, and already on the 16th three 
companies from Marble Head arrived and marched to Faneuil Hall. 
Troops now poured in from all sides and as early as the 18th of 
April, the Sixth Massachusetts Volunteers left Boston for Wash- 
ington and the Third and Fourth Regiments left by steamer for 
Fortress Monroe, while the same evening 400 Pennsylvania Vol- 
unteers and three Companies of Regulars occupied the Washington 
Capitol. Next day, the 19th of April, the last hundred men of the 
Eighth Massachusetts, passing Baltimore in cars, were attacked 
by a mob. The Bay State men got out, formed on the sidewalk. 
fixed bayonets and forced their way to the Washington Depot. 
After several of their number had been killed and wounded, they 
fired and dispersed the mob. It was on the anniversary of the 
battles of Lexington and Concord in 1776 that the first blood was 
also shed in the Civil War of 1861. The same day General Butler 
left Boston for Washington with the Eighth Massachusetts, and the 
next day the Fifth and a Company of Light Artillery starts for the 
same place. On the 21st the Sixth Massachusetts arrives at Wash- 
ington, and on the 22d the Seventh New York and the Eighth 
Massachusetts at Annapolis. The latter Regiment, numbering 
a great many mechanics repaired the railroad to Washington and 
enabled the Seventh New York to reach that city on the 25th. 
The next day, the Twelfth and Seventy-first New York passes to 
Washington, and the Fifth, Eighth and Sixty-ninth gets to An- 
napolis May 2 the Rhode Island Flying Artillery is received by 
Rhode Island Infantry on Pennsylvania avenue, and the day after 
Elsworth's Fire Zouaves enter the city These rapid moves show 
the energetic spirit of the Northeasterns, but more than all, they 
show the immense value of a well appointed Militia. Similar en- 
thusiasm and energy prevailed in all Northern States, though not 
with the same chances of offering immediate aid to Washington , 
but the above facts prove the sagacity of the Missouri Governor, 
who energetically organized the State Militia, to be used in the cause 
of Secession. 

188 The Union Cause in St. Lo »?'.<? in 1861. 


The political campaign of 1856, and still more that of 1860, 
consolidated the anti-Slavery elements in St. Louis with the Re- 
publican party. These elements in their main constituent parts 
were a limited number of Americans from Eastern and Northern 
States, who came here already with strong ethical convictions of 
the wrong of Slavery; also Americans who came to Missouri from 
the Mountain Districts of Border and Southern States and who 
never had an interest in the peculiar institution, likewise the more 
cultured or political immigrants of Ireland and the overwhelming 
mass of the other European immigration, by far the largest num- 
ber of which came from Germany. These last, by their great 
numbers and very able leaders, really formed the chief ingredient 
of the Republican party in St. Louis. At that time most of this 
European immigration sought the hospitable shores of America 
from a love of free institutions, and looked at the Federal Union 
as the embodiment of the most perfect Government on earth. Flee- 
ing themselves from the oppression of privileged classes and heredi- 
tary possessive prerogatives, they were natural foes to any kind of 
similar relations on this continent. Liberty was for them a re- 
ligion, and the very name of Slavery was sufficient cause in their 
eyes to condemn everything and everybody connected with it. 

St. Louis had grown from the small hunter and trapper colony 
of the year 1785 from 500 inhabitants to double that number in 
1800, in 1810 to 1,400; 1820 to 4,000, 1830 to 5,000; 1840 to 
16,000; 1850 to 78,000; 1860 to 185,000. It will be noted that 
the decades after 1830 and 1840, which included the two great 
political immigrations, show the relative greatest increase in this 
heterogeneous population. Political Ward Clubs, campaign com- 
panies, nominating conventions brought these elements into closer 
contact, and the desire to guard the freedom of speech at public 
meetings led to strong marching organizations, such as the "Wide- 
Awakes," under Colonel Jas. Peckham on the Republican, and 
the "Broom Rangers" and other companies, on the Democratic 
side. These companies, neatly uniformed, marched in good order 
to their respective meetings, added dignity by their appearance 
and increased the audiences and the safety of the speakers. Al- 
though these companies were not armed, their lampsticks and 

Organization. 189 

broomsticks might have been readily exchanged for muskets. In 
this sense they fostered a military spirit and prepared the in- 
habitants for the latter organizations. To stop party jeal- 
ousy a meeting on January 11 at Washington Hall, called 
for the formation of Union Clubs all over town. It was 
quite natural that the great majority of their members were Re- 
publicans. In February Union Guards were enrolled at Wash- 
ington Hall, Third and Elm, Darby's building, Fifth and Olive, 
and in more or less private meetings at Turner Hall, Filley's foun- 
dry. Farrar s house Seventh and St. Charles, on Twelfth and 
Olive. Winkelmeyer's Brewery, Ruedi's and Flora Garden and a 
number of other places. There are lists published of about 750 
name.-, but no organic connection between the separate clubs is in 
evidence, and a legal foundation, system, order, and a central 
direction came only into the movement when the Volunteer and 
Home Guard Regiments organized and were mustered into the 
United States service at the St. Louis Arsenal after the 20th of 
April and at the commencement of May, 1861. The St. Louis 
Turners, with a few other citizens and some members of the old 
Missouri Turn Society, formed the first three Companies, A, B and 
C, of the First Volunteer Regiment; John S. Cavender, from the 
Missouri State Militia ; Robert B. Beck, John McFall, Francis Man- 
ter, from the first Union Club; David Murphy from Franklin 
County, were prominently active in the organization of the other 
Companies of the same Regiment, which latter elected Francis 
P Blair Colonel. Governor Yates of Illinois had previously sent 
200 muskets, which were taken to St. Louis Turner Hall; Blair 
and the Filleys bought seventy muskets with their own means, 
and sixty Sharp's rifles were stored at Filley's foundry The Filleys 
took a memorable part in the Union movement from its very in- 
ception. Descended from the original settlers near Plymouth Rock, 
thev became leaders of industrial pursuits and maintained the in- 
herited spirit of free institutions, when sorely pressed to a test in 
1801. Besides O. D, Filley, Mayor of St. Louis at the time, men- 
tioned later as President of the Safety Committee, there was Giles F 
Filley. who came to the city in 1834; he was the first to estab- 
lish in St. Louis a pottery plant and later the Excelsior Stove Works 
and the Charter Oak Range and Iron Company. He helped to 
organize the Free Soil or Liberty party of 1848, and a newspaper 

190 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. 

called the ""Union," said to be the ancestor of the "Dispatch'', he 
aided materially the construction of the Eads bridge and the Kan- 
sas Pacific Railroad, and made good his endorsement for nearly 
one and a half million dollars with which he had accommodated a 
business friend. Samuel and Edward Filley came to St. Louis in 
1844 and 1845, and Chauncey Ives Filley in 1850. All these men 
aided the Union cause with their advice, means and active service. 
The last named was a member of the Third Reserve Regiment, 
later on Mayor of St. Louis and for forty years a leader in political 


Money had to be collected for the most pressing expenses, as 
in the inception of the Union movement the United States officers 
and officeholders of Buchanan's administration permitted them- 
selves to be tied hand and foot by Army regulations and a 
worse than Gordian Knot of red tape, which tauntingly braved 
the sword of a second Alexander. At one of the meetings of a 
Union Club, Frank P Blair suggested that as he would be absent 
at Washington City as member of Congress, 0. D. Filley as Presi- 
dent, John How, Samuel Glover, James O. Broadhead and J J. 
Witzig,. with Frank Blair, should act as a Safety Committee to 
direct matters. The suggestion was agreed to and the men named 
thereafter exercised a more or less directive influence, which was 
based on their standing in the community and their well known 
Union fealty There is an inherent contradiction in the name of 
a Safety Committee, for it is always raised in the hour of great 
public danger and has been known under different names in all 
revolutions. A Safety Committee is an informal trust, established 
by the confidence of many citizens, in whose opinion the regular 
constituted authorities do no more represent the true interests of 
the commonwealth. The authority of such a Committee is mainly 
advisorv, its tenure indefinite and transitory During popular up- 
risings such a Safety Committee forms a central medium of advice, 
information and direction ; but the St. Louis Safety Committee, 
through President Lincoln's order at the end of April also became 
the trusted representative of the Federal Government. The men 
of the Safety Committee risked fortune, station and life, and will 
be kept in grateful memory of this and future generations. 

Organization. 191 

The members of this Committee in 1S61 were prominent citi- 
zens, some of very large means, and all had a well established repu- 
tation among their fellow citizens. The President, 0. D. Filley, 
was Mayor of the city at the time, a descendant of a Puritan family; 
he became a friend of Senator Benton, was in the tinware, crockery 
and stove business. John How was born and raised in Phila- 
delphia, established in St. Louis an extensive leather business and 
tannery acquired a fortune from which he made a princely gift 
to the Washington University: he was twice Mayor of St. Louis, 
in IS.":! and 1856. Samuel T. Glover was born in Kentucky in 
l.SL>. admitted to the Bar in Palmyra, Missouri, came to St. Louis 
in 1*4! i, had been member of the Legislature, ranked among the 
best lawyers of the Slate, and although born in a Slave State, was 
in favor of emancipation. James Overton Broadhead, born in Vir- 
ginia in LSI 1 .) admitted to the Bar in Pike County, Missouri, in 
.1*42. read law in Edward Bates office, made a memorable argu- 
ment in the Missouri State Convention of 1*61 in support of the 
right of the Federal Government to call out the State Militia to 
suppress insurrection, and used the diction, "The Union at any 
cost": ho also was a loading lawyer in the State and was in politics 
a Democrat. J. J. Witzig. of Gorman descent, a mechanical en- 
gineer, a strong Union man. plain, outspoken and uncompromising. 
Frank P Blair was the most prominent, active and resolute man 
of the Committee, born in Lexington, Kentucky, in 1821, a son 
to Francis P Blair, Sr., who had been called to Washington, 
D. ('., by President Jackson to combat John C. Calhoun's nullifica- 
tion wing of the Democracy. Frank P Blair, Jr., came to Si 
Louis a graduate of Princeton College in 1843; practiced law, 
served as a private in the Mexican War, was elected to the Log' 
lature in 1852 and re-elected in 18.~4. and favored free labor and 
emancipation and the colonization of the colored race, a measure 
which, even if practicable, would beggar the South. In 18o6 
Blair was elected to Congress and was re-elected later, after Lincoln's 
election he considered war inevitable. Blair rendered the Union 
cause and the Union movement in St. Louis invaluable services 
in Washington, and by his great personal acquaintance in Missouri, 
was the most trusted and valuable advisor of Nathaniel Lyon, 
though his Congressional duties removed him to a degree from 
the immediate local organization. Tt will be seen from the above 
short sketch of the Safety Committee that three of its members 

192 The Union Cause in Sf. Louis in 1861. 

hailed from the South, two from the ISorth and one from Europe, 
also that all its members were among the best respected men of the 

A Union author styles the Club in which Blair was the leader 
the ■'Parent Company," a claim which can not be substantiated, 
for although many members of this and other Union Club organi- 
zations joined the Regiments which later went into active military 
service, with the exception of Blair and a few officers of the First 
Missouri Volunteers, the active organizers of Regiments were not 
members. of the so-called "Parent Club"; in fact organizations and 
preparations for an armed activity went on in various parts of the 
city, as at Flora Garden, Soulard Market, White Beer Brewery, 
Yaeger's Garden, Tyrolean Hall, Fourth and Poplar, Ruedi's Gar- 
den. Turner Hall, Franklin avenue, and Stifel's Brewery. Best 
appointed and led was the movement at Turner Hall, where over 
three hundred members of the St. Louis Turner Society took an 
active part, and were joined by a number of men outside of the 
Society. This body was diligently drilled by Captain Learned, a 
former United States officer; by General Sigel and others. At a 
meeting of a Union Club on March 10 at Turner Hall, the President 
of the Club, said to have been a son or relative of Governor Gamble, 
made a speech, in which he claimed that Missouri should fight 
for the flag but under no circumstances against Missourians. This- 
qualification of Union fealty was energetically opposed, and as a 
result of the debate a pledge was drawn up by E. W Decker and 
signed by G. A. Finkelnburg, R. T. and R. G. Rombauer, J. H. 
Tiemeyer, Hugo Gollmer and nearly all St. Louis Turners present, 
declaring that the undersigned will stand by the Union uncon- 
ditionally, against all its foes in Missouri or out of Missouri. In 
consequence of this controversy the members separated from the 
Club and formed three Companies, namely, the first under G. A. 
Finkelnburg, the second under Hugo Gollmer and the third under 
J H. Tiemeyer. 

On the 15th of March, three boxes of arms were brought to 
Turner Hall from Woodward & Co., in a manner to obviate sus- 
picion. They had been sent via Alton by Governor Yates of 

The "l-eat unsafety of political relations at St, Louis and the 
evident hostile disposition of different portions of the inhabitants 


Lieutenant 1st Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 

Organization. 193 

and sections of the city brought about a feeling of unrest, general 
distrust and reduction in business; collections and payments were 
poor, purchases nominal, manufactures at a standstill ; the number 
of destitute persons was daily increasing. Benevolent, Turner, 
Singing and private Societies arranged concerts, theatrical and other 
exhibitions to support with the proceeds public soup houses, often 
frequented by persons who never lived on charity before. There 
was a surplus of energy, capacity and labor in all industrial chan- 
nels. This to some extent accounts for the phenomenal filling up 
of Union and Secession ranks. 


Secessionists organized in squads, even before the old year ex- 
pired, and were drilling at the Tobacco Warehouse. On January 7 
Minute Men Companies were organized at a meeting presided over 
by Cbas. McLaren at Washington Hall; they were armed with 
the latest and best arms and later thev established headquarters 
at Berthold's mansion, northwest corner Broadway and Pine, num- 
bering early in February about oOO and rapidly increasing. Estimates 
of their numbers soon went as high as l.oUU, which in all probability 
represented more or less loosely canvassed and registered Southern 
sympathizers of a military disposition. Five Companies of these 
Minute Men. though Hying the Secession flag and engaged to stand 
by the South, were still mustered 'into the State service by General 
Frost; their Captains were basil Duke, James R. Shaler, Colton 
Greene. 0. II. barrett and G. F Hubbard. They formed a Battalion, 
elected Shaler Major and later joined Bowen's Regiment. Although 
greatly outnumbered by the Union organizations, it was surmised 
that early in the year they "might have taken the Arsenal or per- 
ished in the attempt," but for the advice of the Governor and other 
leader-, who were in hopes that the people of Missouri would de- 
clare for Secession. Thus morally supported, the Minute Men, with 
General Frost "s Militia and thousands who were expected to flock 
to their aid, could afterwards easily take the Arsenal. Failing in 
this hone and expectation, Governor Jackson and his party viewed 
the growing Union strength with apprehensions: he therefore had 
the Legislature insert a clause in the Militia bill which ordered 
the commanding officer of the District to disarm every Company 


194 The Union Cause in St Louis in IStil. 

which was not regularly organized and mustered into the service 
of the State. Snead in his work. "A Fight for Missouri," claims 
that the Secessionists, few in number, but young, full of zeal and 
well organized, did not care whether they were constitutionally 
right or not, "'for the (iod-given right of revolution is a higher 
and more sacred right than any Avhich is based upon the bargaining 
and concessions of men.'' But Snead did not seem to have con- 
sidered that this highsounding proposition is subject to some un- 
avoidable conditions. In the first instance, a revolution which is 
bound to fail in its object is always wrong. The disproportion ri 
the North and South in men, in wealth, in communicational means. 
in industrial outfit, in the education of the masses, was so great 
that only the genius of the military leaders of the South, the self- 
sacrificing devotion of its armies and the immense distances of 
sparsely populated regions could stave off the sure defeat for the 
period of a few years , and secondly, the right of revolution is only 
considered a right when it is in line with some ethical principle 
it must be resorted to for an idea which elevates humanity to a 
higher plane of perfection and which adds to human happiness. 
Is there any one so blind to all logic to assert that a revolution 
for the perpetuation of the curse of Slavery had an object which 
was elevating humanity? For it must not be lost sight of that it 
is the deteriorating effect upon the owner which every Slavery 
entails, which forms the chief cause for its condemnation. The 
unavoidable conditions of a free commonwealth are equal rights 
and duties of its citizens. These are incompatible with black or 
white, feudal or hierarchical, political or industrial Slavery, all of 
which in their continuance must become fatal to liberty. Snead 
also holds that few Secessionists organized until "Sturgeon's folly'' 
set fire to the passions of men and lit the flames of civil war on the 
soil of Missouri. This is a serious misconception of facts: for Union 
men and Secessionists had made up their mind long ago what they 
will do, and a military escort for the removal of funds which were 
endangered by actual seizures of United States funds in other parts 
of the country could excite no sensible man. Crowds will gather on 
the streets when two newspaper boys fight or a pocket thief is ar- 
rested, and before 1 SOI soldiers were an unusual sight. Mr. Sturgeon, 
as United States Assistant Treasurer, showed only proper discre- 
tion and care for the safety of Government funds in his hands. 

Organization. 195 


In the meantime the work of aggregation and formation went 
on all over town, chiefly by the younger men who formed the Volun- 
teer Regiment?, and when President Lincoln made the call for 
75,000 men, St. Louis was thoroughly prepared for it, even though 
the Governor and the State Militia were on the other side. The 
three Turner Companies were long ready, and the energy and popu- 
larity of Francis T. Blair made him the natural leader of the First 
Volunteer Regiment, which listed originally nearly 50 per cent 
German, over 4'2 per cent American and French and about 8 per 
cent Irish names. It is characteristic how some of these Companies 
were formed. The aggregation of the first Companies of the First 
Volunteer Regiment was accomplished in and by the St. Louis 
Turn Verein, with some members from kindred Societies and 
sympathetic associates. Members of the Union Clubs, former State 
Militia officers and men, with a large proportion of Americans, 
formed the other Companies, of which one was manned almost 
entirely by loyal Irishmen. 

The origin of one Company of the First Missouri Volunteers 
is so characteristic of the conditions that prevailed in Missouri at 
the time that it may be related more in detail. David Murphy 
was teaching at the quiet country town of Union, Missouri, and his 
sympathies were enlisted in the Union cause. The political excite- 
ment grew until the surrender of Fort Sumter April 14, and Presi- 
dent Lincoln's call for 75,000 men, April 15, capped the climax. 
"When the children assembled in school next day, Murphy ad- 
dressed them briefly, stating that he deems it his duty to follow the 
call of his country and join the Union forces. Bidding the children 
"Good-Bye," he dismissed school, boarded a train of the Missouri 
Pacific and came to St. Louis. Frank Blair met him on the street 
and asked, "What are you doing in the city, Murphy?" to which 
he answered, "I am going to Illinois to join the Union troops, as 
Governor Jackson of Missouri has refused to furnish any," and 
Blair said, "Why, we have nearly four Regiments ready enlisted; 
go back to Union, form a Company and come to my Regiment at 
the Arsenal." Murphy considered a moment and answered, "It will 
not be an easy matter, but I will do it." Returning to Union he 
quickly organized a Company, though surrounded by Southern 

196 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

sympathizers who were also recruiting for their side. To avoid a 
useless fight with questionable result, the members of the Union 
Company were ordered to assemble individually on train time at 
Washington, Missouri. When the train arrived Murphy's Company 
stood ready on the platform. There were two Companies of State 
troops on the train already who lustily cheered for "Jefferson 
Davis." fired pistols at random and damned the "Abolitionists." 

The Sheriff of the County warned Murphy that it was dan- 
gerous to board that train, but the Captain answered coolly, "I am 
in command here. Attention! Forward! Take the first car," and 
ordered the men to sit facing the rear cars, where the hostile Com- 
panies were. Murphy heard that at the station of Gray's Summit 
a meeting was held with the avowed purpose of stopping and mob- 
bing his Company. He called on the conductor and warned him 
he must not stop at Gray's Summit at the peril of his life. The 
conductor referred him to the engineer, to whom Murphy, after 
crawling over to the engine, repeated the warning in a manner 
which could not be misunderstood. The train flew past Gray's 
Summit, not heeding the signals and shouts of a large number of 
armed men. Captain Kelly of the Camp Jackson song 1 fame, asked 
Murphy what the meaning of that organized troop was and received 
the answer "This is a Company of Union men going to the St. 
Louis Arsenal to defend it against all attacks. Have you any ob- 
jections?" To which Kelly said, "None whatever; you are safe on 
this train to St. Louis." To which Murphy retorted. "We are able 
to take care of ourselves." The Company arrived safely at the 
Arsenal and joined the Rifle Battalion. 

The First Regiment Volunteer Infantry of Missouri organized 
April 27, 1861, by electing Francis P Blair Colonel. 

The leading spirit in the Second Missouri Volunteer Regiment 
was Henry Boernstein, editor of the "Anzeiger des Westerns," an 
energetic, able man of radical views and a gifted writer Being a 
leader in political, social and theatrical enterprises he became popu- 
lar and influential, chiefly among citizens of German descent. 
Henry Boernstein was born November 4, 1805, in Hamburg, edu- 
cated at the University of Lemberg in Galicia, joined the Austrian 

"'It was on the tenth of May, 

Kelly's men were all away, 

When the Dutch went out 

To take Camp Jackson." 

Organization. 197 

army and married in Buda, Hungary He followed theatrical and 
journalistic pursuits at Paris, France, where he took an active part 
in the revolution of 1848. Emigrating to this country, he first 
practiced medicine, afterwards became editor and proprietor of the 
"Anzeiger des AYestens," at that time a radical Republican paper. 
Boernstein was the founder of the "Free Mens Rationalistic Society," 
promoted theatre enterprises and progressive institutions and took 
a very active part in politics. Peter J. Osterhaus, who became one 
of the best Generals of the Union Army, and Colonel Fred Schaefer, 
who fell at the battle of Murfreesboro, were members of this Regi- 
ment. Drilling was going on long before the President's call, among 
other places, at the house of Professor A. Hammer, an eminent sur- 
geon, where the students of the Humboldt Institute assembled and 
were instructed by P J Osterhaus in anticipation of coming events. 
At one such evening an alarm was heard and Dr. Hammer ex- 
citedly rudied for his revolver, which the cool-headed Osterhaus 
quietly took from him. The house of Dr. Hammer stood on the 
ground of the present Anheuser-Busch Brewery, then in embryo 
state, and as that was almost within pistol shot of the Arsenal gate, 
the Doctor's excitement could be readily explained. A squad of 
about twenty students, to whom Lyon furnished muskets, held here 
an advanced guard. Osterhaus afterward aided to form the Second 
Volunteers whose Kifle Battalion he commanded, which rendered 
eminent service at the battle of Wilson's Creek. Dr. A. Hammer 
aided the formation of the Fourth Volunteers, whose Lieutenant- 
Colonel he was Dr. Joseph Spiegelhalter that of the Fifth Volun- 
teers and other squads and their members, aided similarly in differ- 
ent organizations, according to the immediate need and convenience, 
as the spontaneous and elementary nature of the Union move- 
ment demanded. Rank and advancement was gained quick. The 
Private of one day was made Captain the next, and the Com- 
mander of a Battalion or Regiment the third or fourth day. 

Francis Sigel, the most prominent organizer of the Third Regi- 
ment Volunteers, had an established reputation as a military man. 
As second in command of the revolutionary army at Baden in 
184S, he gained the appreciation of his countrymen in a high de- 
gree ; as a man of decided progressive republican views, possessed of 
a good military education, it was obvious that he should become a 
leader in military affairs. Sigel was Superintendent of the German 

198 I he Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S01. 

In>titute of Education, which enjoyed a very good reputation. The 
Second and Third Regiments were manned almost entirely by 

The •'Schwarze Jaeger," or Fourth Regiment Missouri Volun- 
teers, had its origin in a hunting and rifle club of many years' 
standing. Its members were chiefly German immigrants, their 
leader in 1861 was Nicolaus Schuettner, a carpenter by trade, who 
made up for his lack of education by a most resolute patriotism 
and the earnestness of deep conviction. There were a few Ameri- 
cans in some of their Companies, and in one a great many 
Bohemians. The "Schwarze Jaeger" w T ere always armed and being 
accustomed to the handling of rifles, having the practice and outfit 
of hunters, were in the first four months of 1861, up to April 21, of 
more consequence than most other Union organizations, as they 
could be counted upon in the defense of the Arsenal for immediate 
armed resistance. The original Schwarze Jaeger Society was largely 
composed of men who had been in military service in Europe. They 
assembled for gun and rifle practice and had social gatherings. 
They commenced to organize military Companies for field service 
early in 1861 at several points, such as Ruedi's Garden, South Third. 
Broadway near Park and Arsenal and Broadway, Jaegers' Garden 
and Wild Hunters. 

When Captain Anthony Niederwieser planted the Union flag on 
the southeast corner of Broadway and Pine, right opposite the Min- 
ute Men's Secession ensign, Captain Schuettner, with a Company 
of about forty men from the original "Schwarze Jaeger," mounted 
guard for its protection. 

The Fifth Regiment Missouri Volunteers was organized by 
electing C. E. Solomon Colonel. The first meetings of men for 
its organization were held on Park avenue and Seventh street and 
at Flora Garden. The members came chiefly from the Southern 
part of town, Carondelet and from St. Louis County. The first five 
Companies were mustered in by the 4th of May, two more by the 
10th and two more bv the 15th of May. The Regiment organized 
on May 18. ( ■. K. Solomon, the Commander of the Regiment, was 
a civil engineer and as such particularly apt to take advantage of 
topographical conditions for tactical problems. 

The slower organization of this Regiment was owing to the fact 
that the first four Regiments had filled the Missouri quota under 

Organization. 199 

the President's call for 75,000 men, and the Fifth Volunteers muster 
in was only made legal after the President increased the Missouri 
quota to 10,000 men. 

The political excitement carried its partisan fire also into the 
churches : the Catholic houses of worship were least affected because 
they were governed in the main by their highest capacities. The 
German churches were on the Union side, the majority of the 
American favored .Secession; some had a divided congregation, 
while others had a decided Union membership and eminent preach- 
ers. Eliot and Galusha Anderson were animated apostles of truth 
and liberty, and did much to develop the Union cause among 
American religious people. The latter wrote a very interesting book, 
"•The Story of a Border City During the Civil War," which sketches 
the contest in St. Louis from the ethical standpoint and casts a lurid 
light upon the unchristian features of Slavery in the home com- 
munity, also upon the obligated subserviency to it by public 
otlicers. Conservative members of Rev. Galusha Anderson's congre- 
gation objected to his usual prayer for the welfare of the President. 
After an inward struggle between his interests and his duty, Ander- 
son said from the pulpit on April 21, 1861 : "I wish to bear my 
own individual testimony to express the feelings of my heart. I 
love my country — I love the freedom of my country. It was pur- 
chased by the blood of our fathers, and when I become so base, 
so cowardly, so besotted that I dare not speak out in behalf of that 
for which they so bravely fought, I pray that my tongue may cleave 
to the roof of my mouth." At the end of the service the congre- 
gation on Sixth and Locust sung with great fervor, "My Country 
'Tis of Thee,'' in which a large number of people passing on the 
street joined. On that very day the Turner Companies illustrated 
the sentiment by marching for the defense of the Union into the 

How different are the conceptions of the moral worth of man: 
while many were elated over words which recalled the manliness 
of Elijah Lovejoy, a Deacon of a neighboring church said editor- 
ially "The devil preaches on the corner of Sixth and Locust 

May 6 an appeal was sent by the Colonels of the first four Vol- 
unteer Regiments to prominent loyal men in other States, stating 
that no aid can be expected from Governor Jackson, who is hostile 

200 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

to the Union, therefore they seek aid for the equipment and uni- 
forming of their men from parties outside, trusting to share in the 
liberality shown to Union troops in other States. They promise 
"to strain every nerve to uphold the authority of our Federal Gov- 
ernment in this remote and important post of the great West, etc." 
"Governor Gustavus Koerner of Belleville, Illinois, has' kindly 
consented to act for us as receiver and disburser, and patriotic men 
in New York, Philadelphia and Boston were asked to act as col- 
lectors." Many patriotic responses were made to this appeal, the 
collections amounting to over $30,000. The armed organization of 


whose first Regiments were sworn in May 7, took no part in this 
petition or its results, as they lived at their family homes and pro- 
vided for their own wants; their organization differed materially 
from that of the Volunteers and deserves special notice. 

As usual in times of public commotion, the young men and those 
who had no immediate family obligations first entered the Volun- 
teer service. But the news from the South, even from the, Border 
States, went from bad to worse. With a Legislature and police ad- 
ministration hostile to the Union and a militia organization under 
the control of the Secessionists, even the rapidly filling Volunteer 
organizations were not deemed to be a guarantee for the safety of 
the city These threatening conditions induced a number of citi- 
zens to organize as near as possible among neighbors a military body 
of men for the protection of the home and family, for the free 
exercise of the franchise and the supremacy of the Union. The 
leading idea was to make this body strong enough in numbers to 
prevent even the chance of a fight within the limits of the city 
For this purpose Anselm Albert, Robert J. and Roderick E. Rom- 
bauer of the First Ward met early in January to form such an 
organization. As all three had taken part in the war of 1848 in 
Hungary they knew the value of an early movement. The start 
for getting the list headed by native citizens was not encouraging: 
among others a prominent jurist remarked: "When it comes to 
a fight I will take my revolver and step into the street.'' A couple 
months later, the same party joined a Reserve Regiment. After 
this the movement was followed up in the First Ward of St. Louis, 


Private 1st Infantry; Captain 1st U. S. Reserve Corps, 
Missouri Volunteers. 

Organization. 201 

and discussed in private as well as public meetings. Drilling was 
commenced at Flora Garden by a squad of fourteen men, which 
by the 8th of February increased to fifty Chas. A. Hammerstein 
was first drillmaster, according to the Prussian Company tactics, 
which were familiar to several of those present. Meetings animating 
the Union sentiments of citizens were held at Lafayette Hall on 
Broadway and later on at Flora Garden. The movement spread 
rapidly over the Ward, bounded north by Soulard, east by the river, 
south and west by the city limits. As the object was the protection 
of home, the name of Home Guard was adopted. Its members did 
not seek nor expect pay. and at first did not expect to be enlisted 
into the service of the United States, though they had hopes of 
receiving arms from that source. By dint of several meetings and 
committees, the organization rapidlv gained system and shape. An 
executive committee of seven members was elected, namely : Gustav 
Hammerstein. Hy Almstedt, Frank Pollack, N. Frank, Carl Wal- 
ther, August Leussler and Robert J. Rombauer, to attend to the 
organization of the Ward. This committee recommended the sub- 
division of the Ward into eight districts, as follows : 

First District — River to Jackson street. Soulard to Picot street. 
Second District — Jackson to Seventh street, Soulard to Picot 
street and Russell avenue 

Third District — River to Jackson street, Picot to Victor street, 
Fourth District — Jackson to Seventh street. Picot and Russell to 

Victor street. 

Fifth District River to Seventh street, Victor to Arsenal street. 

Sixth District Seventh to Menard street, Soulard to Sidney street. 

Seventh District — Menard to Jefferson avenue, Soulard to Sidney 


Eighth District— Sidney to southern limits, Seventh to western 


For each District its own meeting place was designated and a 
committee appointed to canvass the District for one hundred mem- 
bers and send a representative to the executive committee on or 
before April 27, failing in which the committee should appoint such 
representative and notify the respective District of the appointment. 
All members had to comply with the orders of the executive com- 
mittee, otherwise they were stricken from the rolls. The proceed- 

202 The Union Cause in St. Louis in ISfl 1. 

ings were not to be divulged to outsiders, and none but members 
were admitted to the meetings. On gathering the reports from the 
Districts it was found that over 1,200 persons were listed, and instead 
of eight, twelve Companies were organized, whose members elected 
their own officers, who again in meeting assembled elected the field 
officers. The men were not equipped by the United States with 
uniforms, but furnished themselves and received no rations except 
when on duty ; they stayed at their own residence, being able, when 
needed, to assemble on short notice, for listed per Company from 
close neighborhoods and subdivided by sections to the four Ser- 
geants they could be convened with little loss of time. The head- 
quarters and place of assembly for the First Home Guard Regiment 
was Jaeger's Garden, on Sidney and Tenth streets, with gun racks 
for 1,200 muskets. Colonel Hy Almstedt had seen service in Mexico , 
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert J. Rombauer in the war of 1848 in Hun- 
gary. The latter attended to the tactical development of the Regi- 

The members of the Home Guard Regiments were the substantia] 
business men of their respective localities, the manufacturers, 
merchants, doctors, lawyers, bankers, contractors, laborers, brew- 
ers, teachers, clerks and travelers were equally represented. 
The largest number of these were Germans, there were many 
Americans, entire Companies of Bohemians and French, and a 
sprinkling of other nationalities. The five Regiments of Home 
Guards were in a true sense a Reserve Corps, which, with the 5,000 
Volunteers, exhibited such an uprising of an entire population as 
has hardly ever been witnessed before. 

Whatever has been said here of the First Home Guard or Re- 
serve Regiment is in a general sense equally true of the Second, 
Third, Fourth and Fifth Reserve Regiments. Some features were 
more apparent in the First Ward, because its population was more 
homogenous. While the service of all these Regiments was for the 
protection of the Union element and the United States property in 
the city, these troops often volunteered to go to other parts of the 
State, which they were not obliged to do by their exceptional terms 
of enlistment, as Colonel Chester Harding, General Lyons' Adjutant 
testified before the committee on the conduct of war, saying the 
"United States Reserve Corps, which could not be moved from there 
(St. Louis) without their consent." 

rganizatio n. 203 

Similar conditions prevailed in the organization of the other 
Home Guard or Reserve Regiments, only with some local varia- 
tions. There was no organic connection between these Regiments, 
except that one profited by the example of the other through meet- 
ings, consultations and a press devoted to the cause. 

In the course of the narration it will be seen that the discipline 
of the new levies was seriously doubted by the conditional Union 
men and the Southern sympathizers. While the relation between 
officers and privates in the new organizations was not influenced so 
much by shoulder strap, starched collar and red tape considerations, 
the Volunteers and Reserves had more the regard of citizens towards 
the civilians, as they entered the military service only for an 
emergency and a short period. It is true that discipline cannot pos- 
sibly be the same in a Volunteer or Militia organization as in the 
ranks of the Regular Army The reasons are obvious. In the latter 
the difference between officer and private is very great : for while 
the one is an educated man, who mastered the military art and had 
an excellent education, the men of the rank and file almost in- 
variably lack these advantages, and their ambition and patriotism 
is aided by the desire of a comfortable and careless life. The Vol- 
unteer or Militia man joins the army for the vindication of a prin- 
ciple, for law and the public interest and as a matter of duty as 
he understands it. lie enters the service from civil life, w r here he 
had been an independent, if not a directive factor. Men and officers 
in these voluntarv organizations are generally of one cast; wherever 
possible officers are selected for their past experience and acknowl- 
edged worth, but often privates stand in the ranks fit for any posi- 
tion in or above a Regiment. Companies, even entire Regiments, 
are raised from the same neighborhood, men and officers know each 
other and are on friendly terms with each other. While apparently 
too free and easy in the eyes of a martinet, they will stand by each 
other in the hour of danger and will yield to their officers an im- 
plicit obedience, because they know that the object of the service 
and their own existence is dependent upon it. There is hardly ever 
ground of complaint about discipline before the enemy, and the offi- 
cer- more arduous duties, greater exposure and responsibility will 
enlist the esteem and cheerful support of the troops. Of course, raw 
levies will rue a Capua as much as Hannibal's veterans. 

The Second Home Guard or Reserve Regiment represented the 
Second Ward. Its members came chiefly from Soulard to Chouteau 

204 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

avenue and from the river to Jefferson avenue, beyond which there 
way little population at that time. Although started in different 
parts of the Ward, the first larger gatherings were in Milentz White 
Beer Brewery on Broadway, south of Marion. Later on, Soulard 
Market Hall was made the official headquarters and place of as- 
sembly Hermann Kallmann, a contractor, was elected Colonel. 
The tactical development was attended to by Lieutenant-Colonel 
John T Fiala, who served as Major in the war of, 1848 in Hungary. 

The Third Regiment Home Guard or Reserve drew its members 
from the territory north of Chouteau to Market and west to Rock 
Spring and Cheltenham, taking also members from the American 
residence district in the center of town. Meetings were held at differ- 
ent places as Turner Hall, which was the assembly place of the First 
Battalion and headquarters of the Regiment ; Ruedi's Garden assem- 
bly place for the Second Battalion, Fourth and Poplar; Tivoli, 
Washington Hall, Winkelmeier's Brewery, Cooper shop Twenty- 
second street and Chouteau avenue, where the members drilled with 
hoop-poles. The First Company, "A," was termed Turner Zouaves. 
Its members were St. Louis Turners, who originally drilled under 
Larned with the three Companies of the First Regiment. Other 
Companies were formed from the overflow of Volunteer organizations 
and such persons whose family relations prompted service near home. 
John McNeil, a hatter, was elected Colonel. He became General of 
Volunteers in the three years service. 

The Fourth Regiment Home Guard gathered its members chiefly 
from Franklin avenue and immediate neighborhood. Its recruiting 
ground was bounded on the south by the American, on the north 
by the Irish residence district, and as their inhabitants in the spring 
of 1861 were largely hostile or conditional and non-committal Union 
men, the Franklin avenue contingent was somewhat isolated. At 
the head of this Regiment was B. Gratz Brown, a most genial political 
writer and editor of the "Missouri Democrat," to whose capacity and 
animated patriotism the intellectual victory of Unionism among 
the Americans of St. Louis and Missouri is largelv due. This Regi- 
ment assembled first on Fifth and Morgan, and later on made LThrig's 
Cave, on Jefferson and Washington avenues, its headquarters. 

B. Gratz Brown was born in Lexington, Ky.. in 182fi; admitted 
to the St. Louis Bar in 1852. As member of the Legislature in 1857 
he made a remarkable anti-Slavery speech, proving that the emanci- 

Organization. 205 

pation of the Slaves is the best measure for the material development 
of the State. This speech gave a great impetus to the Free Soil 
movement in the State and Brown came within five hundred votes 
of being elected Governor as candidate of that party Later on 
in 1871 he was elected Governor of Missouri, and in 1872 became 
candidate for the Vice-Presidency of the United States on the Liberal 
Republican ticket. 

The old Tenth Ward of St. Louis formed the Fifth Home Guard 
Regiment, which found in Chas. G. Stifel an excellent leader. 

The political situation was warmly discussed in this Ward in so- 
cieties and social circles and a general Union movement was started 
when the news from the lower Wards revealed the full earnestness 
of the situation. The North Germans, who mostly settled in North 
St. Louis, are not as easily moved as their Southern brethren, but 
when the time came they acted with great precision. A preliminary 
meeting at Ninth and North Market streets adjourned over to Stifel's 
Brewery where the Lnion men from the whole Ward congregated 
on the i'lh of May. formed Companies and immediately organized 
into the Fifth Reserve or Home Guard Regiment, but could not be 
mustered in on the 10th of May into the United States service for 
the lack of mustering officers, who were all engaged in the capture 
of ("amp Jackson. 

With regard to occupation, the First and Fifth Regiments Re- 
serve locale! on the southern and northern ends of the city, held 
the greatest number of laborers, the Second and Fourth mostly the 
representatives of the retail trade, while the Third, being in the 
center of town, held most professional men and persons from the 
wholesale, manufacturing and central business trades. 


In the spring of 18<51. Lt. John M. Scholield, a graduate of West 
Point, at the time W> years of age, was on furlough at St. Louis and 
teaching at the Washington University. Born in New York and 
raised in Illinois, his Union faith was strengthened by his loyal 
fellow teachers and directors. Upon Lincoln's call for 7.",,0()0 men, 
Schotield reported for duty and received the usual instructions for 
mustering-in the contingent of the State of Missouri. He wrote 
to Governor Jackson to designate the troops and places of muster 
but received no reply, as might have been anticipated from the 

206 The Union Cause in $t Louix in 18H1. 

Governor's treasonable answer to President Lincoln. General Har- 
ney, then in command, would not consent to a muster-in of troops 
under such circumstances without special orders from Washington. 
While Scholield urged the necessity of prompt measures to protect 
the Arsenal, pointing to the Secessionist force under the guise of 
State Militia, General Harney characterized any such contemplated 
attack upon the Arsenal as a "damnable outrage," saying: "Whx 
the State has not yet passed an ordinance of Secession ; she has not 
gone out of the Union." These words left the inference open that 
a seceded State had a claim upon the United States Arsenals, and 
it certainly justified the conclusion that General Harney was not 
the proper man to protect the Union cause in St. Louis. 

On the 17th of April Francis T Blair returned to St. Louis from 
Washington where he had been since the latter part of February, 
aiding the Union cause and urging necessary measures for St. Louis, 
while during his absence the listing of five Union Volunteer Regi- 
ments was nearly completed, but the most important measure of 
mustering them into the service of the United States and of arming 
and equipping them for actual use was still unsettled. On the day of 
his arrived (4-17) F P Blair telegraphed from East St. Louis to 
S. Cameron, Secretary of War: 

"Our Governor will not meet your requisition for Volunteers. Will 
you accept independent Companies and Regiments from Missouri? 
If so. please order Captain Lyon to muster them into service," and 
he repeated this request on the 19th of April, assuring Cameron 
that the requisition for men will be filled "in two days." The same 
day Blair wrote to his brother Montgomery and urged the removal 
of Harney, who at the instance of Secessionists obstructs the orders 
of the Government and refuses the guns which the Government 
had ordered, and adds: "We also want an order to Captain Lyon 
to swear in the four Regiments assigned to Missouri. If you will 
send General Wool, or some one who is not to be doubted, to take 
command of this district and designate an officer to swear in our 
Volunteers and arm the rest of our people who are willing to act as 
a Civil or Home Guard, I think that we shall be able to hold our 
ground here." The charges against Harney were fully justified 
for upon the complaint of the Police Commissioners he had ordered 
Lyon to withdraw his patrols to the Arsenal, nor issue any arms 
without Harnev's sanction. 

Organization. 207 

Matters were now drawing to a head. On the 20th news reached 
St. Louis of the capture of the Liberty Arsenal and were forwarded 
to Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, by the following telegram : 

"East St. Louis, April 21, 1861. 
"Liberty Arsenal in Missouri was taken possession of by Secessionists yes- 
terday and 1,500 arms with a few cannon distributed to citizens of Clay 
County. The Missouri River is blockaded at Independence. All quiet here 
at present. "Benjamin Fareae." 

Nevertheless rumors were rife in St. Louis that the Secessionists 
were planning to capture the Arsenal. [Mayor Taylor called at mid- 
night at their headquarters at Berthold's mansion and found a large 
number of armed men. Acting upon the above presumption, the 
[Mayor warned those present of their peril. Though the attack was 
not made. Lyons' apprehensions became more serious. He sent an 
urgent note to Harney and notified Blair of that fact, with the sig- 
nificant words "I have just sent a note to the < leneral asking him 
to allow me to accept Volunteers, but if he does so I expect it will 
be so noised about that they will have to fight their way through." 

To the above mentioned strong official representation, Harney sent 
the following characteristic answer: 

" "Headquarters Department oe the West. 

"St. Louis, Mo., April 21, 1N61. 
"Captain N. Lyon, Second Infantry, Commanding Troops, St. Louis Arsenal, 
Missouri — 

Sir: Your two communications of this date, one asking for authority to 
accept the services of Volunteers in the defense of the St. Louis Arsenal, 
have been laid before the commanding General, who deems it inexpedient to 
approve the recommendations contained in your communications." 
"I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, 

"S. Williams. 
"Assistant Adjutant General." 

When the news spread that Harney had declined to admit Vol- 
unteers to the Arsenal for muster, a large number of the first or- 
ganized St. Louis Turners and friends assembled at Flora Garden on 
Seventh and Geyer avenue and, contrary to the advice of older 
friends, got ready to cross the Mississippi at night and take service 
in Illinois, but late in the evening Blair came in and satisfied them 
that they would be admitted to the Arsenal, as a telegram had 
been received by him from the Secretary of War, stating that the 

208 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Government will accept the services of the four Volunteer Regi- 
ments from Missouri. Before the members separated each man re- 
ceived a small white card with the name of "Saxton" upon it, which 
he was to present to the sentinels at the Arsenal, all being cautioned 
at the same time not to assemble in larger groups on the outside. 
Thus the members of the three Turner Companies entered the St. 
Louis Arsenal on the evening of April 21 as the first organized 
Union force and became the first Companies of the first Volunteer 
Regiment of Missouri and were immediately put on duty on the 
walls of the Arsenal. Matters had taken a different turn in the 
East. The news of the seizure of the Arsenal at Liberty, Missouri, 
by Secessionists on the 18th of April had reached Washington, to- 
gether with the urgent representations of St. Louis' unconditional 
Union men, and for a short, but very important period, the con- 
servative procrastinators lost their hold upon the Federal Adminis- 
tration. The difficulties which Harney had placed in the path of 
Union organizations at last exhausted the patience of the authori- 
ties at Washington, and the command at St. Louis was changed at a 
most opportune time. , 

Informed of the telegram to Blair, Broadhead, Filley and How 
started out in quest of lieutenant Schofield^ mustering officer, at 
the time Professor at the Washington University, and found him at 
church, corner Seventeenth and Olive, and returned with him to 
Blair's residence. After exchanging views, Schofield proceeded to 
the Arsenal, but found there General Harney's order prohibiting the 
entrance of Volunteers into the Arsenal, also their arming and sub- 
sistence. Lyon explained the situation in the following note, which 
Schofield and Saxton took back to Blair's mansion : 

"St. Louis Arsenal, April 21. 1861. 

"Dear Sir: Mr. Schofield has no authority to arm and equip these men, if 
he enrolls them, nor are any instructions given about the location and dis- 
posal of them, and without the sanction of General Harney to this matter, we 
are liable to serious difficulty, as the General may, on hearing what is trans- 
piring, order my arrest, even while trying to arm the men, for violating his 
orders about issuing arms, and as he has the rank and authority, he may 
direct the Volunteer force away or to disperse. We do not seem to be start- 
ing out right with the instruction Mr. Schofield now has. Lieutenants Saxton 
and Schofield will explain more fully what I have not time to write. , 

"Yours truly 

"N. Lyon." 


Lieutenant U. S. A.; Major 1st Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, in 1861. 

Organization. 209 

To remedy this difficulty Blair and Schofield called on General 
Harney, but their representations had no effect; the General de- 
clined to change his orders. In the meantime Filley, How, Broad- 
head and Lyon consulted at the Arsenal, and after the return of 
Blair came to the conclusion that the Arsenal must be reinforcecl. 
With regard to the detail of the arrangement, Lyon wrote to Blair: 

"St. Louis, April 21, 1861. 
"Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr. 

"Dear Sir: I have your note of this day per Mr. Bayless, and I have agreed 
with him that it will be well to have the companies come in at the gate at 
the middle of the board fence on the river, and from half past seven to half 
past eight o clock this evening. This, of course, is with the understanding 
that Lieutenant Schofield will at once accept them, and be prepared to arm 
and equip them. I suppose he has this authority, though, if not, I must see 
them armed at any rate." 

"The Company officers must be admitted quietly beforehand at the main 
gate on Carondelet avenue, and be ready to recognize their own men on admit- 
tance. All should bring a little something to eat, so as not to suffer before 
we get ready to feed them. 'Yours truly, 

"N. Lyon." 

It will be seen from the above that under the pressure of circum- 
stances Lyon was determined to arm the Union men of St. Louis, 
even before the positive orders so to do reached him from Washing- 
ton, which, however, came and read. 

"Adjutant Gknkkm, k Officio, April 21, 1861. 
Captain N. Lyon. Second Infantry, East St. Louis. 

"General Harney has this day been relieved from his command. 
"The Secretary of War directs that you immediately execute the order 
previously given to arm the loyal citizens, to protect the public property and 
execute the laws. Muster four Regiments into the service. 

"L. Thomas, Adjutant General." 

Schofield ill his book, "Forty-Six Years in the Army," describes 
this interesting episode as follows 

"The loyal secret organizations were instructed to enter the Arsenal at 
night, individually, each member being furnished with a pass for that pur- 
pose. The mustering officer employed himself all night and the following 
day in distributing arms and ammunition to the men as they arrived, and in 
stationing them along the Arsenal walls. Thus the successful defense of the 
Arsenal was secured, though its garrison was neither mustered into service 
nor organized into Regiments nor even enrolled. The organization of Vol- 
unteers now began, the mustering officer superintending the election of 
officers, enrolling the men, and perfecting the organization, in conformity 
to the Militia laws of the State." 


210 The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

No doubt many things had to be settled upon the spur of the 
moment, which entailed speedy and frequent changes. This was 
nowhere more evident than in the First Regiment. In the first Com- 
pany, Gustave Finkelnburg, Wm. Andrae, John Winters, K. (undo 
Rombauer were elected Sergeants. The Company could not agree 
upon a Captain and they applied to Lyon. He had the Company 
fall iu and made them a speech, nearly to this effect Gentlemen, 
if you accept my advice it will be the last time I address you by 
that name. Many labor under the impression that a soldier in the 
army retains all his rights; there is no such thing as equality in 
the army; a Corporal is better than a Private, a Duty Sergeant is 
better than a Corporal, and the First Sergeant is the best enlisted 
man in the Company I advise you to enlist (under officers he prob- 
ably named) because only in that way can you render good service 
to your country. He said further that all those who wish to follow 
his advice should step to the front when he commands. "Forward, 
March!" Upon his command the whole Company stepped to the 
front. The three Turner Companies mustered into the service with 
Rufus Saxton, M. L. Lathrop and Geo. Harry Stone as Captains, of 
which the first two named were regular officers, not previously 
identified with these Companies, although their first organization 
at Turner Hall recognized G. A. Finkelnburg, Hugo Gollmer and 
John C. Tiemeyer as Captains. 

About this time S. D. Sturgis evacuated Fort Smith , Totten, Little 
Rock, Arkansas, and the United States troops left the Indian Ter- 
ritory, concentrating with some loss of outfit towards Leavenworth. 
From St. Louis urgent requisitions for troops had previously gone 
to Governor Yates of Illinois, but none arrived. 

The patriotism was shared by the ladies in the Union families, 
who animated their brothers and friends to sustain the cause of 
their country Among others, several young ladies prepared a fine 
flag and soon after the first Company entered the Arsenal pre- 
sented the same through a committee, for which Miss Mary Haeusler 
made the delivering address. Captain Lyon received the flag for 
the Company and answered to her eloquent remarks: "I accept 
this flag on behalf of these patriotic young men, and I feel confident 
that they always will do honor to it." This flag presentation was fol- 
lowed by numerous others as tokens of the devotion to the Union 
and Liberty by the loyal ladies of St. Louis. In fact, the enthusiasm 
of the men was shared in a higher degree by the women, who 
frequently animated their sons, husbands and brothers to noble 

Organization. 211 

deeds. There are instances -were family obligations were relieved 
by the generous offer of an old man 1 saying to a young empl >voe 
"Go on, John," 2 I will take care of your family," or where a res: lute 
mother told her wavering husband: "It is your duty; go. I will 
take care of the children." 3 Xor will any one doubt that a similar 
spirit also existed in the opposite camp. 

How promptly Lyon responded to the orders received is shown 
by his telegram of April 22, still sent from East St. Louis in order 
to insure safety of transmission. It read: 
"Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant-General: 

"Dispatch to muster troops received at twelve (12) o'clock last 
night. I have today received seven hundred (700) men and armed 
six hundred (600) 

N. Lyon, 
"Captain, Second Infantry " 

No words can describe the events in these days more concisely 
than those taken from Lyon's report to Thomas on April 27 : 

"Sir: Since receiving the authority to receive and muster-in Missouri 
troops at this place, it has been a physical impossibility to write for the pur- 
pose of informing the Department of what is transpiring here. The first 
telegraphic dispatch of the 21st instant, from Major Porter, was received 
about 12 o'clock of that night, and the Volunteer companies commenced 
arriving early next morning. About 700 arrived that day and 600 were 
armed. On the next day (Tuesday 23d) nearly the same number arrived and 
400 were armed. Through Wednesday and Thursday the arrivals con- 
tinued about the same, and on Thursday 2,100 had been received, armed 
and sworn into the United States service. Through yesterday and to-day 
about 200 men per day have been received, and all except one Company 
armed. One Regiment is full, two others are nearly full and about half a 
Regiment more is formed. Offers to the extent of several thousands more 
will doubtless be made, and if it is the wish of the Government to accept 
them I shall need to be so informed, as my orders now limit me to four 
Regiments. As there is Artillery enough of light and heavy pieces for about 
three companies, and as there are many excellent Artillerists who are exceed- 
ingly anxious to organize as Artillery companies, I have started a Battalion 
of three companies (Backoff), for the purpose of working our pieces, and to 
be ready for active service with them in the field in case of moving. I also 
have an application to accept a company of Sappers and Miners, who have 
had experience in Europe, and I propose to do so." (Voerster.) 

On April 30, Lyon reports to Thomas: "No doubt ten thousand men can be 
raised here, and indications are that they will be needed sooner or later to 
meet the determined purpose of the State authorities to overturn the author- 
ity of the General Government." 

Jacob S. Merrell. - John McFall. ;j Mrs. Wm. Hahn. 

212 The Union ( anse in St Loiiix in 1801. 


A brief survey of the events that developed in the Secession camp 
of Missouri proves plainly that Lyon's apprehensions were only too 
well founded. It was rumored about the middle of April that the 
Secessionists sent Marmaduke with a delegation to bribe the Com- 
mander of Fort Leavenworth to betray his trust, and that large 
sums of money were drawn for this purpose from banks in the 
State. Union people in St. Louis learned of the scheme and Mr. 
Giles F Filley gave a timely warning through the aid of business 
friends. Nothing more was heard of the delegation and it is left 
open to conjecture whether this was a ruse, "an abandoned plan 
or a defeated attempt." Either might be possible in a time when 
the nation was mustering in two hostile camps and actual war would 
soon lead to far more disastrous acts. 

In the meantime the excitement in the center of St. Louis in- 
creased. Yelling, obscene language and occasional stone-throwing 
was practiced by a vulgar mob, and this induced Blair, who lived 
on Washington avenue, to send his familv out of town. Union 
men were attacked in the center of the city, on the streets and in 
the cars 

The State of Kentucky had 600 arms repaired at the St. Louis 
Arsenal, which Major Hagner desired to forward per steamer "Po- 
cahontas" to Louisville- The Captain of the boat, being intimidated 
by Minute Men, refused to accept them, and they were left on the 
Levee. At 11 o'clock p. m. of April 26, the guns were seized by 
Minute Men and loaded on a dray, but were recovered on Pine 
and Main streets by the police and sbipped per steamer "Julius H. 
Smith" to Governor Harris of Tennessee. Captains Duke and Green,, 
the agents sent to Jefferson Davis for arms, were successful in their 
mission. Davis was acquainted with the locality of the St. Louis 
Arsenal, he approved the plan of its capture and gave Captains Duke 
and Green an order for the needed guns on the Baton Rouge Ar- 
senal, and in a letter of April 23 wrote to Governor Jackson: 

"After learning as well as I could, from the gentlemen accredited to me, 
what was needful for the attack on the Arsenal, I have directed that Captains 
Greene and Duke should be furnished with two twelve pounder howitzers and 
two thirty-two pounder guns, with the proper ammunition for each. These, 
from the commanding hills, will be effective against the garrison and break 
the enclosing walls of the place. I concur with you as to the great importance 

Organization. 213 

of capturing the Arsenal and securing its supplies, rendered doubly important, 
by the means taken to obstruct your commerce, and render you unarmed vic- 
tims of a hostile invasion. We look anxiously and hopefully for the day when 
the star of Missouri shall be added to the constellation of the Confederate 
States of America. 
"With the best wishes, I am, 

"Very respectfully yours, 

"Jepfekson Davis." 

There were a number of Union men in the old Militia Com- 
panies marching with General Frost to the Southwest. They saw 
the growing disloyalty of the State troops, threw up their com- 
missions and abandoned that service. Major Schaeffer resigned on 
April 17, stating: "I can not reconcile it with my ideas of military 
fealty that a part of your command has hoisted another flag than 
the only true flag of the United States." General Frost ordered the 
Major before a court martial, which Schaeffer disregarded. A few 
days later he was elected Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Regi- 
ment Missouri Volunteers. Colonel J. N. Pritchard, Surgeon F M. 
Cornyn, Adjutant John S. Cavender also left the State service 
and many men from the ranks followed their lead. 

The muster of numerous troops at the Arsenal prompted the 
Governor to call the Legislature for the 2d of May and to assemble 
the Missouri Militia in their respective districts on the 3d of May 
The Governor also asked the banks immediately to advance the 
$50,000 which they had promised for the July interest. State 
Quartermaster-General James Harding's report revealed that out- 
side of the arms already in the hands of the militiamen, the State 
owned only 1,000 muskets, two cannon and a few swords. James 
Harding purchased at St. Louis 70 tons of gunpowder a couple 
hundred rifles and some camp equipage and sent it under guard of 
Captain Kelly s Company to Jefferson City 

Towards the end of April, General Price gave the St. Louis "Re- 
public" some information relative the Governor's intentions, which 
the latter disavowed in the following letter, thereby plainly proving 
his Secession proclivities : 

"Executive Chamber, Jefferson City, April 28, 1861. 
"J. W Tucker. Esq. 

"My Dear Sir: I write this in confidence and under a state of mind very 
peculiar. Governor Price called on me a few days since, 

asked me what I thought as to the time of calling the Convention. I told 
him not to be in a? hurry, but wait until the Legislature met, and to be here 

214 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861: 

at that time, so that we could consult with the members from all parts of 
the State, and fix upon a proper time; that in my judgment we should not 
go out of the Union until the Legislature had time to arm the State to some 
extent and place it in a proper position of defense. If it be the purpose of 
Paschall and Price to make me endorse the position of the Republic and the 
miserably base and cowardly conduct of Governor Price's submission conven- 
tion, then they are woefully mistaken. Lashed and driven, as they have 
been, by an indignant and outraged constituency, from their position of 
unconditional Union, they are now seeking shelter under the miserable 
absurdity of armed neutrality. 

"About the only truth in Paschall's article is that in which he states my 
policy to be a peace policy. This is true. I am for peace, and so is every- 
body except Lincoln and Prank Blair I do not think Missouri should 
secede today or tomorrow, but I do not think good policy that I should so 
disclose. I want a little time to arm the State, and I am assuming every 
responsibility to do it, with all possible despatch. Missouri should act in 
concert with Tennessee and Kentucky They are all bound to go out and 
should go together if possible. 

"My judgment is that North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas will be 
out in a few days, and when they go Missouri should follow Let us then 
prepare to make our exit. We should keep our own counsel. Every man in 
the State is in favor of arming the State. Then let it be done. All are 
opposed to furnishing Mr. Lincoln with soldiers. Time will settle the 

"Nothing should be said about the time or the manner in which Missouri 
should go out. That she ought to go, and will go at the proper time, I have 
no doubt. She ought to have gone out last winter, when she could have 
seized the public arms and public property and defended herself. 

"Call on every country paper to defend me, and assure them, I am fighting 
under the true flag. Who does not know that every sympathy of my heart 
is with the South? 

"The Legislature, in my view, should sit in secret session, and touch 
nothing but the measures of defense. Let the measures of Messrs. Sturgeon, 
Paschall, Taylor & Co., in regard to their railroads, all go by the board; I 
have not the patience or the time, to talk of such matters now. Let us 
first preserve our liberties and attend to business affairs afterward. Let all 
our energies and all our means be applied to our defense and safety. 

'Tours truly, 

"C. F. Jackson, 
"Governor of Missouri." 

Though the .State had decided against Secession, M. Jeff Thomp- 
son, Inspector Fourth Military District Missouri, offered Jeff Davis 
several Companies for the Confederate service, while the latter wrote 
to Governor Jackson April 26 : "Can you arm and equip one Regi- 
ment Infantry for service in Virginia?'' in answer to which the 

Organization. 215 

Governor states: "Our Legislature has just met and I doubt not 
will give me all necessary authority over the matter. Missouri can 
and will put 100,000 men in the field. We are using every means 
to arm our people and until we are prepared must move cautiously " 
The partisans of Governor Jackson were less imbued with the neces- 
sity of caution, as the following report shows : 

"Kansas City, May 4, 1861. 
"The storehouse at this place was forcibly entered last night at half past 
one o'clock by about fifty armed men, who carried off one hundred and two 
carabines, thirty-seven muskets, nine pistols, eighty-six sabres and thirty-four 
thousand cartridges. L. C. Baston, Asst. Q.-M. (U. S.) 

And on May 6 the above mentioned Jeff Thompson, Inspector 
of Missouri Militia, writes to President Jeff Davis from the neigh- 
borhood of St. Joseph: "I have eight Companies here in camp of 
instruction by order of our Governor," etc. This admits the in- 
ference that the camp of instruction at Camp Jackson was also 
reported to Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States. 

The Missouri Legislature met at Jefferson City on May 2 and re- 
elected McAffee, of Secession proclivities, Speaker. The Governor 
asked the Assembly to "place the State at the earliest practicable 
moment, in a complete state of defense," because she must unite 
her destinies with those of the other Slave-holding States. . He also 
recommended for this purpose secret sessions, to which the Legisla- 
ture acceded by initiating the same after the 3d of May. The pres- 
ence of a few staunch and fearless Union men, like John D. Steven- 
son, James Peckham * * * put a restraint upon the Seces- 
sionists and delegated their most important consultations to special 
committees and private rooms. The military bill was the all-import- 
ant measure before the Legislature, but its progress was considerably 
checked by parliamentary tactics. At the same time there were 
three Confederate flags flying at Jefferson City, and each flag-raising 
was made the occasion for firing the Southern heart. It was stated 
about the same time that General James S. Rains, of subsequent 
Confederate fame, had received a letter from Sarcoxie, stating that 
the Indian Chief Ross was willing to furnish 15,000 armed men in 
support of the State of Missouri, also that Rains sent the letter to 
Governor Jackson with the endorsement, "I would advise your open- 
ing correspondence at once with Ross." Whether true or not, this 
appears to be only another flagging stone for an undesirable locality, 
for although these Indians were Slave-holders their avowed policy 

216 The Union Cause in St Louts in 1861. 

was to maintain neutrality which makes the above offer very im- 


Pursuant to the Governors instruction and the order of Briga- 
dier-General D. M. Frost, the old and new State Militia organi- 
zations assembled at Lindell Grove situated east of Grand avenue, 
between Olive and Laclede, and the grounds were named in honor 
of the Governor. Camp Jackson. The oath which the new troops 
and the recruits for the depleted Militia Companies took, enjoined 
only fealty to the State of Missouri and its head, Governor Jack- 
son. Agreeably to the professed sentiments of the latter and to the 
predilections of its officers and troops, camp streets were named after 
the President of the Seceded States. "Jefferson Davis." and after 
the man who directed the attack on Fort Sumter. "Beauregard." 
While this was not done officially but only by a portion of the 
troopers, it indicated their tendency, and General Frost was justly 
held responsible for it. 

According to Colonel Peckham's work, "Lyon and 1861," the 
following State troops went into camp at Lindell Grove: 

D. M. Frost. Brigadier-General, commanding; Hy. W Williams, 
Quartermaster; R. S. Voorhies, Lieutenant-Colonel, Adjutant-Gen- 
eral; Jos Scott. Surgeon; N. Wall, Major Commissary; Wm. D. 
Wood. Aide-de-Camp. 


John Knapp. Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding; Wm. C Bu- 
chanan. Adjutant N. Hatch. A. Q. M. and A. C. S A. J. P Gareshe, 
Judge Advocate: John B. Drew, Paymaster; Louis T, Pimm, 

Company A. St. Louis Grays Martin Burke. Captain. .">1 

Company B. Sarsfield Guards. Chas. W Rogers, Captain, 46. 

Company C. Washington Guards. Robert Tucker, Captain. 4S. 

Company D Emmet Guards Phil W Coyne, Captain. 

Company E. Washington Blues. Jos. Kelly Captain, 4~>. 

Company F, Laclede Guards. Fraser, Captain. 

Company G. Missouri Guards. Geo. W West. Captain. 

Company II. Jackson Guards, Geo. W Fletcher. Captain, 46. 

Company I. Grimslev Guards R. X. Hart. Captain, 4s 

Company K. Davis Guards. Jas. Longuemare. Captain. 6o. 

Squadron of Dragoons. Emmet McDonald, Captain. 


Lieutenant-Colonel 2d U. S. Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. 
From Photograph by Gustav Cramer. 

Organization. 217 


John S. Bowen, Colonel. 

A. E. Steen, Lieutenant-Colonel. 

J. R. Shaler. Major. 

Engineer Corps, ffm. H. Finney, First Lieutenant, 40. 

Company A. Independent Guards, Charles Fredericks. Captain, 45. 

Company B, Missouri Videttes, 0. H. Barrett, Captain, 45. 

Company C, Minute Men, Basil ^ T Duke, Captain. 

Company D, Minute Men. McLaren Guards, Sanford, Captain, 61. 

Company E, Minute Men. Colton Green, Captain. 

Company F, Minute Men, Jackson Grays, Garland, Captain, 65. 

Company G, Minute Men. Dixie Guards, Campbell, Captain, 48. 

Company H, Minute Men, Southern Guards^ J. H. Shackelford, 
Captain, 45. 

Company I. Minute Men. Carondelet Rangers, Jas. M. Lough- 
borough, Captain, 50. 

About 750 men with six Companies not reported. 

Besides the above, Lieutenant-Colonel Bowen was ordered to report 
to General Frost at St. Louis with one Company Mounted Rifles and 
a Battery of Light Artillery 

The camp, as all military camps, soon became very popular with 
all those who admire incipient heroes and as the wealthiest fam- 
ilies in St. Louis came mostly from the South, the camp was soon 
the resort of what is usually termed "the best society," a term which 
deservedly should be applied only to those who are most useful to 
*he eommunitv 

It would be wrong to estimate the Secession strength according 
to the roster of the Companies entering the camp on May 6, for 
there was a continual accession of young men from all parts of the 
State who were willing to aid Frost in any movement he might 
make; besides a very large portion of the American population of 
the city were Southern sympathizers, and in the first days of May, 
1861, even a great many Irishmen would have followed their old 
Democratic and Southern leaders in a fight against Union Repub- 
licans. With a bold, aggressive policy, inaugurated at an earlier 
date, General Frost could have commanded thousands of men, who 
soon afterwards became passive and resigned "lookers on," or even 
quite active Union men. 

218 The Union Cause in St, Louis in 1861. 

The time allotted by the State law for the duration of a militia 
camp was six days, but under the terms of the new militia law then 
before the Legislature, a legal continuance was expected. With the 
new men arriving from the State, a third Regiment was to be formed. 
A change of the camp to the heights southwest of the Arsenal was 
contemplated: as this would have greatly endangered the Arsenal, 
Captain Lyon emphatically stated that he could not permit this, nay, 
even that if attempted he would destroy such camp, which ended 
the scheme. 

On the 8th of May the steamer "J. G. S'won" landed a cargo of 
war material on the Levee, consigned to Greeley & Gale, a Union 
firm, and marked "Tamaroa Marble." The goods were part of 
those seized by the Secessionists at the Baton Rouge Arsenal and 
sent by Jefferson Davis at the request of Governor Jackson, and were 
transferred the same night in over fifty dray loads to Camp Jackson 
and turned over to Major Shaler. A. portion of these goods was 
forwarded to Jefferson City, under the escort of a Company from 
the camp. Colton Green acted as the Governor's agent in this tran- 
saction. It is said that a seizure of these goods was discussed by 
the Union authorities, but that this was deferred in order that the 
same should serve as evidence of the treasonable nature of Camp 
Jackson. The probability is that General Prentiss at Cairo was 
advised too late, for he certainly could have stopped any vessel pass- 
ing that point. Conflicting reports indicate that it was the original 
intention to seize that war material, and that the plea of using it as 
evidence against Camp Jackson was only an excuse for the failure 
of its detention. The facility of transportation by river was at 
all events great. Already April 27, or fully ten days before this 
invoice of Secession arms arrived, the steamer "City of Alton" 
quietly dropped down to the Arsenal and received 30,000 stand 
of arms, which were conveyed to Alton and thence to Springfield, 
Illinois Captain Harry Stone, Company "C," First Missouri; Com- 
pany "A," Second Missouri, and a section of Backhoff's Battery 
forming the escort. The bitterness of feeling about the removal of 
arms is shown in an editorial of the St. Louis "Republic," calling it a 
"gross outrage," and threatening Captain Harry Stone that it would 
not be safe to show himself on Fourth street. The "City of Alton" 
also carried May 1, five tons of powder to the same destination. In 
the meantime, Lyon had occupied more buildings and positions for 
droops in the immediate neighborhood of the Arsenal and fortified 
<he place itself to best advantage. 

Organization. 219 

It was fortunate for his purpose that the expenses nut strictly 
warranted by the Army Regulations could be met by the energetic 
assistance of the Committee of Safety: for excellent as the Army 
Regulations may have proved for ordinary times, they certainly 
did not fit such an emergency as that of 1861. 

The First Regiment Missouri Aolunteers was completed on April 
27, and the officers elected Francis P Blair. Colonel; George L. An- 
drews. Lieutenant-Colonel, and John M. Schofield, Major. The 
latter divided his time between the duties of a mustering officer and 
those of an instructor of officers in tactics and military administra- 
tion. The other Volunteer Regiments were mustered in about the 
same time, namely, the Second: Colonel. Henry Boernstein, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, Fred Schaeffer ; Major, B. Laibold. The Third : 
Colonel. Francis Sigel; Lieutenant-Colonel, A. Albert; Major. Henry 
Bischoff. The Fourth: Colonel, Nicolas Schuettner; Lieutenant- 
Colonel A. Hammer; Major, F Niggemann. The Fifth, Colonel, 
Chas. E. Salomon, Lieutenant-Colonel, Ch. D Wolff; Major. F W 
Cronenbold; the Field and Staff of the Fifth was only mustered in 
May 1$. The dating of com missions of Regimental Commanders 
did not all coincide with the actual completion of the Regiments , in 
fact, a strict regularity in the organizations could not be observed on 
account of the great need of troops for immediate service 


Upon the repeated representations of the perilous situation of the 
St. Louis Arsenal and the Union element in the city of St. Louis 
and the State of Missouri, President Lincoln authorized the Secre- 
tary of War to issue the following order: 

Washington City, D. C, April 30, 1861. 
"Sir: The President of the United States directs that you enroll in the 
military service of the United States the loyal citizens of St. Louis and 
vicinity not exceeding with those heretofore enlisted, ten thousand in num- 
ber, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United States, and 
for the protection of the peaceable inhabitants of Missouri, and you will, if 
deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself and by Messrs. Oliver D. 
Filley. John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. J. Witzig and 
Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in St. Louis-. The additional 
force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in whole, if enlisted, 
as soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above named, that there is 
no danger of an attempt on the part of the enemies of the Government to 

220 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

take military possession of the City of St. Louis, or put the city in the con- 
trol of a combination against the Government of the United States; and 
whilst such additional force remains in the service, the same shall be gov- 
erned by the Rules and Articles of War, and such special regulations- as 
you may prescribe, and shall like the force heretofore directed to be enrolled 
be under your command. 

"I am, etc., "L. Thomas, . 

"Adjutant General. 

"Captain Nathaniel Lyon, 

"Second Infantry, commanding at St. Louis." 

This order was indorsed: 

"It is revolutionary times, and, therefore, I do not object to the irregularity 
of this. "W S." (for Winfield Scott.) 


"Approved, April 30, 1861. A. Lincoln." 

When this order reached St. Louis in the first days of May the 
Home Guard or Reserve Regiments and Companies, for which it 
was intended, were nearly completely organized, and several mem- 
bers of the Safety Committee invited the representatives of these 
troops on the evening of May 3 to the St. Louis Turner Hall in 
order to be informed about them, and were most agreeably surprised 
and almost incredulous when reports were made that all was ready 
for the organization in the 

First Ward of the first Regiment of . . , , . , . . . . 1200 men 
Second Ward of the second Regiment of . . . 900 men 
Third and Fourth Wards of the third Regiment of 1000 men 
Franklin Ave., etc., of the fourth Regiment of . . „ . 1000 men 
Tenth Ward of the fifth Regiment of ... . . 1000 men 

The last nearly complete; a total of „,;..,. 5100 men 

Next day the following order was issued : 

St. Louis Arsenal, May 4, 1861. 
"Colonel Chester Harding has authority to proceed with the organization 
of Regiments, to be enrolled in the United States service, for the defense of 
the loyal citizens of St. Louis, and protecting the property and enforcing the 
laws of the United States. N. Lyon," 

"Captain Second Infantry, Commanding." 

To ''proceed with the organization" meant in this instance only 
the making out of muster rolls, the election of field officers and the 
appointment of the commissioned and non-commissioned staff. This 

Organization. 221 

work was completed on May 5 and 6 and on the 7th of May the 
First Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers, 
Colonel Henry Almstedt, marched into the Arsenal and was mus- 
tered into service with twelve Companies, aggregating near 1,200 
men. A few hours later the Second Regiment United States Reserve 
Corps, Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Hermann Kallmann, with nine 
Companies, or 900 men, took the oath at the Arsenal. Next day, 
the 8th of May, the Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, 
Missouri Volunteers. Colonel John McNeil, with twelve Companies, 
nearly 1,200 men, swore in and was followed the same day by 
the Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps ; Missouri Vol- 
unteers, Colonel B. Gratz Brown, with twelve Companies The Fifth 
Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. Colonel 
Charles G. Stifel, was completed and mustered-in the 11th day of 

The men of the Home Guard or Reserve Regiments stayed at 
their own residences Their muskets were kept on gun racks at 
their respective headquarters. There were dailv roll calls with oc- 
casional dress parades, which were not very "dressy " as every one 
paid for his own uniform of jeans or other cheap material. Fre- 
quent drills started at first in a variegated manner, but soon took 
shape and became svstematic when Hardee's Tactics were adopted 
and officers and sergeants ordered to attend drilling school by sun- 
rise Every one was studying the little book, which was a faithful 
pocket companion of men ambitious to perfect themselves This 
diligence soon told, for all that was learned in the morning at the 
officers' school was already practicallv applied during the exercises 
of the Company in the evening, imparting a precision in the manual, 
as well as the most necessary evolutions, which alone could render 
these large bodies of men serviceable. 

It will remain forever a memorable fact that within ten days 
from April 21, when the order authorizing the muster-in of troops 
was issued to Captain Lyon, to the first day of May, five Regiments, 
not of previously organized militia, but of actual Volunteers, one 
Battalion of Artillery and one Company of Pioneers, and within 
ten days more to May 11, five more Regiments of Reserves did enter 
the United States service in a Slave State. Such results were only 
possible under the favorable circumstances which shaped the dis- 
position of the Union men of St. Louis. For this reason the causes 
which resulted in the spirit of our population were given, as well 
as the events which step by step led to the final issue. 

222 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

About this time new ideas matured in St. Louis which very soon 
should materially aid the success of the Union armies. Years back, 
a boy came to St. Louis from Indiana, whose family, on account 
•if sickness of the father, got into very straightened circumstances, 
which the enterprising lad helped to relieve by selling apples on 
the streets. This boy was James B. liads, a mechanical genius and in 
1861 a successful merchant, boatbuilder and leading spirit in the 
St. Louis Wrecking Company Captain Eads suggested the arming 
df vessels for military service on the Mississippi and its tributaries. 
Missouri's great lawyer, Edward C. Bates, of Lincoln's Cabinet, be- 
came a most energetic supporter of the proposition, and with Eads 
and John Rodgers of the navy, laid the plans for the Mosquito fleet 
and the gunboats. The steamers "Conestoga," "Taylor" and "Lex- 
ington" were put in "commission," at first with a protection for mus- 
ket balls only, but seven better protected vessels were to be constructed 
at the Marine Railway in Carondelet and at Mound City, 111. These 
vessels should soon carry their thunder to Fort Donelson, Shiloh and 
Memphis, and light up the darkening shades of Vicksburg while 
passing its water batteries in the gloom of night. They were a most 
forcible argument in favor of free labor. 

The bold conception of these gunboats was only surpassed by 
the skill and promptness of their construction. Nearly all of them 
were built within a hundred days and delivered near contract time. 
They were 175 feet long, 50 feet beam, 6 feet depth of hold in the 
clear, and drew 5 feet of water, and their speed was nine miles an 
hour. The sides were slanting outward from the bottom of the boat 
to the water line at an angle of 45 degrees, and from the water line 
the sides receded back at the same angle, forming a casemate of 
twelve feet above deck. The hulls were made of wood, bottom five- 
inch plank, sides four-inch plank and sheathed with two and one- 
half-inch iron. The boats were bulkheaded into compartments to 
prevent their sinking when pierced by cannon balls. The gundeck 
was about one foot above water and the vessels were pierced to carry 
thirteen heavy guns, namely, three nine-inch guns in the bow, four 
small ones on each side, and two smaller ones astern. The slanting 
casemate extended across the hull near the bow and stern, forming a 

The first gunboat was launched October 12 from the Eads yards 
and was called "St. Louis," but the name was changed to "De Kalb" 
by the War Department, as there was another commissioned ves- 

Organization. 2:23 

-el called "St. Louis." The other vessels were called "Carondelet." 
"Cincinnati," "Louisville," "Mound City," "Cairo" and ■•'Pitts- 
burgh. - ' 


After the first days of May. 1861, events in the East and near 
Washington, had a less direct influence on the Department of the 
West. It was of the greatest importance that almost the entire 
Northern Democracy wheeled into the Union Camp, animated by 
the words of their ablest leader, Stephen A. Douglas, who at the 
Wigwam in Chicago, before a meeting of ten thousand people, de- 
clared the injustice of the Southern demands and designated the 
action of the Seces.-ioiiists as a conspiracy He said in the ciniisc of 
his remarks 

"Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no 
neutrals in this war, only patriots or traitors. They (the Secession- 

ists) expected to present a United South against a divided North. They hoped 
in the Northern States party questions would bring civil war between Demo- 
crats and Republicans. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in 
the North. There is only one way to defeat this, by closing up the ranks. It 
is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad as it is, 
bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be, I express it my conviction before 
God that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally around the flag 
of his country." 

Within a few weeks later Dougla- died, leaving a last mes-age to 
his sons: to be true to the Union. About the same time another 
staunch leader of Democracy, Ben Butler, planted a Battery of 
Howitzers on a viaduct to keep the wavering city of Baltimore within 
the proper limits of its public duties, while the Democratic Slave 
State of Kentucky mustered without delay fourteen Companies for 
the Union service. It is a noteworthy fact that the Slave-holding 
Border States furnished to the Union armies during the war over 
300,000 men. Missouri heading the column with over 106,000. 

Facts like these weigh heavily in shaping convictions, and many 
a doubtful mind was stopped short by their consideration from mak- 
ing a fatal plunge in the wrong direction. 




Colonel Peckhani relates that on May 7. the day when the First 
tncl Second lieginient of Deserves were sworn in, Lyon stated in 
presence of L. A. Dick, Lieutenant-Colonel Chester Harding and 
Colonel F P Blair, in a confidential manner, "Mr. Dick, we must 
take Camp Jackson, and we must take it at once," explaining the 
menacing nature of that camp, and the rapidly increasing danger 
f delay and also pointing to the non-committal portion of the com- 
munity, whom actual power may sway either way The parties 
present acceded to his views, still it was deemed best to consult the 
Committee of Safety before taking a step fraught with great con- 

There is a widely spread and generally believed story out that 
on the Nth or Oth of Mav in the afternoon, Lyon drove through 
Camp Jackson in disguise of a lady, heavily veiled, etc., armed with 
two Colts revolvers; some more detail was given, namely, that this 
happened in the disguise of Mrs. Alexander, Blair's mother-in- 
law's dresses, and in Colonel Dick's buggy Another version stated 
the dress belonged to a Miss ( iraham. The adventure appears useless 
on the face of it: because a military man of Lyon's capacity and 
education could secure, and no doubt had, all possible information, 
without exposing himself to a street row and possible mob violence, 
and what good would the two revolvers have done him in a camp 
of 1.400 men'.'' Although the story had been repeated by reliable 
men, it must be considered that Lindell drove, which held Camp 
Jackson, was a well known locality, stretching eastward from the 
present < Srand avenue, between Olive and Laclede avenue; its high- 
est elevations were on its western and eastern boundary; Olive street 
crossed the central depression of the ground on a dike and the gen- 
eral slope of the territory was towards the south, while the conipara- 
itvelv few trees ollered very little shelter. These very poor conditions 


The War in Missouri. 225 

for defense could readily be observed from the public streets by the 
large number of persons who visited the camp or passed by it. Plats- 
of the locality, with measurements to the very inch, could be obtained 
in several public and private offices. Under such circumstances, it 
will require very positive and direct evidence to admit the fact of 
the above adventure. A surviving member of Colonel Dick's family 
at Washington, D. C, knows nothing about it. 

Captain Lyon convened the members of the Committee of Safety 
'-n the afternoon of May 9 at the Arsenal and strongly argued for 
the immediate necessity of capturing the troops and seizing the 
war material at Camp Jackson. Frank Blair, O. D. Filley, J. J. 
Witzig and Jas. 0. Broadhead, the eminent Democratic lawyer, fully 
acceded to Lyon's views , John How hesitated, while Sam Glover, 
an eminent Republican lawyer, strongly advocated legal proceedings 
by having the United States Marshal to serve first a "Writ of Re- 
plevin" on General Frost for the United States arms and war ma- 
terial illegally in his possession, and if this should be denied, then 
the United States Marshal should call upon Captain Lyon for armed 
support. The imminent passage of the "Military Act" by the Legis- 
lature at Jefferson City, and General Harney's prospective return 
on the 11th day of May, strongly supported immediate action. Al- 
though the idea of having the United States Marshal with his Writ 
of Replevin was still insisted upon, Captain Lyon himself was clear 
in his mind that no chance should be given to. the commander of 
Camp Jackson to avoid the breaking up of his camp and the dis- 
arming of his troops by an ostensibly yielding course. It was not a 
point of law that was in question : but the supremacy of the Union 
or Secession authority. The United States flag did not shield loyal 
Union troops at Fort Sumter, why should the name of the State 
shield disloyal Militia in St. Louis. The proofs of disloyalty were, 
overwhelming, the power to put an end to this- menace to the 
Union cause was in Lyon's hand and Harney was on the road. 

With that singleness of purpose which characterized the whole life 
of Lyon and which secured him a glorious success, he determined to 
use no subterfuge, but to take the camp, which harbored the avowed 
enemies of the Union. The decision once reached, Lyon gave prompt 
orders to the commanders of all Regiments and Batteries to have 
their troops in readiness at their respective headquarters on the 
morning of May 10, and then and there await further orders." By 
the aid of Giles F and 0. D. Filley a sufficient number of horses 
were bought and secured to complete the teams for the Artillery. 


226 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

There was little commotion on the 9th, though Wm. T. Sher- 
man, at the time Superintendent of the Fifth Street Railway, who 
was that day casually at the Arsenal, noticed that sharp cartridges 
were distributed among the troops. Sherman had not long before 
resigned the directorship of a military school in Louisiana, had 
been to Washington, where he was not immediately appreciated, left 
there in disgust, and when approached in April by Frank P Blair, 
in the presence of Henry T. Blow, to assume the command of the 
Department of the West, had declined the offer on account of hav- 
ing recently assumed a civil position. Still his interest in military 
affairs remained unabated. He offered his services to the Govern- 
ment at Washington on May 8 and was appointed Colonel of the 
Thirteenth Regiment of Regular Infantry on May 14, to start a 
career of great usefulness to his country and great renown to himself. 


Early morning on May 10, a horseman was seen galloping south- 
ward on the Carondelet Road to Jefferson Barracks. He took orders 
to the First Volunteers, which camped there, to march without delay 
and with forty rounds of cartridges to the Arsenal, fully eight miles 
distant. They started about eight o'clock, were headed at the Ar- 
senal by two Companies of Regulars under Lieutenant Sweeney, 
and followed their Colonel, Frank P Blair, and the commander of 
all the troops, Captain Nathaniel Lyon. This column moved north 
on Seventh street to Chouteau avenue and westward on the latter 
until coming in full view of Lindell Grove, they saw the Secessionists 
run to their cannons and rally to arms. From here this column 
advanced across the commons in a diagonal line, alternating the 
"quick step" with "double quick," to a narrow lane west of the camp, 
and marched on same northward to Olive, passing Frost's sentinels 
within twenty yards. A part of the First Volunteers was still in 
the western lane when the head of its column, marching eastward 
on Olive, met the Union troops coming westward from the city 

The Second Volunteers, Colonel Boernstein, started from Marine 
Hospital, inarched on Broadway to Chouteau avenue and followed 
that avenue and the route taken by Lyon and Blair; the distance 
was near six miles. Six pieces of artillery and the Third Volunteers 
under Colonel Francis Sigel started from the Arsenal, marched up 
Broadwav to Olive and out Olive to the camp, the Artillery taking 
position on the elevated ground at the east end, also north of the 

The War in Missouri. 227 

camp, commanding its entire length and threatening it thus in ease 
of a combat, with a most destructive fire. The Fourth Volunteers, 
Colonel Nic Schuettner, also started from the Arsenal with the Third, 
but branched off on Market street and followed that street and La- 
clede avenue to the southern line near the east end of the camp. 
The Reserve Regiments were disposed as follows: From the First 
Reserve, Colonel Almstedt, one Battalion under Lieutenant-Colonel 
R. J. Rombauer, marched from Jaeger's Garden on Tenth and Sid- 
ney, across the commons to Jefferson avenue ; thence to the east end 
of Camp Jackson, and took position on the left of the Artillery. 
From the Second Reserve, Colonel Kallmann, one Battalion under 
Lieutenant-Colonel J T Fiala, marched from Soulard Market, north 
to Olive and west on Olive to the camp, and took position southwest 
of the First Reserve. The Third Reserve, Colonel John McNeil, 
formed at the St. Louis Turner Hall on Tenth and Walnut ; marched 
out on Pine street, then turned to Clark avenue, following this to 
west of Jefferson avenue and formed there the line in front of a 
little church and near the southeast corner of the camp. The Fourth 
Reserve, Colonel B. Gratz Brown, marched out on Morgan to near 
the northeast corner of the camp, and guarded with the Third Re- 
serve the approaches to town, forming an actual reserve force for 
Lyon's command and cutting off the approach to the camp from 
the city. 

Some of the Regulars and the completed Companies of the Fifth 
Volunteers, under Colonel C. E. Salomon, held the Arsenal, while 
one Battalion of the First Reserve, under Major Philip Brimmer, 
and one Battalion of the Second Reserve, under Major Julius Rapp, 
occupied the streets and guarded the approaches to the Arsenal, 
with the order to pass no one. The Fifth Reserve, Colonel Charles G. 
Stifel, not yet armed, but ready for muster, was assembled at head- 
quarters, Stifel's Brewery 

The distance which each column had to march, being known 
to Captain Lyon, he timed their starting to secure the simultaneous 
arrival in their respective positions, in order to surround the camp 
from all sides. 

As soon as the inhabitants noticed Regiment near Regiment to 
press westward on parallel streets with the cadence of fate, and 
observed the waves of glittering bayonets roll steadily onward along 
the avenues and many thousand serious, determined men move 
like veterans toward one destination, an indescribable excitement 


The Union ('(uixe in St. Louis ni 1SH1 

'\ \c rrJy % i M)T S _ I 

o W ' UN t ' 


V/J! i '\m.'!-MMii'ni^''''i 

'• / ■ « 

'' / ^ A^AA 




S N^ v 

: v\l 


The War in Missouri. 



230 The Vnion Cause in St Louis in 1861. 

spread among the people. The rumor of the Union host's march 
towards Camp Jackson spread like wild fire through the city. The 
simultaneous movement on various streets bewildered the popula- 
tion, and set large numbers of men that belonged to the camp, as 
well as their friends, in motion, of whom Scharf says in the History 
of St. Louis: "Numbers of men seized rifles, shotguns or whatever 
other weapons they could lay hands upon and rushed pell mell to 
the assistance of the State troops, but were of course obstructed in 
their designs," still many of them gathered near the camp, while 
the majority of men, women and children were actuated by curiosity 
only and rushed in wagons, buggies and on horseback, most of them, 
however, on foot, like a living stream, ahead, on the side and be- 
hind the troops and towards Camp Jackson; not at all deterred by 
the certainty that in case of a conflict, even a great many specta- 
tors must lose their lives. From the pavements, from windows, even 
from roofs, people gazed upon the martial array. Mothers of Union 
sons cast saddened looks upon their passing offsprings, while sisters 
and wives looked wistfully after the vanishing ranks; nor was the 
anguish of the families in the center of town less, creating anxiety 
in the older persons, and often disdain akin to hatred in the more 
demonstrative girls and boys, who ostentatiously withdrew from sight 
and slammed many a door and shutter in order to give patent ex- 
pression to their sentiments. 

There were some memorable incidents on the march of the Union 
troops. Ulysses S. Grant, at the time not in service in Missouri, 
was standing near the Arsenal gate when the Union Battalions 
filed out and wheeled northward on Carondelet Road (now Broad- 
way), opposite the then quite modest Anheuser-Busch Brewery 
Some bystander made a scurrilous remark upon the troops as they 
poured out from the Arsenal gate which Grant rebuked in his quiet 
but decided manner, as he was in full accord with the plan to cap- 
ture the camp. A few blocks north of the Arsenal, Colonel Sigel 
tried to pass to the head of his Regiment, which filled the street, 
and galloped along the pavement, when his horse slipped on a 
flagging stone, falling, unfortunately, on Sigel's leg. He was picked 
up and carried into the next store, where his leg was bandaged up 
by a physician, and being unable to mount a horse, Sigel followed 
his command later on in a carriage. The accident caused no delay 
in the march ; the next in command, Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Has- 
sendeubel, leading the troops to their position. Wra. T. Sherman, 

The War in Missouri. 231 

while on the road to his office at the Fifth Street Railway, heard at 
every corner "of the streets that the Dutch were moving on Camp 
Jackson." He returned to his residence, and being beseeched by a 
lady in the neighborhood to look after her son, started out with his 
own little boy and some friends towards Camp Jackson. 

According to John C. Abbott's History, General D. M. Frost, 
being advised of Lyon's movements, dispatched Colonel Bowen with 
tbe following letter: 

Camp Jacksox, Mo., May 10, 1861. 

"Sir: I am constantly in receipt of information that you contemplate an 
attack upon my camp; while I understood that you are impressed with the 
idea that an attack upon the Arsenal and United States troops is intended on 
the part of the Militia of Missouri; I would be glad to know from 

you personally whether there is any truth in the statements that are con- 
stantly poured into my ears. So far as regards any hostility being intended 
towards the United States or its property or representatives by any portion 
of my command, or, as far as I can learn, and I think I am fully informed, 
of any other part of the State forces I can say positively that the idea has 
never been entertained. I trust that, after this explicit statement, 

we may be able, by fully understanding each other, to keep far from our 
borders, the misfortunes which so unhappily afflict our common country. 

"I am, etc., 

"Brig. -Gen. D. M. Frost." 

Colonel Bowen met Captain Lvon at the head of the column, in 
full march, and handed him General Frost's letter, but Lyon had 
made up his mind to take the camp, and having the summons for 
its surrender in his pocket, not only declined to read Frost's letter, 
but pushed forward without delay 

The Union columns had arrived on time and completely sur- 
rounded the camp: the troops stood silently at their arms, many 
in full sight and short musket range of the Secessionists. The 
cannons stood unlimhered in commanding position, and guards pre- 
vented all ingress or egress Immediately after the arrival, Cap- 
tain Lyon sent to General Frost, through B. G. Farrar, the follow- 
ing summons 

"Headquarters United States Troops, St. Louis, May 10, 1861. 
"General D. M. Frost. Commanding Camp Jackson. 

Sir: Your command is regarded as evidently hostile toward the Govern- 
ment of the United States. It is for the most part made up of those Seces- 
sionists who have openly avowed their hostility to the General Government, 
and have been plotting the seizure of its property and the overthrow of its 

232 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

authority. You are openly in communication with the so-called Southern 
Confederacy, which is now at war with the United States, and you are receiv- 
ing at your camp from the said Confederacy, and under its flag, large supplies 
of the material of war, most of which is known to be the property of the 
United States. These extraordinary preparations plainly indicate none 
other than the well-known purpose of the Governor of this State, under whose 
order you are acting, and whose purpose recently communicated to the Legis- 
lature, has just been responded to by that body, in the most unparalleled 
legislation, having in direct view hostilities to the General Government and 
co-operation with its enemies. 

"In view of these considerations, and of your failure to disperse in obedi- 
ence to the proclamation of the President, and in view of the eminent neces- 
sities of State policy and welfare, and the obligations imposed upon me by 
instructions from Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby 
demand of you, an immediate surrender of your command, with no other 
conditions than that all persons surrendering under this demand shall be 
humanely and kindly treated. 

"Believing myself prepared to enforce this demand, one-half hour's time 
before doing so, will be allowed for your compliance therewith. 
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"N. Lyon, 
"Captain Second Infantry* Commanding Troops. 

Before the granted period expired, General Frost sent word ask- 
ing for more time and a conference to arrange matters, to which 
Lyon answered on the back of Frost's note, writing on the pommel 
of his saddle, that unless an unconditional surrender was made with- 
in ten minutes, he would open fire. The cause for this peremptory 
demand was, no doubt, the rapidly growing crowd of men around 
the Union troops, which used threatening and abusive language, evi- 
dently warming up for a riot. To the last summons General Frost 
answered : 

"Captain N. Lyox, Commanding U. S. Troops. 

"Sir: I never for a moment conceived the idea that so illegal and uncon- 
stitutional demand, as I have just received from you, would be made by an 
officer of the United States Army. 

"I am wholly unprepared to defend my command from this unwarranted 
attack, and shall, therefore, be forced to comply with your demand. 
"I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"D. M. Fbost, 
"Brig. Gen. Comdg. Camp Jackson, M. V. M." 

One Company of Regulars had advanced to a post and board 
fence within fifty yards of the hostile front, with the instruction of 
storming a near Battery as soon as firing commenced: but their 


Captain 3d Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 
From Original Painting by Karl Wimar. 

The War in Missouri. 233 

position was so much exposed that the very first volley would not 
have left one of them unhurt. Luckily, General Frost's correct 
judgment, realizing the situation, prevented all useless bloodshed. 
He surrendered the" camp unconditionally, and deserves credit for 
this act, for a fight against a superior force of five to one, after be- 
ing surprised in the trap of his camp, would have been sheer mad- 
ness. There was no special sign of glorification among the Union 
troops when the news of the surrender was learned. Some com- 
manders told their men: "Put green twigs to your hats; they have 
surrendered," but there was no cheering nor exultant exclamations. 
During the suspense of waiting, some shouting was heard from the 
camp, in answer to the information of the unavoidable result; after 
the message of surrender was dispatched all the late Minute Men, 
Secessionists and Militia stacked arms at the command of their offi- 
cers and after few preliminaries were arranged, marched out of 
camp and passed between the files of the First Volunteers, which 
had opened ranks and faced inward. So far everything went on 
rational lines, and had the troops escorting the prisoners marched 
off and those designated to guard the property in the camp occupied 
their position, there would have been no lives lost. Lyon, after dis- 
mounting, was kicked by his horse and disabled for the time being. 
There seems to have been no proper staff to expedite matters, and 
the starting was delayed beyond measure. In the meantime the 
crowd around the troops, particularly in the neighborhood of the 
prisoners grew in numbers and their rage in intensity ; captives were 
called by name and cheered, while epithets and curses were hurled 
at their captors. Hurrahs for "Jeff Davis" and shouts of "Damn the 
Dutch" were frequent and soon followed by missiles of dirt and 
stones. Revolvers were pulled on Lyon and Blair and other officers. 
All these indignities were patiently borne by the troops, until a 
drunken man tried to break through the ranks, and being pushed 
back, fired and wounded an officer. A few shots were now fired 
from Union soldiers, when the column was set in motion but soon 
halted again. Captain Rufus Saxton, at the head of the Regulars, 
was shot at three times, while the crowd around the man who shot, 
goaded him on, when the most aggressive man was struck down 
with the bayonet. The yells and general abuse continued around 
the long stretched column on several points. Company F, Third 
Volunteers, was guarding the western gate when a crowd of rowdies, 
cursing and swearing, began hostile demonstrations by abusing 

234 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

shouts, stone-throwing and pistol shots, which killed one man and 
mortally wounded Captain Blandovski. Some one from the Union 
officers now commanded ''Fire," which was repeated by several 
Companies. At the place where the worst assault was made, fifteen 
persons were killed and a number wounded, among them innocent 
spectators. The mob was firing on the rear of the column from both 
sides of the line, and in dispersing continued to fire on the troops, 
and it is here where most fatalities occurred. Many troopers fired 
high more to intimidate than to hurt, otherwise the fatalities would 
have been ten times their number. In the fusillade, which possibly 
might have been prevented by more forbearance and patience, and 
particularly by a timely clearing of the grounds, the innocent 
suffered with the guilty Captain Constantine Blandovski of the 
Third Volunteers, was mortally wounded while his Company was 
standing at rest: a scion of Poland, he fell as so many of his co- 
patriots, on battlefields crimsoned in defense of popular rights. It 
seems to be the fate of the Niobe of nations that her sons should 
find honorable graves wherever liberty raises' her banner. The 
firing was on Olive street and could not be seen from the positions 
of the Fourth Volunteers or First and Second Reserves. They only 
heard the bullets break through the top of the trees. The First 
Reserve did not even have the muskets loaded, but practiced the 
manual of "Charge Bayonets" as a notice of what possibly may 
have to follow. 

On his errand of kindness, W T. Sherman reached the camp 
after the surrender ; he witnessed the shot fired by the man who tried 
to break through the ranks, and when firing commenced he and 
his party threw themselves on the ground and afterwards run to a 
gully to protect his son. This circumstance is related by Sherman 
in his Memoires, in which he also says: The great mass of the 
people on that occasion were simply curious spectators, though men 
were sprinkled through the crowd calling out, "Hurrah for Jeff 
Davis," and others were particularly "abusive of the damned 
Dutch." It was lucky for Sherman and the Union that the bullets 
flew high where he stood, otherwise some brilliant pages of Ameri- 
can history would never have been written. 

The captives stood quietly between the files of Union troops- their 
behavior was manly and considerate. Thev did not encourage the 
demonstrative sympathizers, neither bv word nor action. They 
were no doubt convinced of the uselessness of mob violence where 

The War in Missouri. 235 

their own organized efforts were of no avail. The cause of the shoot- 
ing was a lawless mob spirit, which was here, as in every other in- 
stance, disgraceful, contemptible and not to be tolerated in any civ- 
ilized community 

Abbot writes in his History of the Civil War • 

General Frost surrendered; the line was formed with an advance and 
rear guard between which the prisoners stood, with a single file of soldiers 
on each flank. It was near sunset when the order to move was given. 

"An antipathy to the Germans, who composed a large proportion of the 
Home Guards, increased the bitterness with which the defeated rebels 
regarded the loyal soldiery. The crowd pressed thick and close upon the 
rear of the troops. A few stones were thrown; a few pistol shots were 

heard; then suddenly a volley of rifles, then another, then another. Then min- 
gled with the sharp ring of the rifle rose the shrieks of women and children, as 
they rushed frantically from the scene, the crowd scattering in all directions. 
Some were struck with chance bullets as they ran. It is said there were 
twenty-five in all killed and wounded." 

"For a whole hour the soldiers had received patiently and without retalia- 
tion a storm of vituperation and abuse from the mob. Emboldened by this 
impunity the miscreants commenced throwing stones and at length pistol 
shots were fired and two of the soldiers fell. Forbearance then became a 
crime, and the fire was returned." 

The episode of the firing at Camp Jackson after the surrender 
was variously commented upon, according the different party po- 
sition and the deficient informations, which the limited field of 
vision of witnesses could give. That it was wantonly provoked can 
be readily seen from the account of Thos. L. Snead, a devoted Se- 
cessionist, and at that time Secretary and Aide-de-Camp to Gov- 
ernor Jackson, who in his valuable work, "The Fight for Missouri," 
on page 171, writes- 

"The Militia having stacked their arms, were formed into line, and con- 
ducted out of the camp on their way to the Arsenal. They had moved but a 
short distance when they were halted, and kept standing on a line parallel 
with and a few yards from Olive street, which was occupied by Lyons' troops. 
During the halt which lasted several hours, great numbers of men, women 
and children gathered around the prisoners and their captors. They were, 
of course, intensely agitated and as the excitement grew, began to jeer at 
and abuse "the Dutch Blackguard" (so-called in derision because one of 
the German companies called itself "die Schwartze Garde"). Suddenly a 
few shots were fired and were followed almost immediately by volley after 
volley extending in regular succession down the line of troops, until appar- 
ently a full Regiment had thus fired by company. Twenty-eight people lay 
dead and mortally wounded. Among them were three prisoners and an 
infant in the arms of its mother." 

236 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Another Confederate writer said: "It was there the blood of in- 
nocent men and women was shed by Lyon's troops without real 
cause." This is not just. The innocent people were mixed with a 
crowd of rowdies, who made a wanton attack upon the troops with 
invectives, stone-throwing and shooting, inflicting mortal wounds 
and trying to break through the ranks. 

At last the welcome order of ''Forward, March!" was given. At 
the head was a section of Artillery, followed by the Battalion of the 
First Reserve, next between the open ranks of the First Volunteers, 
the captives with their officers in front, followed by the Second Vol- 
unteers, the Battalion of the Second Reserves closing the rear. As 
the column passed down Olive street, doors and shutters were again 
slammed, if not already shut before; here and there a shout for 
"Jeff Davis" was heard in the distance, or a knit brow frowned down 
upon the marching troops, who had been on their legs since morn- 
ing, without food or refreshment of any kind, were fatigued but 
in good spirits, notwithstanding the gloom of the streets, the pris- 
oners and the frosty appearance of the houses. About midway 
down town, the column wheeled to the right, marched south to 
Chouteau avenue and east to Broadway Already on Chouteau ave- 
nue sympathetic people gathered on the pavements, Union flags 
appeared and handkerchiefs were waved by the fair hands and the 
animation of the spectators increased block by block ; but when Broad- 
way or Carondelet avenue was reached, the enthusiasm of the hun- 
dreds and thousands on the sidewalks, at windows and on porches, 
knew no bounds; cheer after cheer was given, flowers thrown, all 
houses were decked with flags, until the whole avenue looked like 
a living sea with a big stream of glistening bayonets flowing south- 
ward. This was the crowning day of several months of unusual 
exertion and care, and it was the first great Union Success in the 
Civil War. It gave St. Louis peace and settled the fate of Secession 
in Missouri. But for the rowdy element of the city, the day would 
not have been marred by the loss of a single life. 

The prisoners were housed in the Arsenal and guarded by the First 
Volunteers, all made as comfortable as possible; the Second Volun- 
teers marched to Marine Hospital, and the Reserves, after leaving 
the usual one Company to guard their respective armories and head- 
quarters, dispersed to their neighboring homes. 

Conditional Union men and many ultra conservatives found fault 
with the capture of Camp Jackson, because not all the men in the 

The War in Missouri. 237 

camp were disloyal. No doubt many Union men were also mem- 
bers of the State Militia: but nearly all of them withdrew from the 
organization before or at the time of forming the camp, as for in- 
stance. Christ A. Stifel from the Missouri Dragoons, of which Com- 
pany Chas. A. Stifel was also a member; Bernard Laibold, J N. 
Pritchard, Tony Xiederwieser. F. M. Cornyn, Jacob Riseck, John 
S. Cavender. Jacob Melter, John B. Gray, Fred Schaefer, nearly all 
having been officers of the Militia, and many others, left on ac- 
count of the disloyal character of the camp or the spirit which char- 
acterized the Southwest Expedition preceding it. Captain Joseph 
Boyce, a Confederate officer, and a contemporary historical writer, 
who since held many offices of public trust, says : Most of the cap- 
tured entered the Confederate army, though some joined the Federal 

The State flag which waved in Camp Jackson was carried to 
Memphis, and was always in front of the First Missouri Confed- 
erate Infantry during four years of the war; and Snead tells of the 
Second Regiment Militia, known as Minute Men, under Colonel 
Bowen, that: "Xot one of them proved false to the cause to which 
he pledged his faith." What cause? They had pledged themselves 
to support and obey the Governor of the State, Claiborne F Jackson, 
and the commander of the camp, General D. M. Frost, both of whom 
were avowed Sccc-sionists and enemies of the Union. For all these 
reasons and the obvious sound policy of removing the battlefield 
from the streets of St. Louis, the capture of Camp Jackson became 
an imperative duty 

The following was the oath which the Missouri State Militia had 
taken : 

"Swear that you will honestly and faithfully serve the State of 
Missouri against all her enemies, and that you will do your utmost 
to sustain the constitution and laws of the United States." 

"The utmost" which a Staterights Secessionist could do under 
the circumstances was not a perceptible quantity For all that, 
it was difficult to understand General Frost's activity at the time. 
The Confederate writer, J. C. Moore, says about it: "General Frost 
was getting ready to take the Arsenal, but never quite succeeded in 
completing his preparations." 

Speaking of the surrender of Camp Jackson, the same writer 
asks "Why did he put himself in a position to provoke an attack 
if he did not intend to fight? Why did he ask for siege guns to 

238 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

reduce the Arsenal if he could not keep them when he got them? 
If he could not defend himself, why did he not retreat — why did 
he not take the Arsenal before? He had the authority to do it." 


The Third and Fourth Regiments Volunteers and two Companies 
of Regulars were detailed to guard Camp Jackson, or rather to guard 
the war material which was stored there. This comprised many 
balls and bombs packed in ale barrels. Artillery pieces marked 
"Marble," invoiced via Iron Mountain Railroad, which were recog- 
nized by L. D. Immels as being those with which he practiced under 
Totten at Little Rock before they were seized by the Secessionists: 
"sixteen" inch brass mortars with a number of shells; three "thirty- 
two-pounders,'' with outfit. This was the heavy ordnance intended 
and sent by Jefferson Davis for the capture of the Arsenal, for stop- 
ping navigation and reducing Cairo. There were besides six brass 
field pieces, 1,200 rifles, a large outfit of camp and pioneer utensils, 
tents, twenty-five kegs of powder and other material, all of which 
proved that this material was intended for war on a large scale, 
to be carried on with the assistance of the Confederate States 

If there was comparative quiet in the Union quarters, the excite- 
ment in the center of town knew no bounds crowds cheering Jeff 
Davis and the Secession flag and cursing the Union leaders and the 
"Dutch" surged from street to street; schemes were laid to mob 
the "Missouri Democrat" and the "Anzeiger des West en" news- 
papers, and mobs started in that direction : it was. however, their 
good fortune that they were stopped by Captain McDonough with 
a strong police force, for the Union men were in large numbers at 
both places and fully prepared to give the mob a very warm re- 
ception. An indignation meeting was held at the Courthouse, at 
which the Secession sympathizers and State Rights schemers uttered 
the most violent speeches, some using expressions arid threats below 
the dignity of decent men. No wonder that men without educa- 
tion or judgment were excited to a frenzy of rage and prone to 
commit atrocious deeds. According to Colonel Peckham, a dead 
German was found next morning on Market near Fifteenth; one 
on Clark avenue and Tenth, in the immediate vicinity of Turner 
Hall one on Franklin avenue and Seventh; one shot in the breast 
on Chestnut and Sixth, and one maltreated on Ninth and Market, 
and John C. Moore savs in his History "Now and then a citizen 

The War in Missouri. 239 

under the darkness of night was done to death in the street, and 
they who did the deed of blood were never discovered." 

When the Fifth Reserve Regiment under Lieutenant-Colonel 
Robert White returned on the 11th from its muster at the Arsenal, 
on northwest corner of Fifth and Walnut, it was attacked from the 
steps of the church, of which Scharf in the History of St. Louis 
writes: "Large crowds were collected on this corner, who hooted 
and hissed as the Companies passed, and one man standing on the 
step of the church, fired a revolver into the ranks A soldier fell 
dead, when two more shots were fired from the windows of the house 
near by At this juncture the head of the column turned and fired 
along the street." Six men lay dead at different points and several 
were wounded. It was stated that by careless firing the soldiers 
killed some of their own men. The aggressive mob dispersed and 
the persons that caused the trouble were never brought to justice. 

In the meantime parole papers were made out at the Arsenal 
and when completed, all prisoners were placed on board of a ship 
and sent up town, in order to save them from the unpleasant pas- 
sage through the Union Wards of the city. They little appreciated 
this .considerate measure, for as soon as they were away from shore 
they gave three cheers for Jefferson Davis. One of the prisoners, 
Captain Emmett McDonald, declined to be paroled. As there was 
danger of a "Habeas Corpus" act to be sworn out for him, he was 
taken over the same evening to Arsenal Island, and there kept under 
guard, but later on released. 

General Harney returned to St. Louis on May 11th. He found 
the city in the height of excitement, and was approached by con- 
servatives and Southern sympathizers to send the Home Guard out 
of town. Blair informed Harney that the Home Guard or Reserve 
troops, were enlisted for service in the city only, and could not be 
sent out of town without their own consent. There was in reality 
no rational foundation for the spite against the Home Guards or 
Reserve Regiments, for at Camp Jackson they did not fire a shot 
and at Walnut and Broadway, the Fifth Reserve only used their 
arms after they were shot at. The hatred against the Home Guard, 
Volunteers included, was rooted in nativistic and political animosity, 
mixed with social, religious and temperance prejudices. Most Home 
Guards were voters, naturalized citizens, or their descendants and 
their officers nearly all had seen military service in Europe. There 
was an apprehension, however, that they might retaliate for the 
many outrages committed on their friends and comrades. 

240 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

As Rev Galusha Anderson argued in his interesting book on that 
period, that the threats pronounced at the Courthouse meeting to 
go to the Southern wards, carry murder, arson and worse into the 
homes of the Dutch, might have struck the guilty conscience of the 
advocates of violence with just apprehensions. 

Under these circumstances it was not difficult for evil designed 
persons, to start on May 12th a panic in the center of town, with the 
assertion that the Home Guards or Reserve Regiments are prepar- 
ing for a raid to clean out the Secessionists. All at once a large por- 
tion of the residents in the middle of the city got on the move; 
vehicles of every sort were pressed into service: a rush was made for 
steamboats and ferries, and the most ludicrous scenes were enacted 
in a panic, for which there seems to have been no foundation , for the 
men in the Reserve Regiments were the substantial citizens of the 
Union Wards and the most law-abiding people of the community. 
Mayor Taylor, aware of the folly of the panic, quieted the fleeing 
crowd with the assurance that the Home Guards were loyal to their 
officers and did not endanger neither the life nor the property of 
peaceful inhabitants. Mayor Taylor's exertions, and the absence of 
every vestige of movement by Volunteer or Reserve troops, quieted 
the excited nerves, stopped the exodus and brought even those back 
who were unfortunate to get far away. 

General Harney nevertheless moved the Regulars with some Artil- 
lery near to his headquarters on Fourth, near Market street, placed 
two cannon in the street, and lodged the relieves in a livery stable 
near by, and issued the following apologetic proclamation : 

"Military Department of the West, St. Louis, May 12, 1861. 
"To the People of the State of Missouri and City of St. Louis. 

"I have just returned to this post, and have assumed the military com- 
mand of this Department. 

"No one can more deeply regret the deplorable state of things existing 
here than myself. The past can not be recalled. I can only deal with the 
present and the future. 

"I most anxiously desire to discharge the delicate and onerous duties de- 
volved upon me, so as to preserve the public peace. I shall carefully abstain 
from the exercise of any unnecessary powers, and from all interference with 
the proper functions of the public officers of the State and City I. therefore 
call upon the public authorities and the people to aid me in preserving the 
public peace. 

"The military force stationed in this Department by the authority of the 
Government, and now under my command, will only be used in the last 


Corporal 3d U S. Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. 

The War in Missouri. 241 

resort, to preserve the peace. I trust I may be spared the necessity of resort- 
ing to martial law, but the public peace must be preserved, and the lives and 
property of the people protected. Upon a careful review of my instructions, 
I find I have no authority to change the location of the Home Guards. 

"To avoid all cause of irritation and excitement, if called upon to aid the 
local authorities in preserving the public peace, I shall in preference make 
use of the Regular Army. 

"I ask the people to pursue their regular avocations, and to observe the 
laws, and orders of their local authorities, and to abstain from the excite- 
ments of public meetings and heated discussions. My appeal, I trust, may 
not be in vain, and I pledge the faith of a soldier to the earnest discharge 
of my duty. 

"Wm. S. Hakney, 
"Brig. Gen. U. S., Commanding Department." 

What did General Harney regret? The capture of Camp Jackson? 
The organization of a Union host which secured peace to St. Louis? 
The recovery of United States property, cannon, mortars and ammu- 
nition, seized from United States Arsenals, by the enemies of the 
Union, and sent to a treacherous Governor, to enable him to levy 
war upon the United States? It was sad that by chance some innocent 
people were shot in retaliation for an uncalled for, useless and das- 
tardly attack ; but could Harney not realize that a few more energetic 
and timely acts like that of the capture of Camp Jackson would have 
saved to our people, North and South, half a million of lives and 
untold misery? 

When General Harney again assumed command in St. Louis on 
May 11th; he found himself confronted with a changed condition of 
affairs; when he left for Washington April 20, there were less than 
500 Regulars at the St. Louis Arsenal and a stronger body of Seces- 
sionists in town ; when he returned on May 11, all the Secessionists 
were captives and ten thousand Union men, well organized and offi- 
cered, were at his command. Never during the whole war had a 
Union General a more brilliant chance to make a short and victorious 
campaign against the sprouting Secessionism of the State. It was a 
chance similar to the one which General Dufour improved, when in 
the course of a short three weeks in 1847, he vanquished and disarmed 
the seven Secession Cantons of Switzerland. But Harney failed to 
improve the occasion, and the two weeks he still remained in com- 
mand were disastrous to the Union cause, as he gave an utterly dis- 
comfited enemy time to organize his resistance. This is all the more 
incomprehensible, as Harnev appreciated the treasonable character 

242 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

of Camp Jackson, and could not possibly be blind to the Secession 
proclivities of Governor Jackson. In a letter which Harney wrote 
to General Scott on Mav 13, he approved Captain Lyon s conduct in 
capturing Camp Jackson, and on May 14 he published a proclama- 
tion to the people of Missouri, in which he called the Military Bill 
"an indirect Secession Ordinance in conflict with the Constitution and 
laws of the United States, not by any means to be obeyed 

by the people of Missouri" and "the whole power of the United States 
would, if necessary, be exerted to maintain the State in her present 
position in the Union.'' 

Harney referred in that proclamation to the proofs of the treasona- 
ble character of Camp Jackson ; to "Davis"' Avenue and "Beauregard" 
street; to the Minute Men wearing the uniform of the Southern Con- 
federacy, to the arms and cannon unlawfully taken from Baton 
Rouge and sent to the Camp by Jefferson Davis, and concludes that 
within the scope of his command, "the supreme law of the land must 
and shall be maintained," and adds, "I shall deem it- my duty to 
suppress all unlawful combinations of men, whether formed under 
pretext of military organization or otherwise." Harney also asked 
the Government for 10,000 stand of arms, to issue to reliable Union 
men and asks the Governors of Iowa and Minnesota, who were also 
in the Department of the West, to send him 9,000 men. to be em- 
ployed in Missouri. Instead of improving his time and moving with 
the ample force of about 7,000 into the State, leaving 3,000 in St. 
Louis, he wasted the precious moments. 


While the Union troops in St. Louis were marching on Camp Jack- 
son, the Legislature in Jefferson City held a secret session, considering 
first of all the Governor's recommendations relative to the Military 
Bill, which was only opposed by the few decided Union members. In 
the afternoon, Governor Jackson hastily entered the House of Repre- 
sentatives and informed the members that Lyon had captured the 
State troops at Camp Jackson. The news created an excitement as if 
lightning had struck the hall; but the Secessionist members proved 
equal to the emergency, and after a brief and bitter burst of abuse, 
heaped upon Lyon, Blair and the Dutch, took up the Military Bill, 
smothered all suggested amendments and passed it in both Houses, 
ten thousand dollars were appropriated to cultivate the friendship of 

The War -in Missouri. 243 

the Indians in the Territory; one million was borrowed from the 
Banks, and bonds for another million decreed for the absolute use 
of the Governor, whose powers were enlarged to equal those of any 
despot; the semi-annual interest money was diverted to military uses, 
and the School Fund seized for the same purpose. The few Union 
members were powerless, the measures receiving an almost unanimous 
vote. Some acts had little practical bearing upon immediate events, 
such as the purchase of foundries for the casting of cannon, or of 
real estate for armories and factories of arms and of constructing a 
State road to Arkansas ; but all these measures proved that the State 
authorities sized up their prospective difficulties. Before adjourning 
on the 15th, the Legislature requested the Governor to call out the 

One of the few stanch Union members of the Legislature, James 
Peckham, from St. Louis, graphically describes the scenes in that 
Legislature, on the eve of May 10, 1861. 

"Nearly every individual was armed, some with many more weapons than 
others. Members in their seats were surrounded by guns of every descrip- 
tion, some leaning against desks, some against chairs, some held between the 
knees, some leaning against the wall, some laying on the floor, and some 
across desks. Many members had belts strapped around their waists, and 
from one to three pistols or bowie knives fastened to them. The scene in 
the House particularly was exceedingly grotesque and ludicrous. Many 
showed faces pale with fear; others exhibited the anxiety natural in any 
crisis; a few sought to impel the movements of the doubtful into the Secesh 
ranks, while the leaders proposed measures for adoption and dared opposi- 

At midnight the toll of bells aroused the people of Jefferson City. 
Legislators hurried to their halls and were informed by the Governor 
that two Union Regiments were on their way to the Capital. The 
Legislature voted for the Governor almost dictatorial powers: "to 
repel invasion or put down rebellion." 

Dispatches were sent all over the State, calling for armed help, as 
it was anticipated that Union forces would seize the Capitol and State 
Government. Colonel N. C. Claiborn was dispatched with an engine 
toward St. Louis to reconnoitre the threatened Union advance upon- 
Jefferson City. He proceeded to the limits of St. Louis County, but 
did not find any sign of the anticipated military movement, for the 
hindrance of which the bridges over the Gasconade and Osage rivers 
were to be destroyed, otherwise only to be guarded. Both of these 
bridges are large structures and would require considerable time to 

244 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

be replaced. On returning, the guard at the Osage actually burned 
down a portion of the bridge. Whether this was done intentionally 
or not, the effect upon the facility of communication remained the 
same. Still there was no faith in the security of the Capital; the 
powder on hand was removed ; likewise the funds in the State Treas- 
ury The Secessionists, armed with any kind of weapon they could 
lay hands on, wore cockades in token of their party affiliation, and 
enacted all kinds of scenes ; it added an especial interest to the situ- 
ation, that the majority of the permanent inhabitants of Jefferson 
City were Union people. It has been often asserted that there is only 
one step from the sublime to the ridiculous ; the patriot and the pol- 
troon often march to the same music, but while the one bleeds in the 
front, the other manages to keep busy in the rear, never forgetting 
the adage that discretion is the better part of valor. This applies 
equally to men of all parties and has been the experience since times 

The signs of the sinking ship became very apparent at Jefferson 
City; the more cautious left in every direction. The Governor and 
State officers packed their most important documents , families were 
sent away, and all preparations made for a flight, from which many — 
many a one should never return to that most beautiful spot, the capi- 
tol of the State of Missouri. 

One measure of considerable importance for the military develop- 
ments in Missouri was the appointment of Sterling Price as Major 
General of the Missouri State Guard, a position created by the new 
Military bill. Granting that Price made a mistake in espousing the 
Secession cause, he still enjoyed the confidence and love of the men 
under his command to an extent which proved that he was head and 
shoulder above most of his contemporary fellow officers. 

Sterling Price was born 1809 in Virginia, came to Missouri in 
1830. He was a member of the Legislature, Speaker of the House 
and in 1844 Congressman; went to the Mexican war as Colonel of 
Cavalry, suppressed an insurrection of New Mexicans and Pueblo 
Indians, who had murdered Governor Charles Bent, and had several 
of the insurrectionists hung. It seems his "State Right" notions had 
not fully developed then. Price was Governor of Missouri from 1853 
to 1857, being elected as a compromise candidate of the Benton and 
anti-Benton factions. After the civil war Price went to Mexico, took 
service under Emperor Maximilian against the Mexican Republic, 
returned to St. Louis and died here in 1867 

The liar in Missouri. 245 

The organization of the Missouri State Militia was completed 
under the new law, by the designation of nine military districts and 
the appointment of nine Brigadier Generals, namely: A. W Doni- 
phan, Monroe M. Parson, James S. Rains, John B. Clark, 
M. L. Clark, N. W Watkins, B. Randolph, William J. Slack and 
James H. McBride ; they were to rank in the order named ; Henry 
Little, a "West Pointer, was made Assistant Adjutant General and 
Alfred W Jones and Richard T. Morrison Aid de Camps; W N. 
Snodgrass and Henry AV Cross, Surgeon and Assistant Surgeon. 
General Price sent to the Brigade Commanders an order to complete 
their organization, appoint their staff and hold themselves in readi- 
ness to protect citizens of the State, regardless of political opinion, 
and as the Militia is under the Constitution of Missouri and that of 
the United States, to avoid collision with any armed bodies unless in 
an emergency, to protect the life, liberty and property of the people; 
also that the flag of the State of Missouri shall be the only flag used. 

The Governor sent out commissions with orders to enroll and 
organize the troops for active service. Nearly all of the Brigadiers 
named were soon conspicuous in fighting the battles of Secession and 
for the Southern Confederacy A T olunteers had gathered at Jefferson 
City, also entire Companies from Cooper and Callaway counties, and 
one Company from Jackson County with the four brass cannon, 
seized at the Liberty Arsenal, Kelly's Company from St. Louis was 
also there all these Companies formed a Regiment, and elected 
John S Marmailuke their Colonel. 


In St. Louis questions of authority were near a crisis. Advised by 
Blair, that he had no legal power to dissolve the Home Guard, Har- 
ney issued a circular to their Commanders, to meet him at his resi- 
dence. Colonel Henry Alrnstedt of the First Reserve, who knew 
Harney from previous military service, on reading the circular, said 
more pointedly than politely, "I know the stinker; I will not go." 
Another field officer suggested the propriety of attending, in keeping 
with the request of the Commanding General. This view does not 
seem to have prevailed at all in other Regiments, for at the appointed 
hour, 8 p. in., only Colonel John McNeil of the Third and Lieutenant 
Colonel R. J. Rombauer of the First Regiment attended. Harney 
sought information with regard to the spirit of the Home Guard, and 

246 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

after a longer conversation, learned that they would regard any 
attempt to disarm them as treason ; that the Home Guard Regiments 
had organized themselves for maintaining the Union cause in St. 
Louis and are resolved to carry out that purpose. McNeil's humorous, 
though very determined, remarks left the brave "Indian fighter" in 
a rather contemplative mood. No more was heard of dissolving the 
Home Guard. On May 12 ultra conservatives held a meeting at the 
Mayor's office. They still dreamt of a possible compromise between 
the North and the South. The capture of Camp Jackson was con- 
sidered by them a very radical step. The bold measures^ of the pre- 
ceding days filled them with terror, and, under the influence of a 
partisan press and home relations, they flattered themselves to be able 
to change the inexorable logic of events. The result of consultation 
was a confidential mission of Messrs. Yeatman and Gamble to Presi- 
dent Lincoln, in order to secure the removal of General Lyon. To 
counteract this influence, Colonel F, A. Dick proceeded to Washing- 
ton on behalf of the Committee of Safety, and at the request of Gen- 
al Lyon, Charles L. Bernays, editor of the Anzeiger, who was per- 
sonally acquainted with President Lincoln, followed to the National 
Capital. Messrs. Yeatman and Gamble found in Secretary Bates a 
strong support, while Lyon's cause was championed by Montgomery 
Blair, that stanchest friend of Missouri Union men. There was a 
meeting of all parties at the President's, and Colonel Dick's repre- 
sentation of unanswerable facts carried the day It no doubt weighed 
heavily in the scale ; that the entire Union press of the country was 
highly elated and quite enthusiastic upon the capture of Camp Jack- 
son. As a result of the above consultation, Montgomery Blair wrote 
to Ben Farrar of St. Louis on May 17 "Dear Sir — The inclosed dis- 
patches are, first a Commission for Lyon (as a Brjgadier General for 
the period of the war) and a leave of absence for Harney." The lat- 
ter was to be placed into the hands of Colonel Frank Blair, to be 
used at discretion, as circumstances dictate. Montgomery Blair con- 
cluded his letter with the following statesmanlike words : "I do not 
feel that it is right to keep Harney in command, without the appro- 
bation of those immediately concerned. It is better to mortify him 
than to endanger the lives of many men, and the position of Mis- 
souri in the present conflict." Montgomery Blair evidently gauged 
the character of the Southern people better than Yeatman, Gamble or 
Bates ; he knew that having commenced the war, thev would fight it 
out to the bitter end. Harney's own experience bore out this truth, 

The War in Missouri. 247 

for his searching patrol of May 17, gathered from Police Head- 
quarters and the Tobacco warehouse, hundreds of rifles, two cannon 
and other war material. 

Partisan outrages were at this time reported from all sides in Mis- 
souri, and Harney, possibly with the best intentions, yielded to the 
suggestions of his Southern friends and invited General Price to a 
conference on May 21, which measure seems to have been planned 
by the Secessionists for the sole purpose of gaining time. By the 
agreement made at this conference, the Union men of the State were 
left to the tender mercies of the Secession Governor and his Militia, 
while Harney promised to keep the Union forces in their present 
positions until the Courts decide upon the constitutionality of the 
Military Bill. Harney evidently forgot the proverb that "Time and 
Tide wait for no man." The public was notified of the adopted 
agreement by Harney's proclamation : 

To the People of the State of Missouri. 

"I take great pleasure in submitting to you the following paper, signed by 
General Price, commanding the forces of the State, and by myself on the part 
of the Government of the United States. It will be seen that the united forces 
of both governments, are pledged to the maintenance of the peace of the 
State, and the defense of the rights and the property of all persons without 
distinction of party. This pledge, which both parties are authorized and 
empowered to give by the governments which they represent, will be by both 
most religiously and sacredly kept, and if necessary to put down evil disposed 
persons, the military powers of both governments will be called out to 
enforce the terms of the honorable and amicable agreement which has been 
made. I, therefore, call upon all persons in this State to observe good order, 
and respect the rights of their fellow-citizens, and give them the assurance 
of protection and security in the most ample manner." 

"Wm. S. Harney, 
"Brigadier General Commanding." 

The Harney-Price agreement in brief declared above the signature 
of both Generals, a solemn determination of the proper authorities, 
which must have meant United States and State, to suppress all 
unlawful proceedings (an expression which left the greatest latitude 
for construction to each) , but Price was to maintain order within the 
State, while Harney publicly declares, that under those circum- 
stances, he has no wish and can have no occasion, to make military 
movements. There was a hope attached "that the unquiet elements 
which have threatened so seriously to disturb the public peace may 
soon subside, and be remembered only to be deplored." 

248 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

This was a surrender of the State to the Secessionists, and a blame 
for the capture of Camp Jackson, which Harney himself had 
approved after his return to St. Louis on May 11, and the char- 
acter of which camp he had pronounced as treasonable. It is also, 
very suggestive with regard to the ethical worth of this agreement 
that it was made about the date fixed by Governor Jackson in a letter 
to David Walker, President of the Arkansas Secession Convention, 
upon which date Missouri would secede "if Arkansas will only get 
out of the way, and give her a free passage." 

Could this strange introduction to a still stranger document be 
countenanced by the authority of the Government of the United 
States, which already four days earlier appointed Lyon Brigadier 
General, and gave Frank P Blair discretionary power to suspend 
Harney? The State of Missouri, party of the first part, and the 
United States, party of the second part, treat as sovereign States upon 
the same footing. This is a virtual acknowledgement of the right 
of Secession, while the agreement would not have protected Union 
people out in the State, nor Secessionists in the City. It was an 
entirely one-sided agreement, as the Southern sympathizers would 
have continued to build up their organizations, while General Harney 
himself would have, "upon the honor of a soldier," faithfully kept 
his promise, until the other side had troops enough to defeat him 
in St. Louis. 

General Price certainly was convinced that the agreement with 
Harney was binding on the latter, for when he arrived in Jefferson 
City he sent the troops and men from other Military Districts home 
to their respective Commanders, to be embodied in their local 
organizations. Had he anticipated an early attack by the Federal 
Army, he would have probably concentrated every available man at 
Jefferson City and defended the very strong line of the Missouri and 
Osage rivers 

Characteristic of the unsettled condition of the times which 
influenced even men of unusual power, is a private letter of President 
A. Lincoln, to F P. Blair, relative Harney's Command: 

"Washington, D. C, May 18, 1861. 
Hox. F P Blair. 

"My Dear Sir: We have a good deal anxiety here about St. Louis. I under- 
stand an order has gone from the War Department to you to be delivered or 
withheld in your discretion, relieving General Harney from his command. I 
was not quite satisfied with the order, when it was made, though on the 

The War in Missouri. 249 

whole, I thought it best to make it; but since then I have become more doubt- 
ful of its propriety. I do not write now to countermand it, but to say, I 
wish you would withhold it, unless in your judgment, the necessity to the 
contrary is very urgent. There are several reasons for this. We better have 
him a friend than an enemy. It will dissatisfy a good many, who otherwise 
would be quiet. More than all, we first relieve him, then restore him, and 
now if we relieve him again, the public will ask, 'Why all this vacillation?' 

"Still, if in your judgment, it is indispensable, let it be so. 

"Yours very truly. 

"Private." "A. Lincoln." 

After a conversation with General Lyon, Blair made up his mind 
not to suspend Harney unless absolutely necessary, but the ominous 
agreement of Harney with Price convinced the members of the 
Safety Committee that the Union cause was seriously threatened by 
the very acts of its own Commander. General Harney might have 
had the best intentions, but the consequences of his actions would 
have been disastrous, and in a letter of Mav 22, the Committee of 
Safety made a most earnest and exhaustive report, together with cer- 
tain recommendations to President Lincoln on the conditions of 
affairs in St. Louis. 

Voicing the sentiments of the Union men, the Committee charged 
the State authorities and a majority of the Legislature with abetting 
the seceded States in their attempt to overthrow the Government of 
the United States They referred to Governor Jackson's insulting 
denial to furnish troops to put down the rebellion ; to his message to 
the extra session of the Legislature, in which he pointed out Mis- 
souri's duty in case of a separation of the States, to side with the 
seceders and of his strenuous attempt to arm the people of Missouri, 
in order to get the State into a fit condition for resistance against the 
Union ; the Committee directed attention to the recent iniquitous 
legislation, which by honest and dishonest means, diverted the funds 
of the State and the School Fund, to the single object of arming the 
State, when she had no enemy to contend with unless she chose to 
make an enemy of the Federal Government, and that all these 
preparations plainly show the intention of the State authorities to 
carry Missouri out of the Union. The very oath of the Missouri 
Militia, repudiated the allegiance to the Union ; Companies of 
"Minute" Men were organized under the flag of the Confederate 
States, and an encampment was formed under General Frost, an 
unqualified Secessionist, who threatened time and again to take the 
United States Arsenal. Frost's Command was composed chiefly of 

2,")() The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1SG1 

Companies drilled under a rebel flag; arms were brought from rebel 
States, on boats bearing the rebel flag, falsely labeled and direeted, 
and taken out secretly to their camp; for these and many more rea- 
sons. Camp Jackson was broken up by Union forces of St. Louis. 

The Safety Committee further stated that if some Union men 
were also taken in the camp, they were found in bad company The 
accidents which happened at the capture of the Cam]) were to be 
deplored ; 1 >ut the result has been most beneficial to the cause of the 
Union. Since then, again a body of men assembled at the State 
Capital, set in hostile array against the General Government; that 
body ought to have been dispersed as an unlawful combination; 
instead of this. General Harney arranged a settlement with their 
Commander in Chief, General Price, by which ostensibly the rights 
of loyal citizens should be protected by the State authorities. Citizens 
are dissatisfied with this arrangement, as it leaves the safety of Union 
men driven from their homes, to the protection of the very power 
which imperilled them. Great many complaints had been made 
against General Harney on account of making the above arrange- 
ment. Another objection was also raised against that agreement, 
because Secession is not distinctly repudiated ; because it gives the 
State the right to arm under the provisions of the Military law, 
which defied the Constitution of the United States and the authority 
of the General Government; there were no provisions in the agree- 
ment to disband the Military organizations gotten up in different 
] >arts of the State and no good will come of it, as it only puts off the 
evil dav when the enemy will be better prepared to make resistance. 
"But, hoping that a faithful and literal execution of the arrange- 
ments will be required, we are disposed to acquiesce in what has been 
done and await the development of the future." Satisfied that the 
hostility of the State authorities towards the General Government 
will require the strictest vigilance, to save Missouri to the Union ; that 
concessions made to treason, emboldens it the more, and only the 
stern enforcement of Military law will again establish the peace of 
the community The Committee claims to represent the opinion of 
the Union men of St. Louis and of the State. Different coloring of 
affairs have been given by professed Union men, but enemies of the 
Administration. Further on the Committee holds that the State 
authorities cannot protect the Union men, who in some parts of the 
State are treated outrageously; while the present Union force is fully 
sufficient to protect them by establishing temporary military posts 

The War in Missouri. 251 

as rallying points for Union men driven from their homes. The 
Commander should be instructed to stop every Military organization 
under the recent law, and to notify the State authorities that any 
proceedings under that act are inconsistent with the allegiance due 
the General Government. He should also require the surrender of all 
the arms taken from the Liberty Arsenal and from Kansas City. 
This letter was signed: James O. Broadhead, F P Blair, Jr. ; Samuel 
T. Glover, Oliver D. Filley, John How, John J Witzig, all members 
of the Safety Committee. 

News kept on coming in from different parts of the State, report- 
ing the continuous organization of Secession forces; a correspond- 
ence was intercepted proving that the Cherokee Indian Chief Ross, 
had promised to furnish 15,000 men to aid Gov. Jackson, 1 Union 
organizations were disbanded; Gen. I. L. Rains raised a large force, 
the same with which he soon afterwards attacked Sigel at Carthage; 
troops were gathering at Jefferson City under Gen. Sterling Price ; 
the same who a few days later fought against Lyon at the battle of 
Booneville and who planted Batteries to prevent vessels of the United 
States to pass up the Missouri river; Lieut. Governor Reynolds 
openly proclaimed, that notwithstanding the Harney-Price agree- 
ment, the disowned Military Bill would be enforced and it will be 
seen later on, that this was also Gen. Price's view Some of the most 
prominent Union men in the State like John S. Phelps, Arnold 
Krekel, J. H. Boyd and many others, reported the hostile gathering 
on the Arkansas frontier and that in different parts of the State 
Union men were driven from their homes. Arms were transported 
to Jefferson City from Arkansas for the use of these hostile forces, 
while Union organizations, that offered their services to Gen. Har- 
ney, were curtly told to go home and attend to their civic vocations. 
All these circumstances at last induced Col. Blair on May 30th to sus- 
pend Harney by handing him the order from Washington. The 
letter of the Committee of Safety from the 22nd May had at least 
the effect in Washington, to elicit an order from L. Thomas, Ad- 
jutant General to Gen. Harney, in which he was seriously re- 
minded of his duties in dealing with the disaffected elements in his 

'This report, spread by the Secessionists, proved false, for reliable infor- 
mation was received later that John Ross, Chief of the Cherokees, had 
issued on May 17th a proclamation of neutrality, in order to save his nation 
from the ravages of war. 

252 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

command, and in which he was told that the authority of the 
United States is paramount. This letter, dated Washington, May 
27th, '61, evidently reached Gen. Harney the day of his suspension. 
In his letter to the President of May 30th, Fr. Blair gives account 
of the circumstances and motives of his action, for serving the order 
of suspension on General Harney ; vindicating the capture of Camp 
Jackson, also Lyons correct and logical intention of following up 
that success, by clearing the State of all hostile elements, but in 
which Lyon was prevented by Harney's reinstatement in command, 
stopping every advance, and also by Harney's agreement with Gen- 
eral Price. Blair wrote that he waited to see whether any good would 
come from that agreement, but matters grew worse, only Secessionists 
being protected by it, so he delivered to Harney the order of his 
suspension (dated May 16) on the thirtieth of May He, Blair, 
had information from many reliable men, that under the Harney- 
Price agreement, the Secession forces were energetically organizing 
and importing arms from Arkansas, and if that is permitted much 
longer, the State will be virtually handed over to the rebellion. He 
had in vain reported these affairs to General Harney, who only 
answered. "I will tell Price about it." to which Price usually gave 
Harney evasive answers. 

Thus Blair was convinced that Harney's removal was absolutely 
necessary and that the Union forces in Missouri should be largely 
increased. The letter suspending Gen. Harney from the command 
in Missouri, was accompanied by a letter from Montgomery Blair to 
Harney, stating the reasons for such suspension ; these were chiefly 
the political status of Harney's relatives in St. Louis. M. Blair held 
that it was impossible for "men whose lives are at stake, they say, to 
be satisfied with the command of one, whose intimates are openly 
against them ; the order should not be deemed by you or by others, to 
reflect upon your loyalty " However the great majority of the Union 
people of St, Louis, had no faith in General Harney's loyalty, and 
even the most liberal minded, did not think that his capacity was 
adequate to the very difficult situation. 

But in justice to General Harney, it must be acknowledged that 
there is ample proof which places his Union fealty above all reason- 
able suspicion. An admirer of Gen. Jackson, he faithfully served 
his country against the Indians. During the critical days in the 
spring of 1861, he told President Buchanan, "some one has your 

The War in Missouri. 253 

ear, who is neither a friend of the Union nor of yours," and Scharf re- 
lated that in a letter to Col. John O'Fallon, he eloquently proclaimed 
his devotion to the flag under which he had fought for forty years 
and warmly implores his fellow citizens "not to be seduced by de- 
signing men, to become the instruments of their mad ambition, by 
plunging the State into the vortex of Secession;" he also wrote: 
"The soldiers and citizens primary duty is due to the United States 
government and not to the government of his State." 



The removal of Harney gave great satisfaction to the Union men. 
At this time the newly organized force under Lyon's command con- 
sisted of : 

First Regiment Volunteers, Colonel Blair 1,220 men 

•Second Regiment Volunteers, Colonel Boernstein. 1,128 men 

Third Regiment Volunteers, Colonel Sigel 1,103 men 

Fourth Regiment Volunteers, Colonel Schuettner 1,027 men 

Fifth Regiment Volunteers, Colonel Solomon 926 men 

Artillery Battalion, Major Backoff. . , 253 men 

Pioneer Company Captain Voerster , : , 120 men 

First Regiment U. S. Reserve Corps. Col. Almstedt. 1.195 men 

Second Regiment U. S. Reserve Corps. Col. Kallmann 736 men 

Third Regiment U S Reserve Cor] »s. Col. McNeil. 839 men 

Fourth Regiment I' S. Reserve Corps, Col. B. Gratz 

Brown. , . , . , 1,169 men 

Fifth Regiment U S Reserve Corps. Col. Stifel. 1,014 men 


The first Reserve had one company of Cavalry under " Captain 
J. Melter. which did useful service as orderlies to Lyon and Sigel. 

Tn his report dated June 6th. Lyon states his Brigade consists of 
ihe five Regiments of Missouri Volunteers; one Battalion of Artil- 
lery; one Company of Sappers and Miners and one Company of 
Rifles. Lyon reports the five Regiments of United States Reserve 
Corps, to hi' under the command of Capt. T. W Sweeney appointed 
l)v Gen. Harney on May 20th as Brigadier General of that hody. 
Field officers of that hody cannot recollect that Sweeney was ever 
elected, nor that he was ever con firmed from Washington. As 
Sweeney marched with his company of Regulars to the Southwest. 
and according Lyon's own statement of the Reserves "Thev were 


Lyon in Command. '2~to 

sworn into service upon the condition that they were not to be 
called to perform duty outside of the county of St. Louis," Sweeney s 
Brigadier appointment seems to have been only for the purpose to 
give an authority to a Regular Officer, for which there was no war- 
rant in law, or necessity in practice. Memorable in this report, is 
the special notice Lyon gives to the members of his staff, of whom 
he names seven. Although more than four-fifths of Lyon's com- 
mand were foreign born citizens or their sons, many of whom were 
men of merit and military experience, and not one of them was 
on his staff. 

Following the example of St. Louis, more than 200 companies of 
Home Guards organized all over the State. These organizations took 
a firm root in the northern tier of counties, also in St. Joseph, Kan- 
sas City. Hannibal, Springfield; in the counties near St. Louis and 
the middle of the State ; in the small centers of trade and manufac- 
ture along the railroads and wherever a large German popula- 
tion predominated. There was quite a strong aggregation of Union 
men in the counties around Springfield in the Southwest. These 
companies generally started spontaneously for self and home pro- 
tection, in which they were most effective and occasionally did quite 
valuable field service. It is only natural that persons of the same 
political faith when surrounded by hostile elements, should heed 
the golden adage : "In Union there is strength," and as circum- 
stances admit, form more or less compact organizations for mutual 
protection. The pressure for arms, aid and affiliation with the 
United States military in St. Louis, came from these outside 
Union people and was forwarded to Washington with the strongest 
possible recommendation, for using this opportunity to increase the 
Union forces in Missouri, and for this purpose President Lincoln 
authorized General Lyon to arm these companies, though they were 
not regularly mustered into the service of the United States. 

About this time, 0. D. Filley, chairman of the Safety Committee, 
issued a circular calling upon all Union men in the State to form a 
great Union party, from all elements favoring the maintenance of 
the Union. The object was mutual protection by association and 
also to facilitate local information from all parts of the State. This 
circular recommended for sparsely settled districts, the enrollment 
of all Union men on lists. While all these suggestions do not seem to 
have had an immediate effect except in a limited way, they may have 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

originated the idea of the enrolled Missouri Militia of Governor 
Gamble in later years and certainly assisted in the formation of 
local Home Guards. There was little organic connection be- 
tween these scattered companies, and their services were most 
valuable in their immediate vicinities. They aided the growth 
and consolidation of the Union elements in the State, restricted mar- 
auding bands of Secessionists to isolated districts, prevented to some 
extent the intimidation and terrorization of citizens, though often 
many had to flee on short notice from house to house and hide in 
the bush to escape captivity or annihilation. 

The heroism, perseverance and fealty to conviction of our Missouri 
country population deserves unstinted praise, and will long remain a 
theme for romance ; nor can it be denied that many similar incidents 
and sufferings can truthfully be told of the votaries of antagonistic 
political convictions. 

The following list of companies, taken from public records, 
though not complete, speaks for itself 

Home Guard Organi- 
zation in State. 

j No. of ! 
Companies, i! 

p II 



When ! 






( Adair Co. 

Adair Co . > 




•} Kirksville on N. M. 
( R. R. 

Benton Co. 




Cole Camp. 

Boonville . . 




Cooper Co., Mo. Pac. R. R. 

Brookfield . 




Linn Co. , H. & St. Joe R. R. 

Caldwell Co. . 




Kingston, H. & St. JoeR. R. 

Cape Girardeau. 




C. G. Co. 





St. Louis Co. 

Cass County 




Pleasant Hill, Mo. Pac. R. R. 





Henry Co. 

Cole Co. 




Jefferson City, Mo. Pac. R. R. 

Dallas Co. 





De Soto 




Jefferson Co., I. M. R. R. 

Douglass Co . . . 




Vera Cruz. 

Fifteenth Reg't, / 
U. S. R. C \ 




Polk Co. 

Franklin Co 




Washington, Mo. Pac. R. R. 

Fremont Rangers. 




Cape Girardeau. 

Fourteenth Reg't / 
Lexington . . \ 




Lafayette Co. 

Gasconade Co. ... 




Hermann, Mo. Pac. R. R. 

Gasconade Co. . ,...,.. 




Hermann, Mo. Pac. R. R. 





Greene Co : 






on in ( 

I'orn rnand. 







Home Guard Organi- 
zation in State. 


. <p 





Greene and )_ 
Christian Oo \ 


Springfield and Ozark. 

Harrison Co. 





Johnson Co . 



June ' 

\ Eleven companies not re- 
/ ported, Warrensburg. 

Knox Co 



July | 


Lawrence Co 




Mt. Vernon. 

Lewis Co. 




Lewis Co. 





Lafayette Co. 





Chillicothe.H. &St.JoeR.R. 

Marion Co. 




Marion Co. 

Moniteau Co. 




Tipton, Mo. Pac. R. R. 

Nodaway Co. 





Osage Co . . . .... 




Linn, Mo. Pac. R. R. 

Osage Reg't and / 
Hickory Co. . . \ 





Ozark Co . 




Ozark Co. 

Pacific Battalion, / 




\ Franklin or Pacific 

St. Louis Co . . . \ 


/ Mo. Pac. R. R. 

Pettis Co 



\ June & 

Sedalia, Mo. Pac. R. R. 
Rolla. S. W Br. R. R. 

Phelps Co. 



'/ July 


Pike Co 



May & June 

Hannibal, H. &St. JoeR. R. 

Pilot Knob. 




Iron Co., I. M. R. R. 

Potosi . 




Washington Co., I. M. R. R. 

Putnam Co . 





Putnam Co. 


59 ; 



St. Louis Co., i 

Sappers & Miners, 




St. Louis. 

J. D. Voerster. < 

St. Louis Co., / 
Anton Gerster \ 




St. Louis. 

St. Louis Co., / 
Edward Krausnick \ 




St. Louis. 

St. Charles Co. 




St. Charles, N. Mo. R. R. 

Scott Co . . 




Benton, C & F. R. R. 

Shawnee Town, / 





Putnam Co. \ 


Shelby Co . . 




Shelbina, H. & St. Joe R. R. 

Shibley's Point 




Adair, N. Mo. R. R. 

Stone Co 





Stone Prairie, Barry Co. 


; 43 



Sullivan Co. 





Webster Co. 





Aggregate . . 


In a subsequent letter of Montgomery Blair to Frank Blair June 4, 
1861, he expresses the conviction that there will be an invasion of 
Missouri from Arkansas. He also indorses the extension of McClel- 


258 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

lan's Command over Missouri, which many thought to have been a 
grave error and which it no doubt was, judging it from a military 
standpoint. Mr, Blair gives a statesman's reason for the joining of 
Missouri to McClellan s Department, namely, that this measure will 
remove from the mind of such Union men in Missouri who do not 
like Frank P. Blair, the idea that the movement of Union troops here 
were dictated by mere partisanship, and adds : 

"This is a feeling that I see colors the course of things in Missouri. It is 
not so much disunion as hostility to the Republicans, which gives Jackson's 
clique power. Now, whilst I am anxious that the Union feeling in the State 
should come to the Republicans (and it will eventually do so), you must 
be careful at present, as far as possible, not to arrest the Union feeling by 
making it too visibly your property. I see that you have acted with this be- 
fore you in giving Lyon the position of General, and not taking it yourself. 
It is a full justification and vindication of you that Harney, after denouncing 
the Military bill as unconstitutional, proceeded to treat with Price, acting 
under its authority, who did not, of course, keep faith, but proceeded at 
once to play out the game intended by the bill itself. 

"Montgomery Blaib." 

To divest the Union movement in St. Louis and Missouri from its 
partisan Republican coloring was extremely sound policy ; for, while 
every Republican was a Union man, not every Union man was a 
Republican. But as the armed contest grew out of the political one, 
the heated political campaigns of the immediate past naturally 
induced every Democrat to side at first with his recent partisan bed- 
fellows, and, while every Secessionist was a Democrat, not every 
Democrat was a Secessionist, not even in the Southern States, far less 
in the Border States, and only exceptionally in the Free States. So 
that while the sympathies of most Democrats were at first with the 
South, the "rule or ruin" policy of that section and the hostile armed 
attacks of Secession leaders and troops, sobered many Democrats up, 
and they soon filled the ranks of Union Regiments. A striking ex- 
ample of this was given by the population of Irish descent. Their 
stronghold in St. Louis was the Ninth Ward, also the most Demo- 
cratic Ward; in the spring of 1861 it w T as an acknowledged menace 
to every Union man. A very small number of Irishmen joined the 
first ten Union Regiments; in fact, there were Regiments in which 
there was not a single one. But as soon as the first events revealed the 
true spirit of parties, they forsook the cause of the slave-owners 
and joined the Union armies. This is not astonishing, for 

Lyon in Command. 259 

the Catholic religion discountenanced Slavery and did not 
even draw the color line for the road of its votaries to heaven. With 
the above exception, Mr. Blair's policy was lost upon the conserva- 
tives, for very few of them jeopardized their lives for the mainte- 
nance of the Union and the abolition of Slavery, two objects which 
the development of events proved to be identical. The letter quoted 
above also indicates that Frank P Blair gave Lyon the position of 
General, instead of taking it himself. No doubt some of his old 
party friends preferred Blair even to Lyon, but the knowledge that 
his political activity would keep him away from the tented field, 
very rationally induced Blair, not to covet that position. 

While this Harney interlude went on, an army of about 15,000 
Union men stood with grounded arms, the most precious time was 
lost and it took millions of treasure and thousands of lives to repair 
the damage caused by temporizing at a time, when energetic meas- 
ures, so happily inaugurated, would have led to entirely different 

The unpardonable neglect of Harney, in failing to utilize the 
advantages gained by the capture of Camp Jackson, was duly rep- 
resented to the President, but the aid sought was not adequate to 
the occasion. When Blair asked only for the Leavenworth Regulars 
and the Kansas troops that were being raised at that time, and added : 
"We are well able to take care of this State without assistance from 
elsewhere, if authorized to raise a sufficient force within the State, 
and after that work is done we can take care of the Secessionists from 
the Arkansas line to the gulf, along the west shore of the Mississipi." 
These were, rather utopian views, and if at the time shared by Lyon 
at all, were soon abandoned, as his repeated and urgent demand for 
reinforcements, even after the Regulars from Leavenworth and two 
Kansas Regiments had joined him, fully proved. Lyon knew well 
that the worst fault of a General is to underrate the enemy. He urged 
the Secretary of War and the Governors of Illinois and Iowa for 
more troops, with which to meet McCulloch, who was reported to 
be advancing from Arkansas with a considerable force. Confed- 
erate writers claimed that besides the above and the troops neces- 
sary at St. Louis, Lyon had in different parts of the State several 
thousand Home Guards, well armed and equipped; the Iowa regi- 
ments of Bates and Curtis on the northern frontier of the State, and 
troops concentrating at Quincy, Alton and Cairo. To these, they 

260 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

held, the State could only oppose one thousand poorly armed men 
and six pieces of Artillery, and no money Coming events do not 
bear out this estimate. Governor Jackson could count upon a large 
contingent of excellent marksmen, who, as pioneers of the West, 
were better inured to camp life, and were more used to the rifle than 
the Union troops of Missouri, who mostly hailed from the cities. 

Besides this, the above estimate of the Confederates is misleading, 
for the Home Guards in the State were mostly available only in their 
immediate neighborhood, their arms were mostly poor and they had 
no equipment for field service, and the troops in north Missouri 
were absorbed by the needs of that locality. 


When General Price learned of the removal of Harney and succes- 
sion of Lyon, he sent publicly an order to the commanders of the 
districts, stating that while he and the Governor were desirous to 
carry out the Price-Harney agreement, and await the decision of 
the Missouri State Convention, he had apprehensions General Lyon 
would force the issue, by the terror of a military invasion, which 
ought to be resisted to tbe last extremity ; that he himself intended to 
prevent such an outrage, and that a million of Missourians could not 
be subjugated. In order to go sure in the matter. General Price 
issued at the same time secret orders to the Brigadiers, urging them to 
hasten the organization of troops in their districts and to fit them out 
for immediate active service. The commanders were ordered to have 
State flags prepared of blue merino, with the gilt arms of the State 
upon them. Similar reflections induced Governor Jackson, on June 
1st, to have the army and workshops of the State removed to Boon- 
ville, considering that that point was more central to the Secession 
sympathizers, while Jefferson City had a large Union and German 
population. Price was in hopes to be able to hold Boonville and the 
upper Missouri River until the Confederate States could send an 
army to his support. In the meantime conservative men persuaded 
Governor Jackson and General Price to have an interview with Gen- 
eral Lyon, for the purpose of avoiding a conflict with the United 
States troops and authority General Lyon consented, and issued 
on June 8th, to Governor Jackson and General Price, a letter grant- 
ing safe conduct to St. Louis and return to Jefferson City up to the 

Lyon in Command. 261 

12th of June, for the purpose of discussing the troubles in Mis- 
souri. The parties met at the Planters House, on June 11th, name- 
ly: Governor Jackson, General Price, Thomas L. Snead, the Gov- 
ernor's private secretary , Colonel Frank P Blair, General Lyon and 
his adjutant, Major Connant. Governor Jackson professed a desire 
for peace, without troops on either side, and said: "The United 
States Troops must leave the State and not enter it, and he would 
disband his own troops, and then we should certainly have peace." 
General Price held that his course was in perfect harmony with his 
and General Harney's conceptions, and that he had made no agree-, 
ment whatever with General Harney about the enforcement or carry- 
ing out of the Military Bill. At tihs point a memorandum was read 
by Lyon, in which Harney asks Price to review the features of the 
bill and discover some means by which its action may be suspended 
until a competent tribunal shall decide upon its validity. Harney 
in this memorandum refers to the oath of allegiance to the State 
of Missouri, without recognizing the existence of the Government 
of the United States, and secondly to the express requirements, by 
which troops within the State not organized under the provisions 
of the Military Bill, are to be disarmed by the State Guards. 
On the bottom of this memorandum was an N.B.— "Read to General 
Price in the presence of Major H. L. Turner, on the evening of the 
21st of May," 

General Price said he did not remember hearing the paper read , 
he said Hitchcock and H. L. Turner were to see him, but he did not 
see or hear of such a paper. Price insisted further that no armed 
bodies of United States troops should pass through or be stationed in 
the State, as such would occasion civil war; that Missouri must be 
neutral, and neither side should arm, Governor Jackson to give 
protection to Union men and to disband his State Troops. To this 
General Lyon remarked, that if the government withdrew its forces, 
measures would be resorted to for providing arms and perfecting 
organizations, which upon any pretext could put forth a formidable 
opposition ; combinations would be formed to drive out loyal citizens, 
which the government could not protect if its forces could not be 
brought into the State, and a force could" be brought into the State 
to carry out the Secession program. The Government could not 
shrink from its duties nor abdicate its rights. If the Governor would 
earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the State and resist out- 

262 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

rages upon loyal citizens, repress insurrection, and in case of violent 
combinations call upon the United States troops for assistance, the 
government purpose would be subserved and the rights and dignity 
of the State not infringed. 

When the verbal conference failed, which was a foregone conclu- 
sion, Governor Jackson still sought to gain more time and proposed 
to continue the consultation through correspondence, which was 
declined, General Lyon stating that their views were too widely apart 
and it would lead to nothing ; but he proposed that each one should 
, briefly put down his views and they should be published. Governor 
Jackson was not disposed to agree to this. Gereral Lyon reminded the 
Governor that heretofore Missouri had the fostering care of the Fed- 
eral Government, but by the failure of the chief executive to comply 
with constitutional requirements, she will be made to feel its power. 
Blair's more diplomatic arguments were from the beginning super- 
seded by Lyon's more direct statements, and after a conference of 
nearly five hours, it became evident that conceptions of right and 
wrong were too divergent to admit a common basis for agreement. 
After this became manifest, according to Thomas L. Snead, the Gov- 
ernor's secretary t who was present during the entire conference, 
Lyon, still in his seat, spoke slowly and with peculiar emphasis: 
"Rather than concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand 
that my government shall not enlist troops within her limits, or 
bring troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops 
at its own will into, out of or through the State ; rather than concede 
to the State of Missouri, for one single instant, the right to dictate 
to my government in any matter, however unimportant, I would 
(rising as he said this, and pointing in turn to every one in the 
room) see you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every man 
woman and child in this State, dead and buried." Turning to the 
Governor, he said : "This means war. In an hour one of my officers 
will call for you and conduct you out of my lines." With these 
words Lyon left the room without further ceremony There never 
was a plausible basis for this conference. The Governor considered, 
or at least publicly professed, Camp Jackson to be a legitimate State 
military camp, and Lyon captured it as a nucleus of a Secession 
army; the Governor considered the Federal Government a military 
despotism, while every fiber in General Lyon was loyal to the Union 
and in sympathy with the aims of the administration , the Governor 

Lyon in Command. 263 

believed in the right, and for Missouri as a slave state, even in the 
honorable obligation of Secession, while General Lyon held and was 
in duty bound to hold diametrically opposite convictions. Under 
such circumstances there was no chance for an agreement. 

There seems to be only one explanation for this conference. Gov- 
ernor Jackson must have become aware that the Federal commander 
contemplated to make a forward movement into the State very soon. 
While neither side was quite ready, Governor Jackson certainly 
needed the time most, and it is therefore fair to credit him with this 
scheme, to defer the armed conflict. 

After the conference broke up, Governor Jackson and General 
Price speeded back to Jefferson City, and resolved while still on 
train to destroy the large bridges over the Gasconade and Osage Riv- 
ers; not as great military leaders had formerly done on the line of 
their own retreat, but on the line of the advance of the Union host. 


Governor Jackson and General Price arrived at Jefferson City at 
2 a. m. on the 12th. First of all General Price ordered the telegraph 
wires cut; next he sent Captain Kelly with a company and proper 
tools, post haste, to destroy the bridges. Kelly's attempt to blow up 
the draw of the Gasconade bridge failed; the torch being applied 
the draw fell into the river. On returning, the same party burned 
the west span of the Osage bridge. The state officers at Jefferson 
City were in great haste to pack their important documents for the 
prospective flight from the capital, while Snead, the Governor's Secre- 
tary, was hard at work all night on the governor's proclamation, 
which went to press soon after daylight. With this proclamation 
Governor Jackson tried to influence the undecided portion of the 
community by shifting the blame of unjust aggression upon the 
Federal authority, which design was favored by the circumstance 
that Missouri slave owners had a pecuniary interest in common with 
the seceded states and, besides this, most of her native citizens were 
of Southern extraction, had friends and relatives in the South, many 
of them were reared in the South and looked upon the "peculiar in- 
stitution" as being approved even by religion. Besides this, ultra 
conservative men from the North and the South wanted peace at any 
price, and did not see that public opinion at the North had diverged 

264 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

from that at the South to an extent that either Slavery or the Union 
had to cease. Although Governor Jackson had repeatedly declared 
that Missouri must join her fate with the South and support the se- 
ceded States, he still was in hopes, first to organize and arm the State 
under the mask of neutrality. When this intention was foiled, he 
tried to make the best of the situation by open war measures, such 
as the burning of the bridges, and the following proclamation: 

"To the People of Missouri: 

"A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages have been inflicted upon 
the peace and dignity of this Commonwealth, and upon the rights and liberties 
of its people, by wicked and unprincipled men, professing to act under the 
authority of the United States Government. The solemn enactments of your 
Legislature have been nullified; your volunteer soldiers have been taken 
prisoners; your commerce with your sister States has been suspended; your 
trade with your own fellow-citizens has been, and is, subjected to the haras- 
sing control of an armed soldiery; peaceful citizens have been imprisoned 
without warrant of law ; unoffending and defenseless men, women and children 
have been ruthlessly shot down and murdered; and other unbearable indig- 
nities have been heaped upon your State and yourselves. 

After this eloquent introduction, which misconstrued the dire ne- 
cessities of the Federal authority, Governor Jackson extolls his own 
patience; his desire to maintain peace through the Price-Harney 
agreement ; relates the disavowal of that arrangement by the Federal 
Government and the recall of General Harney, which he calls a 
dismissal; refers to the interview with Lyon and Blair (which has 
been previously related in this work), and terminates his proclama- 
tion with the following high-sounding appeal: 

"Now, therefore, I, C. F. Jackson, Governor of the State of Missouri, do, in 
view of the foregoing facts, and by virtue of the powers vested in me by the 
Constitution and laws of this Commonwealth, issue my proclamation, calling 
the militia of the State, to the number of fifty thousand, into the active 
service of the State, for the purpose of repelling said invasion, and for the 
protection of the lives, liberty and prosperity of the citizens of this State. 

"And I earnestly exhort all good citizens of Missouri to rally under the 
flag of their State for the protection of their endangered homes and firesides, 
and for the defense of their most sacred rights and dearest liberties. 

"In issuing this proclamation, I hold it to be my solemn duty to remind 
you that Missouri is still one of the United States; that the Executive De- 
partment of the State Government does not arrogate to itself the power to 
disturb that relation ; that that power has been wisely vested in a conven- 
tion, which will at the proper time express your sovereign, will ; and that 
meanwhile it is your duty to obey all constitutional requirements of the 

Lyon in Command. 265 

Federal Government. But it is equally my duty to advise you that your 
first allegiance is due to your own State, and that you are under no obligation 
whatever to obey the unconstitutional edicts of the military despotism which 
has enthroned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the infamous and de- 
grading sway of its wicked minions in this State. No brave and true-hearted 
Missourian will obey one or submit to the other. Rise, then, and drive out 
ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which 
your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes. 

"Given under my hand as Governor and under the great seal of the State of 
Missouri, at Jefferson City, this twelfth day of June, 1861. 

"By the Governor, 

"Claibokxe F. Jacksox, 
"B. F. Massey, 

"Secretary of State." 

Hide it as he may, the Governor could not cover up his sinister 
intentions, even by the words of his own proclamation , for, divested 
of its verbiage calculated to potentiate the State right notions and 
partisan prejudices of the people, he would permit the United States 
troops to occupy St. Louis only, the balance of the State would be left 
to his discretion, and he would call United States troops when he 
thought necessary, which emergency, considering the Governor's 
disposition, would never arise. The Governor had calculated that, 
even if he should fail to carry Missouri into the Southern Confeder- 
acy, the State should at least remain a neutral wedge between the 
States of Illinois, Iowa, Kansas and Arkansas, permitting the Seceded 
States west of the Mississippi to use their forces towards the Ohio and 
the East. Nothing, however, shows the flagrant inconsistency of Gov- 
ernor Jackson more than his sudden change in the appreciation of 
measures and men. On the 11th of June he treats with the rep- 
resentatives of the Federal Government about terms, as he avers, 
to pacify Missouri, and next day, namely on the 12th of June, he 
proclaims the Federal authority " a military despotism which bus 
enthroned itself at Washington," and he calls Lyon and Blair, with 
whom he had treated for terms on the preceding day, "wicked min- 
ions of that despotism." The Governor's proclamation of the 12th 
gravely reflects on his sincerity on the 11th. Considering the un- 
deniable treason of Governor Jackson in sending his agents with 
letters to Jefferson Davis to secure cannon and mortars for the in- 
tended reduction of the United States Arsenal at St. Louis; con- 
sidering his promise made on April 19th to David Walker, President 
of the Arkansas Convention, that Missouri will be ready for Secession 

266 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

in less than thirty days; considering the Governor's appointment of 
violent Secessionists as Major and Brigadier generals of the Militia, 
and also his letter to Tucker — all his sophisms lose every vestige of 
moral force. 

Besides the proclamation, telegrams, letters and messengers were 
now sent from Jefferson City, to urge a still more speedy organiza- 
tion. General Parsons was ordered to retreat with the small force 
collected at Jefferson City, westward along the Missouri Pacific 
Railroad to Tipton, a point south of Boonville. All the rail rolling; 
stock was taken to Tipton, and the railroad bridges were burned be- 
hind the last train. Governor Jackson, several State officers and 
Captain Kelly's company boarded the steamer "White Cloud," and 
arrived at Boonville on the morning of June 13th. Brigadier Gen- 
eral Clark had been ordered to concentrate his men at Boonville, and 
the Governor found several hundred of them there, while many more 
were on the road and arrived the next two days. On the 15th of June, 
a report reached Boonville that a skirmish had taken place at Inde- 
pendence, and that State troops assembling at Lexington were threat- 
ened by a large force from Kansas. Upon this General Price left 
Clark in command at Boonville, with instructions to retreat fight- 
ing, toward General Parsons, while he proceeded to attend to the 
affairs at Lexington. The question arises here. Why did Governor 
Jackson and his advisers flee from Jefferson City? Had he been 
true to his oath of office and his duties as Governor, he could have 
remained at the head of the State to the end of his term. But, as he 
had conspired for Secession and the Confederacy, notwithstanding 
the great popular vote for the Union, the evidence was so strong 
against him that he did not dare to face the threatening impeach- 
ment by the Convention. 


When the proclamation of Governor Jackson proved to General 
Lyon that the former had thrown off his mask, and the burning of 
the Missouri Pacific Railroad bridges emphasized by their revolu- 
tionary nature the hostile words of the Governor's proclamation, 
the forward movements into the State could no longer be post- 
poned and were formally resolved upon. Two lines of operation were 
adopted — the one southwest, via Rolla to Springfield; the other al- 

Lyon in Command. 


mott due west via Missouri River to Jefferson City and the center of 
the State. The direction of all other affairs at the Arsenal and in the 




Department was left to Colonel Chester Harding, Assistant adjutant 
general, who was authorized to sign Lyon's name to all orders. 

268 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Chester Harding was considered one of the ablest lawyers of St. 
Louis, of an even, considerate disposition and great mental cap- 

The southwest column was started first. One Battalion with sev- 
eral field pieces and camp equipage, under Lieut. Colonel Hassen- 
deubel, started June 11th. The second Battalion, under command 
of Colonel Sigel, started on the 13th, with six guns and one howitzer, 
under Major Bischoff, and two rifle companies under A. Albert and 
Joseph Conrad via Pacific to Rolla. Colonel Solomon, with the 
Fifth Missouri Volunteers, followed on the 15th to the same point, 
and Colonel B. Gratz Brown, with the Fourth Regiment Reserves, 
and six pieces of artillery, took up the same route. General Lyon 
ordered Sigel, with the whole command, to Springfield, with in- 
structions to march thence westward to Mt. Vernon and Neosho, 
in order to intercept Jackson and Price's commands on their South- 
ward march, while yielding to Lyons pressure from the North. 
Sigel was enthusiastically cheered on his march to Rolla, where he 
hauled down a Secession flag and hoisted the Stars and Stripes. Two 
companies of State Guards, which had been stationed there, fled 
before the Union troops. These Secessionists probably formed the 
nucleus of a marauding band which later infested the roads to the 
West and the South, though beyond destroying here and there some 
wagons, they could do little damage, for the roads were solid and 
the rivers had no bridges 

The column under the direct command of General Lyon started on 
the 10th of June. At 11 o'clock a. m. the steamer Iatan took on 
board part of the First Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, under Lieut. 
Colonel Andrews, two companies of Regulars under Captain Lathrop 
and a section of Tottens Light Battery At 2 p. m. General Lyon and 
his staff, with the balance of the First Volunteers and the Regulars, 
1500 men in all. with the necessary camp equipage, horses, wagons 
and provisions, started on the steamer J. C. Swon, following the 
Iatan up the river. The boats were enthusiastically cheered on 
leaving the Arsenal; their destination was correctly surmised to be 
Jefferson City Passing St. Charles, about 8 p. m., the steamers laid 
by for the night. Starting early in the morning of the 14th, they 
steamed past Augusta, the home of the veteran champion of free 
institutions, Friederich Muench. Above the headquarters of a Home 
Guard Company, formed at Augusta a week sooner, floated the Union 

Lyon in Command. 269 

flag, and here, in Washington and Hermann, cheer after cheer greet- 
ed the Stars and Stripes. All these were German settlements, and 
thus far the vessels steamed up stream in comparative safety. 
Here the large bottoms extend chiefly on the North side of the river, 
while the South shore is skirted with high, rocky bluffs, wooded where 
the soil permits; above high-water mark along the foot of the bluffs 
runs the Missouri Pacific Railroad, surveyed here in 1853, when 
a party of young engineers traced the line through these primeval 
forests, and after the day's fatigues listened in their camp to the 
doleful tunes of the whip-poor-will. How changed were the relations 
in that short period, and the fate of members from that small party 
of engineers is a vivid example of the distraction of the people of 
Missouri. The chief of the party and the builder of the Osage bridge 
both fell at the head of a Union regiment at Vicksburg, an as- 
sistant from Massachusetts married into a Southern family and be- 
came Governor Jackson's Quartermaster General, notwithstanding 
that his brother was Lyon's Adjutant; the rodman went back to 
Maryland to aid the Southern cause, the axmen, two Hungarians, 
got to the command of a Union regiment and company, while the 
son of the Emerald Isle probably turned up in a Union Irish brigade. 
After the ships of Lyon passed the mouth of the Gasconade, their 
safety was highly questionable. Callaway County, which fringes 
here the North shore of the Missouri River, was inhabited by 
Southern sympathizers, who were not likely to betray any move- 
ment hostile to the Union forces. Considering that a single cannon 
ball would pass through one of those light river boats from stem 
to stern, and that a well-protected Battery could be thrown up on 
shore on short notice, it was very fortunate for Lyon's command that 
the enemy s enterprise was not on a level with his intentions. West 
of the mouth of the Osage, the situation became even worse, because 
both shores were under absolute control of the Secessionists. Never- 
theless Lyon occupied Jefferson City without opposition on June 
15th, and was cordially welcomed by a large delegation of citizens, 
headed by Governor Thomas L. Price. After disembarking, the 
troops occupied without delay all high and commanding positions, 
such as the penitentiary, the capitol, and raised upon the latter, 
under the animating accords of the "Star Spangled Banner," the 
flag of the Union, with the good intention that it should not be 
lowered from there through all the vicissitudes of the war. A false 

270 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

report was current at Jefferson City that Governor Jackson had been 
at Boonville on the evening of the 14th, but had left since for 
Arkansas. Some travelers that escaped from Boonville in a skiff 
brought the news that the place was being fortified, and that about 
one thousand men were there concentrated and more were ex- 

Colonel Boernstein, with the Second Volunteers, arrived per train 
at Hermann, waited there for the steamer Louisiana and followed the 
Iatan and Swon, which had passed before him up the river. 


Leaving Boernstein with three companies in charge of Jefferson 
City, Lyon's command, consisting of the First Volunteers, a Battalion 
of the Second Volunteers, Companies of Regulars, Totten's Battery, 
and a few Pioneers, in all about 1700 men, embarked on the steamers 
A. McDowell, Iatan and City of Louisiana, on June 16th, in the 
afternoon, and passed the night on board, laying by on account of 
unsafe navigation ; the command passed Rockport in the morning of 
June 17th, and learning that the enemy, a few miles ahead, was 
fortifying a position, they disembarked at the foot of an island in 
a bottom, beyond the reach of ordinary artillery from the bluffs, 
and about eight miles distant from Boonville. One steamer with 
a howitzer and a Company for escort was dispatched up the river 
to make a diversion and also to silence a Battery which the Secession- 
ists had posted on the river bank, in order to stop all navigation. 

Lyon, with the main force, proceeded cautiously along the bottom 
road towards Boonville, having been informed that the place con- 
tained from three to four thousand defenders, among whom were 
several companies from Cooper County under command of Captain 
Robert McCulloch. Parsons had been ordered to march from Tipton 
to Boonville, twenty miles distant. Of this John C. Moore writes: 
"Parsons did not obey the order, though he had a day and a half in 
which to reach the designated point. The governor insisted on 
fighting at Boonville." Colonel Marmaduke was directed to march 
with all available men against Lyon, and retard his advance until 
Parsons' arrival, possibly also to give some citizens of Boonville a bet- 
ter chance to leave the city, and also to give Quartermaster General 
James Harding time to arrange for the destruction of such ordnance 

Lyon in Command. 271 

stores which in case of a retreat could not be removed. Marmaduke, 
with near five hundred men, marched to the foot of the hills, but 
when the advance guard of Lyon's column drove in his pickets and 
skirmishers, he took a better position about a mile to the rear, posting 
his men in a lane and later on the brow of the hill, which caused 
Lyon to deploy his line, taking the Second Volunteers to his right, 
the First Volunteers and Regulars to the left. In this position sev- 
eral men were wounded, but Totten's Battery, taken to the front, 
forced Marmaduke again to fall back, when an order came to him 
from Governor Jackson to retreat and to join Parson's command, 
which was said to be fast approaching from Tipton. The retreat com- 
menced at first in good order, but a more rapid Artillery fire soon 
turned it into a rout. Some shots fired from the steamer McDowell 
with the howitzer, under Captain Voerster, hastened the abandon- 
ment of Camp Vest, for fear that the retreat might be cut off. A 
third stand was contemplated near the fair grounds, a mile east 
of Boonville, which was frustrated by the fire of the Union Infantry 
and Artillery The loss on the Federal side was reported as two killed 
and nine wounded , from the Secessionists two killed and six wound- 
ed, besides the captured or missing. Abbot gives the enemy's loss 
from twenty to fifty The losses on both sides were out of proportion 
to the lively musketry firing, owing to a sound policy of keeping 
young troops busy. 

The correspondent of the Missouri Democrat stated about the 
battle of Boonville that "the engagement was short , the flight of the 
Secessionists commenced soon after 8 o'clock a. m. and lasted until 
11 a. m. A vigorous pursuit was prevented by the lack of Cavalry 
and by Lyon's resolution to spare the city The few prisoners cap- 
tured, mostly young men from the neighborhood, were nearly all 
paroled. Two cannon, fifty firearms, twenty-five tents, a larger 
quantity of boots. and two Secession flags, represented the limited 
booty. Three hundred of the Secessionists crossed the Missouri 
River and retreated northward, some went southward, but the bulk 
went towards the west. General Lyon's force reached the city about 
2 p. m., having advanced eight miles since 8 a, m. As three-fourths 
of the Boonville people were Union men, the Federal soldiers were 
welcomed as friends, and their hearts were gladdened by the ap- 
pearance of many Union flags on public and private buildings. 

Federal officers estimated the Secession force at Boonville at 4000, 

272 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

that of the Union array at 2000 ; but Lyon had the great advantage 
of being able to choose the time and point of attack, and of having 
a well-served Artillery under Totten and partly under Captain John 
A. Neustaedter, the same who with Lieutenant Carl Schurz of the 
Baden Artillery had in 1849 escaped through the sewers of Ras- 
tadt, from the bloody vengeance of reactionary tyrants. Lyon also 
had an infantry which could be handled in large bodies without risk 
of disorder or confusion, while the Secessionists had assembled at 
the spur of the moment, were not properly organized in Regiments 
or Brigades and could hardly be expected to make a tenacious re- 
sistance in a retreating fight. The circumstance that Price left 
the place before the actual attack, indicates his intention to draw 
Lyon further from his base and direct line of operation, which was 
towards the southwest from Jefferson City, considering that the real 
danger for the Union cause in Missouri came from the southwest- 
ern border of the State and Arkansas, and from Louisiana and Texas. 
This Lyon recognized, stating in a letter of June 18 to Colonel Hard- 
ing' that he anticipated a hostile movement from Texas. The same 
opinion was expressed by M. Blair in one of his former letters. Gen- 
eral Lyon spoke modestly of the Boonville affair, well knowing that 
nowhere in the absolute realization of facts more necessary than in 
military matters, where the stake is life and the price human hap- 
piness. To General McClellan, his own superior commander, Lyon 
reports on the 20th of June . "Boonville is an important point, and 
should have at least a whole Regiment, with an advanced post at 
Warsaw, which is a nest of rebels who at Camp Cole (Cole Camp) 
massacred Union men." These words indicate^more the intention 
of protecting Union men by occupying separate posts of the country 
than a purpose to prepare a strong base and line of operation against 
a hostile army, which was expected to invade the State. For Boon- 
ville is over fifty miles by river from Jefferson City, and Warsaw 
is only ten miles nearer to Boonville than to Jefferson City and only 
twenty miles nearer to Boonville than to Rolla, which latter had an 
undisputed and safe railroad communication with St. Louis, while 
the river communication was slow and precarious. The distance 
from Rolla to Springfield is shorter than from any point on the Mis- 
souri Pacific Railroad and far more so than from any point of the 
Missouri River, and the divide between the Osage and Gasconade 
offers within a day's march from Rolla the topograph v for a o- 00f j 


Colonel 2d Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 

Lyon in Command. 273 

military road. The easily interrupted navigation of the Missouri was 
too unsafe for a base of supplies. However, General Lyon had some 
very good reasons for following Governor Jackson to Boonville in- 
stead of General Parsons' larger force, directly west along the Mis- 
souri Pacific Railroad. Lyon had no army wagons for land trans- 
portation and the "red tape" of the army regulations prevented 
him from pressing civil conveyances into immediate service. The 
same applies to the non-reconstruction of railroad bridges. Besides, 
the Missouri River was a tempting, though unreliable means of com- 
munication. Along the course of the river were several flourishing 
towns, with strong portions of Union population, and along its 
shores where the largest slave Counties of the State, and the possession 
of the river hindered a free communication of the hostile elements 
north and south of the same, and if it did not prevent at all events it 
retarded their organization. It may be noted here, incidentally, that 
the easy success at Boonville, to some extent at least, led to an under- 
valuation of the fighting capacity of the enemy, and that this was 
apt to lead to a neglect of that caution which other circumstances 

On leaving St. Louis General Lyon had published an address to 
the people of Missouri, setting forth the objects of the Union move 
into the State, in consequence of the declaration of war by Governor 
Jackson. No copies of this address had reached Boonville, and he 
therefore issued another proclamation on June 18th, reiterating the 
causes which prompted his action towards Governor Jackson, after 
the latter's declaration of defiance and acts of warfare. He refers to 
Jackson's violations of the Harney agreement and his misleading the 
people relative to the intentions of the United States Government in 
protecting loyal citizens and maintaining its supremacy. Lyon 
warns the people that the clemency of the past should not be mis- 
construed nor expected to shield additional provocations, and closes 
with these words: 

•"Having learned that those plotting against the Government have falsely 
represented that the Government troops intended a forcible and violent in- 
vasion of Missouri, for the purpose of military despotism and tyranny, I 
hereby give notice to the people of this State that I shall scrupulously avoid 
all interference with the business, rights and property of every description, 
recognized by the laws of this State, and belonging to law-abiding citizens; 
but that it is equally my duty to maintain the paramount authority of the 
United States, with such force as I have at my command, which shall be re- 


274 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

tained only so long as opposition shall make it necessary; and that it is my 
wish, and shall be my purpose, to devolve any unavoidable rigor, arising in 
this issue, upon those only who provoke it. 

"All persons who, under the misapprehension above mentioned, have taken 
up arms, or who are now preparing to do so, are invited to return to their 
homes, and relinquish their hostile attitude to the General Government, and 
are assured that they may do so without being molested for past occurrences. 

"N. Lyon. 
"Brig. Gen. U. S. Vol. Com." 

Colonel Frank P Blair had been with Lyon during the campaign 
up to and at the battle of Boonville, and was an intimate and valua- 
ble adviser of the commander. 

Blair's regiment, the First Missouri Volunteers, had already by the 
12th of June, been reorganized for three years. The government at 
Washington discovered early in the war that a three months' service 
would not answer the purpose^ but that it would even lead to very 
serious complications, so the policy was changed, and volunteer 
troops were thereafter enlisted for three years or the war. Colonel 
Blair got leave to reorganize his Regiment for three years, about the 
middle of its three months' term, and went at it with his usual 
energy He left Lyon's command at Boonville and went to attend 
to his political duties as Congressman in AVashington. This double 
position was very unfortunate, for Blair was sorely missed at the 
head of his Regiment and still more so at the side of Lyon, whose 
constant and intimate adviser he had thus far been. Blair's ac- 
quaintance with all parties in the State opened to him invaluable 
sources of information which were not available to Lyon or his 
Regular officers, who were, comparatively speaking, strangers. Even 
Blair's presence in Washington was no offset for the above, for al- 
though the wants of the Union commanders were known to 
him, his activity at the seat of government in favor of Missouri's 
affairs was less efficient after the State was attached to the depart- 
ment of McClellan, and still less so after Fremont assumed com- 

The occupation of Boonville and the Missouri River line was 
to some extent supported by troops under General Hurlbut, press- 
ing from the northeast southward. Colonel Curtis,with 3000 men, 
arrived on June 15 at St. Joseph, with two engines of the North 
Missouri Railroad, from Macon. His men had some skirmishing with 
bridge burning Secessionists, of whom several were killed. The 

Lyon in Command. 275 

Second Reserve Regiment and companies of the Third Reserve were 
started toward Wentzville, to assist in the above service , they cap- 
tured a few Secessionists and discharged them on their taking the 
oath of allegiance; seized firearms, contraband articles and some Se- 
cession flags. Bridges had been burned at Centralia and Sturgeon, 
notwithstanding that the resident population discountenanced such 
proceedings and outrages of marauding bands. Although the hostile 
opposition north of the Missouri River was not well organized, still 
General Harris and other band leaders were active at many points, 
detaining a large number of troops, much needed to strengthen Gen- 
eral Lyon s army south of the river, thus securing peace to the State 
at a much earlier period. Another instance of the decentralizing exi- 
gencies of the war in Missouri was the detachment of the Fourth Mis- 
souri Volunteers (Black Jaegers), under Colonel Schuettner, to 
Cairo and Birdspoint, while its rifle Battalion was sent to guard the 
Pacific Railroad bridges The Fourth Missouri Volunteers rendered 
good service at Birdspoint. Separated by the broad Mississippi River 
from Cairo, the "Schwarze Jaeger" raised intrenchments at Birds- 
point, which latter wa> only a high bottom projecting into the river, 
holding the farm houses of Bird, surrounded by a few hundred acres 
of open fields and skirted on all sides by dense and swampy acres. 
The Regiment took possession of the Cairo & Fulton Railroad, which 
ran at that time a few miles beyond Charleston, Mo. The scouts 
of the Fourth Regiment extended into several counties; a Secession 
company of sixty men was taken prisoner, and information gath- 
ered of approaching or organizing hostile forces. Thus the Regiment 
formed the western outpost of Cairo, the all-important point for the 
Ohio and Mississippi navigation. Later the Regiment garrisoned 
Cairo until recalled. 

St. Louis City and Arsenal were so far chiefly guarded by the 
First, Second, Third and Fifth Reserves and the Fifth Volunteer 
troops, which all made occasional scouts into the surrounding coun- 
try and often to points in the city, where depots of arms or war ma- 
terial were suspected. Most of these scouts were without result and 
often an annoyance to citizens, but with a population partly hostile 
to the Union, could hardly be avoided. An account given by Lieu- 
tenant Wiliam M. Wherry of the Third Reserve, who later became 
a General, best describes the nature and circumstances of such 
scouts. He wrote: 

276 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

"I was on duty with the Regiment during the exciting days of riot and 
apprehension succeeding the capture of Camp Jackson, and on one day 
marched my company to the Levee, to inspect the steamer J. C. Swon for 
powder and munitions of war. . I marched my troop in platoon front, 

taking the whole street from house to house, and so avoided being surrounded. 
At the Levee the company stood in line, while the detail went on boat. The 
crowd gathered about and began hooting. Seeing that we were about to be 
hemmed in by a mob, I 'about faced' the rear rank and advanced both ranks 
in opposite directions, with bayonets at a charge, thus clearing a space; then 
threw out sentinels and moved the company back to the center of the space, 
leaving the ranks facing outward, thus preventing any attack and, as I be- 
lieve, bloodshed. After the search we marched back to Turner's Hall in 

General Lyon had. at first the intention to hold the line of the 
Missouri River even beyond Boonville and up to Kansas City; for 
this his force was inadequate. The last volunteer regiment, namely 
the Fifth, left St. Louis on the 16th of June, in order to reinforce 
the Southwest column towards Springfield. The volunteer com- 
mands from other States, stationed in north Missouri, were slow to 
gain the line of the Missouri River, held back by their service to 
protect railroads and to awe the guerilla bands of the neighborhood. 
Genefal Pope divided the railroads into sections and held the citizens 
of the neighborhood responsible for all damages, but this plan also 
absorbed many troops, much needed in the Southeast and Southwest. 
For this reason volunteers from the First Reserves were called to 
garrison Jefferson City. Seven companies responded and arrived 
on the 20th of June at Jefferson City, occupied the capitol grounds 
and were quartered in the basement of the capitol. Colonel Boern- 
stein stated that he expected an attack of his position at any time. 
The field officers of the First Reserve had seen active military service 
before, namely Colonel Almstedt in the Mexican war, Lieut. Colonel 
Rombauer in the war for Hungary's independence and Major Phil 
Brimmer had been an officer in the Prussian army, they sug- 
gested that under the circumstances a more complete outpost service 
was requisite. No satisfaction was given them in this regard, but an 
intimation that several companies of the First Reserve should be sent 
from forty to sixty miles westward along the Pacific Railroad. This 
was three days after the battle of Boonville and the day after the 
massacre of two hundred home guards at Cole Camp, though not 
yet known at Jefferson City at the time. The Secessionists under 
General Parsons and those retiring from Boonville were on the line 
of the Pacific Railroad; several thousand marched from Lexington 

Lyon in Command. 277 

southward and a westward move with only a few Infantry Companies 
looked rather adventurous. Still field officers of the First Reserve 
offered to lead the detachment, but requested that it should be formed 
from companies of the Second Volunteers, who were better prepared 
and equipped for field service. It seems Colonel Boernstein did not 
wish to part with his own Companies, and no westward movement 
from Jefferson City was made at the time. The Companies of the 
First Reserve were ordered back to St. Louis on June 25, and the 
Fifth Reserve, Colonel Charles A. Stifel, and four Companies of the 
Seventh Volunteers, Colonel John D. Stevenson, proceeded to relieve 
Lyon at Boonville, and arrived there on the 27th. By this time Major 
John M. Schofield had completed his mustering service in St. Louis 
and repaired to his Regiment, the First Volunteers, at Boonville. 
Lyon immediately appointed him his Assistant Adjutant General, in 
which position his valuable activity continued till after the battle of 
Wilson's Creek. It had been the intention of Lyon to move South- 
ward from Boonville before this date, but the time necessary for secur- 
ing transportation, accumulating provisions, posting troops for hold- 
ing the Missouri River line, delayed his start even beyond the date 
when the Southwest Column had passed Springfield and points 
farther west. Colonel Stevenson was placed in command of the 
Missouri River line from Kansas City to the Mississippi, with head- 
quarters at Boonville. He was to establish Posts also at Lexington 
and Jefferson City, each Post to have six Companies of Infantry and 
one field piece. These were to furnish detachments for operation in 
their vicinity, and the patroling boats on the river were to be armed 
also with a 24-pound Howitzer. Only boats in service of the Govern- 
ment were allowed on the river between Herman and Kansas City, 
and all skiffs, boats and ferries were taken possession of and securely 
moored. Colonel Boernstein was relieved at Jefferson City for the 
purpose of reorganizing the Second Volunteers at St. Louis for the 
"Three Years" Service. 

The arrangement of attaching Missouri to the Department of the 
Ohio, credited to the advice of General Scott, Edward Bates and Gov- 
ernor Gamble, was not satisfactory to St. Louis people, and Francis P 
Blair sought to effect a change at Washington, stating that McClellan 
himself was opposed and had said that all he could do was to let 
Lyon follow up his own plans. All these various tendencies finally 
resulted in the organization of the Western Department, under Major 
General John C. Fremont. 



The period is now near when the Missouri Secessionists received 
very efficient assistance from the Confederate States. These appointed 
May 13 Ben McCulloch Brigadier General and assigned to his Com- 
mand one Louisiana Infantry and one Cavalry Regiment from Texas 
and one from Arkansas, and gave him authority to raise two Regi- 
ments in the Indian Territory. General N. B. Pearce was near Fort 
Smith with 1,500 men of Arkansas Militia. 

On leaving Jefferson City June 13 Governor Jackson dispatched 
Colton Green to ask assistance from McCulloch, then camping in 
Northwest Arkansas. The latter recommended to the Confederate 
authorities the granting of this request, and asked leave to occupy 
Fort Scott in order to secure the sympathies of the Cherokee Indians. 
McCulloch averred later that these Indians were not to be used in the 
States : if so, their organization was certainly superfluous in the Terri- 
tory. McCulloch also asked that Arkansas should be added to his 
Department; but his application met with no favor, and the Con- 
federate Secretary of War wrote him : "The position of Missouri as a 
Southern State still in the Union, requires much prudence and cir- 
cumspection, and it should only be, when necessity and propriety 
unite, that active and direct assistance should be afforded by crossing 
the boundary and entering the State." As soon, however, as McCul- 
loch heard that Governor Jackson and General Price were retreating 
towards Northwest Arkansas, he set out for Maysville, and ordered the 
troops within reach to follow 

Immediately after the battle of Boonville several thousand Seces- 
sionists assembled at Lexington under Generals Rains and Slack. 
These troops Price commenced to organize, when the news of Gov- 
ernor Jackson's and General Parson's retreat towards Warsaw 
reached him. Leaving Rains in command, with instructions to 


The Southwest. 279 

retreat towards Lamar, Price, with his staff and a small escort, went 
southward to meet McCulloch, who had already started to the relief 
of the retreating Missouri Secession forces, even before he had received 
the above qualifying instructions from the Confederate Secretary of 
War. Price was joined on his Southern march at various points by 
assembling Secessionists, and when he arrived at Cowskin Prairie in 
the southwest corner of the State, he had about 1,200 men, of whom 
GOO received muskets from General Pearce. McCulloch met Price at 
Cowskin Prairie. The meeting of the Missouri Secessionists with 
their Confederate allies must have been a picturesque sight. On the 
one side McCulloch with his well-dressed staff, the clean lines of Con- 
federate Regiments in the prim uniforms, all well armed and 
equipped . on the other, the dusty, motley s crowds of Missourians, with- 
ut uniforms, with a variety of arms, haggard by exposure and 
fatigue, but. for all that, an excellent fighting material. Their State 
pride for Missouri; their self-sacrificing disposition for the Southern 
cause : their endurance in the campaign and prowess in battle, was 
not unjustly extolled by Confederate writers; but when they said that 
not a man had come forth to fight for Slavery, they were grievously 
mistaken. For Slavery was the cause of the Mexican war; Slavery 
was the cause of the raids into Kansas; and the legally defeated 
chance of Slavery extension, was the cause of the war of Secession. 
"While Price was organizing his Command at Cowskin Prairie, McCul- 
loch, paying deference to the advice from Headquarters, returned to 
Maysville, Arkansas. 

In the meantime Governor Jackson moved Southward at a slower 
gait; on the road to Warsaw he learned of the massacre of the Cole 
Camp Home Guards, of which I. C. Moore writes that Lieutenant 
Colonel Walter S. O'Kane, assisted by Major Thomas M. Murray, 
raised about 3.30 State Guard troops, struck the Home Guards, who 
had no pickets out, "killed 206, wounding a still larger number, and 
taking over 100 prisoners."' Union reports had it that these Home 
Guards, nearly all Germans, were surprised in a barn while sleeping 
and shot down with unnecessary cruelty The circumstance that only 
360 muskets were delivered while the number of dead Home Guards 
was 206. that of wounded over 200 and that of prisoners 100, casts a 
verv dark shadow over this affair. South of the Osage River, Henry 
Guibor and William P Barlow, two St. Louis Secessionists, joined the 
Governor, who placed them in charge of his Artillery. His forces 

280 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

went into camp on the right bank of Spring River,, three miles north 
of Lamar, and were here joined by the Commands of Rains and 
Slack, who had been detained by high water and a long train of 
wagons. The Confederate author Snead states that the Governor's 
forces assembled at Lamar Camp were: 

Infantry. Cavalry. Guns. Total. 

Rains . 





Parsons . 








Slack . 






2,660 1,350 7 4,200 

Besides the above, there were about 800 unarmed recruits in Camp. 

This rapid growth of the Secession forces, under very adverse cir- 
cumstances, is additional proof of Harney's great mistake in making 
a one-sided agreement, with an able and determined foe, who was 
only sparring for time to complete his armament. 


Uniting his Regiment at Rolla, Sigel proceeded on June 13 
towards Springfield, which he reached on June 23. The Fifth 
Volunteers under Solomon arrived at the same place on the 27th, 
after leaving one Company behind to hold Lebanon, half way 
between Rolla and Springfield. Major F W Cronenbold of the 
Fifth was left at Springfield with two Companies of the Fifth 
Volunteers, while the balance of that Regiment pushed on to Sar- 
coxie, and Sigel reached Neosho by the first of July and found that 
Price had evacuated the place. Neosho was the point designated by 
Lyon, where Sigel should intercept the southward moving Seces- 
sionists, though Lyon now was still at Boonville, 150 miles away. 

In the meantime Captain Sweenev, upon whom General Harney 
had conferred the title of Brigadier General of the Reserves, 
marched to the support of the Southwest Column with four Com- 
panies of the Third Reserve; at Lebanon one of these Companies, 
to which many prominent St. Louis citizens belonged, mutineered, 

The Southwest. 281 

was disarmed and sent back to St. Louis. The cause of the trouble 
was that the Company insisted that some of its members, who had 
trespassed on the property of fugitive Secessionists, should not be 
left at Lebanon, as they deemed, at the mercy of Secessionists, 
arguing that while those men deserve punishment, they do not 
deserve abandonment. Lebanon, however, was held until the retreat 
of the Union forces from Springfield. The Fourth Reserve, Colonel 
B. Gratz Brown, after some delay, secured transportation at Rolla, 
and marched to Springfield. 

At Neosho, Sigel had no hope to force Price, under favorable cir- 
cumstances, to an engagement; he therefore marched his Command 
northward, in order to approach his base of supplies and supports, 
and also to come nearer to the Union forces, expected to advance 
from the North. In order to guard against an enemy approaching 
from the South, Sigel left two Companies under Captain Conrad at 
Neosho. This Rear-Guard duty could only be reasonably expected 
by ordering such Command to follow the main body within sup- 
porting distance. Captain Conrad had no Cavalry for distant scout- 
ing service, and his evil fate might have been anticipated. 


On July 1 Sweeney arrived at Springfield and ordered Solomon 
to report in person at Headquarters ; but four Companies of the Fifth 
Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Christian "Wolf had joined 
Sigel on the preceding day at Neosho, and Solomon followed with 
the balance, using his discretion in the matter, as military orders 
are only peremptory when the Commander, by his personal presence, 
can be cognizant of all circumstances. The wisdom of this policy 
was best demonstrated by the success of the German armies in their 
European campaigns. Sigel was also ordered to return to Springfield, 
but being informed that a Secession force was heading towards 
Carthage, he marched to that place for the purpose of intercepting 
their southward march, and encamped on the 4th on the south fork 
of Spring River, east of Carthage. The Secessionist General, Parsons, 
being informed of Sigel's position, ordered his Command at 10 
o'clock that night to advance towards Carthage, but was recalled by 
Governor Jackson, who ordered the whole Secession Army to advance 
southward at daybreak of July 5, with Rain's Brigade in the lead. 

282 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

About five miles south of Lamar the report came in that Sigel was 
advancing to give battle, and that his troops were seen descending the 
slope towards Coon Creek. Sigel's Command left camp in the 
vicinity of Carthage at 3 o'clock in the morning of the 5th, and 
shortly after 9 a. m. saw the army of the Secessionists on a low hill 
in the prairie. They had 600 of Rain's Cavalry standing on the 
extreme right, and from this towards the left Weightman's Infantry 
(1,200) ; Bledsoe's Battery of three guns, Slack's Infantry (700) ; 
Guibor's Battery (4 guns) ; Parson's and Clark's Infantry, together 
700, and on the extreme right 750 men Cavalry under Brown and 
Rives ; their heaviest caliber, one twelve-pounder, was posted in front, 
the six-pounders towards the right and left flank, 2,000 unarmed 
Cavalry were sent to the wagon train. 

Leaving one Company and one cannon to protect the ford of Dry 
Fork, a small tributary of Spring River, heavily fringed with timber, 
Sigel deployed his forces in line of battle on a ridge of the prairie, 
which gently slopes towards Coon Creek, the Fifth Volunteers, 
under C. E. Solomon, and one six pounder formed the right wing; 
the Third Volunteers, under Francis Hassendeubel, and one six- 
pounder formed the left wing, and four pieces of Artillery were 
placed in the center. According to Snead, the Confederate authority, 
Sigel's Command emerged from the brush on the north side of the 
creek and advanced with the precision of veterans, deployed into 
line at a distance of 1,200 yards, having 9 Companies of Sigel's Regi- 
ment and 7 Companies of Solomon's, with 125 of Major Backoff's 
Artillerists under. Captains Theo Wilkins and Jacob Essig, or near 
1,000 men in all. After a few inspiring words from Colonel Sigel, 
his Artillery advanced within 900 yards of the enemy's line and 
commenced firing. Federal authorities state that the twelve-pounder 
in the center of the Secessionists' line was first silenced and soon 
afterwards their pieces on the wings also ceased firing, while their 
Infantry in the center was badly shaken. Snead does not mention 
this, but .says that the Secession Batteries answered the fire, which 
was kept up ineffectually for an hour, when the Governor sent his 
2,000 unarmed horsemen for shelter into a heavy timber on the 
right of his line, which indicated that the Union Artillery made an 
impression. A front attack was now attempted by a large force of the 
Secessionists, but several volleys of the Infantry and a few grape 
shots from the Artillery forced them to retreat. The Union men 

The Southwest. 283 

cheered, but had also lost by this time several men and horses, and 
had one cannon disabled, and Captain Wilkins reported that the 
ammunition for his Battery was getting short. The enemy's 
Cavalry now closed in on both wings, threatening Sigel's flanks, bag- 
gage and line of retreat. He therefore sent some Infantry and 
Artillery to the ford of a creek in the rear, and followed with the 
main body of troops in the best order, checking the advance of the 
enemy by occasional halts and'firing. During such a halt at smother 
branch some more men were lost. 

It was not known in the Federal Camp that the 2,000 men sent by 
Governor Jackson to the woods were unarmed, and their movement 
was interpreted as a scheme to cut off the retreat. Essig's Battery, 
with five Companies, was ordered to higher ground south of the creek, 
commanding its defile and checked the Secessionists, who advanced 
within 400 yards of Coon Creek ford. The Battery and the troops 
supporting it were withdrawn and followed the retreating column. 
At about 5 o'clock p. m. the enemy's Cavalry tried to intercept the 
retreat, at a place where the road passed between high bluffs. A 
feint was made by the Union troops, as if they intended to avoid the 
narrow passage and march around the hill. This brought the Seces- 
sion Cavalry in large numbers into the road, when Sigel's Infantry 
unmasked the Artillery behind them, which opened a destructive 
fire, scattering riderless horses around the prairie. Here 85 horses 
were captured, 65 double-barreled shotguns picked up, and two offi- 
cers and 250 men taken as prisoners. The retreat thence continued 
in good order, followed at a distance by skirmishing parties. Sigel 
crossed the south fork of Spring River without opposition, holding in 
the neighborhood of Carthage till 7 p. m. to relieve the march of the 
train. About 8 o'clock p. m. the last fighting took place on the 
Sarcoxie road, where Lt. Joseph Spiegelhalter commanded the rear 
guard of two Companies and two cannon. The Secessionists' Cavalry 
advanced within 30 yards, when some volleys dispersed them. 
ilence the retreat to Sarcoxie, and later to Mount Vernon, was 

Sigel's advance to the battle of Carthage and his retreat to Sar- 
coxie, where he arrived on July 6 at 4 a. m., exacted from his troops 
a march of 34 miles in 25 hours, without halting to eat or sleep, and 
with continued skirmishing. It was necessary, after meeting in an 
open country an enemy who outnumbered him four to one. Sigel 

284 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

had no doubt the better organized troops, both in Infantry and 
Artillery His lack of Cavalry and the disproportion of forces 
should have dictated to him a defensive position, with strong natural 
advantages. As Sigel had an excellent military education, his march 
into the open prairie can be only explained on the supposition that 
he was not informed about the existing circumstances Having no 
news from Lyon or Sturgis, he could not possibly expect from them 
any assistance. However, Sigel's orderly retreat was, under existing 
circumstances, creditable to the discipline of his troops and the 
capacity of the leader ; the same cannot be said of the inefficient and 
lame pursuit by his adversaries. 

The Federal loss in the battle of Carthage was 13 killed and 31 
wounded; the Secessionists lost 10 killed and 64 wounded. Current 
estimates of the Federal loss were 400; of the Secessionists 600. 
Nothing is more common in times of war than exaggeration. 

In his official report upon the battle of Carthage, Sigel speaks in 
the highest terms of the bravery and discipline of his Command. 
He personally mentions for valuable services Major Backoff, Ad- 
jutants A. Albert and Heinrichs, also Lieutenant Colonel Hassen- 
deubel, Wolff and Captains Essig, Stephany, Golmer, Densler, Stark 
and Messner. 

McCulloch, who had learned already on July 2 that Governor 
Jackson and General Rains were closely pressed by Lyon, advanced 
into Missouri on the 4th, with two Infantry and one Cavalry Regi- 
ment and Woodruff's Battery, and was joined by Price's Command. 
Informed of Sigel's movements, the two leaders left their Infantry 
behind and pushed more rapidly forward with their Cavalry and sur- 
prised Captain Conrad with two Companies of the Third Volunteers 
and some train, at Neosho, and 137 men, with nine wagons of sup- 
plies, were made prisoners, any resistance proving futile, as they were 
surrounded by 1,500 men, which rumor swelled to 3,000. General 
Sigel was blamed for exposing these Companies to capture in the 
manner he did. It was a severe check to the Union cause; not so 
much on account of the actual loss, but much more so on account of 
its moral effect. The large number of Confederate and Secession 
troops at Neosho augured no good for the small Federal army con- 
centrating at Springfield, for, although the Governor's Command 
was under the impression of having avoided a great danger, believing 
Lyon and Sturgis at their heels, this fear was entirely unfounded, 

The Southwest. 285 

for the very day they loudly welcomed McCulloch, Lyon was joined 
by Sturgis on Grand River, fully 100 miles away When the news 
came to Springfield of Sigel's retreat to Mount Vernon, Sweeney 
started to his support on the evening of July 7 with three Companies 
of the Third Reserve and one Company of Springfield Home Guards, 
and was followed the next day by the Fourth Reserve, Colonel B. 
Gratz Brown. On the 10th of July the entire Command returned to 
Springfield, while the Confederates and Secessionists, instead of fol- 
lowing up their advantage, steadily retreated Southward. There had 
been some apprehension on the part of the Federal leaders that dur- 
ing the absence of most of their troops from Springfield, the very 
numerous Cavalry of the enemy might make a raid on Springfield, 
destroy the depot of provisions and the workshops in which the 
patriotic men of the town manufactured ammunition and war 
material. But nothing of the kind was done by McCulloch, who led 
his troops back to Maysville, Arkansas, while Price reorganized the 
Missouri Secessionists in the camp at Cowskin Prairie, where the 
powder brought by Governor Jackson and the lead taken from the 
Granby mines was also turned into ammunition. Thus in three 
weeks 5,000 men were ready for the field, and 2,000 additional, well 
drilled, expected to take the arms of the dead, wounded or sick. 
Governor Jackson left this camp on July 12 to seek aid from General 
Polk at Memphis. He never returned to his State. 

Colonel Chester Harding reported on July 7 to Washington that 
3,000 Union men held Springfield and vicinity as an objective point, 
and that they were under the command of Captain T. W Sweeney, 
Second United States Infantry, who was acting under an election 
and by order of General Harney as Brigadier General of the United 
States Reserve Corps. Such election and appointment must have 
been very informal, nor was any such office, to the knowledge of 
those most interested, ever authorized or confirmed from Washing- 
ton. Besides the troops already mentioned above, a Rifle Battalion 
of the First Volunteers, a Regiment of Home Guards and Colonel 
Wayman's Thirteenth Illinois at Rolla, were protecting the com- 
munications between St. Louis and Springfield. In the same report 
Harding also mentions that General Pope's Brigade was placed at the 
disposal of General Lyon. If so, they never figured in Lyon's actual 
little army in the Southwest. Harding's further remark, "No more 
troops will be called for at present," did not appreciate the threaten- 
ing condition of affairs in the Southwest. 

286 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


By the first days of July General Lyon had secured at Boonville 
a scanty supply of provisions and transportation; having reported 
his deficiencies of same, on June 22 and 30, to General McClellan 
without effect; he also reported that he had ordered Major Sturgis 
from Leavenworth to follow the Secessionists retreating from Lex- 
ington. Sturgis had two Regiments of Kansas Infantry, four cannon 
and nearly one Regiment of Cavalry Leaving Colonel J. D. Steven- 
son with 1,400 men of the Second and Seventh Volunteers and the 
Fifth Reserve at Booneville, to guard the Missouri River line, Lyon 
started, on July 3, Southward with the First Missouri and First Iowa 
Volunteers, 250 men United States Infantry, two Companies Second 
Missouri Volunteers under Major Osterhaus, 60 men Pioneers and 
Artillery and four Staff Officers, aggregating about 2,300 men. 
Sturgis' Command of 2,200 men was to join Lyon's at Osceola, about 
90 miles from Boonville, and the united command would thence 
proceed to Springfield, to which place Colonel Harding was ordered 
to forward the necessary provisions by way of Rolla. Osceola, the 
place designated for meeting Sturgis' Command, is 40 miles west 
of the direct route from Boonville to Springfield. Sturgis started 
his Command several days before Lyon. It consisted of one Company 
of the Second Dragoons, four Companies of the First United States 
Cavalry, Dubois Battery of four guns, three Companies of the First 
and two Companies of the Second United States Infantry, with some 
recruits ; the First and Second Kansas Volunteers, and one Company 
of Kansas Cavalry. Major Sturgis' orders were to follow Rains' 
troop of Secessionists, but he was delayed by high water and the 
destruction of bridges, and after waiting three days, was joined by 
Lyon west of Warsaw on the 6th of July, or one day after the battle 
of Carthage. The long delay at Boonville and the high water frus- 
trated all concerted plans with the Southwest Column, which under 
any and all circumstances, were planned over too great distances and 
too long periods for execution. The united army of Lyon, now 4,500 
men strong and its train, were ferried across the Osage on the 10±h 
and the afternoon of the 11th, marched 27 miles south of Osceola, 
rested a few hours and continued their march until 3 o'clock next 
morning, covering an additional 23 miles. On that morning, July 

The Southwest. 287 

12, Lyon received the news that the Confederates and Secessionists 
had gone towards Arkansas, and that Sigel's Command was safe at 
Springfield. Lyon's army marched that same day 18 miles farther 
and camped 12 miles from Springfield. It is related that during 
these forced marches under a July sun, often without food and water, 
several officers called on Major Osterhaus, asking him to speak to 
Lyon about these unusual exertions, to which the man who later on 
became a renowned Major General of the Federal Army is quoted 
to have politely answered : ''You must excuse me, gentlemen, but that 
it not my business." The Command had made the march from 
Boonville to Springfield in 11 days, four days of which it was 
detained by the high water of the Osage and Grand rivers. 

On the morning of the 13th Lyon entered Springfield, as Snead 
reports, with an escort of a bodyguard "of ten stalwart troopers, 
enlisted from among the German butchers of St. Louis for that 
especial duty." Lyon rode his iron gray horse, and the martial 
appearance of the cavalcade made a great impression on the people 
of Springfield, who greeted him as the hero of Camp Jackson and 
Boonville, and the Commanded who chased the Secession Governor 
from his Capital. At that time Lyon estimated the United Secession 
forces threatening Springfield at 30,000, while Snead's estimate was 
11,000. The mean between the two amounts seems to be nearer the 
actual condition than either estimate. 

Upon an order issued by Lyon July 2, Colonel Harding suppressed 
the State Journal on July 12 and had its editor, J. W Tucker, 
arrested under a charge of treason. Colonel James O. Broadhead 
found in Tucker's office the letter from Governor Jackson dated 
April 28 quoted before, in which the latter fully *vo wed his treacher- 
ous design of forcing Missouri into Secession. Tucker felt guilty and 
jumped his bond of $10,000. Several publications were started after- 
wards under new names, but in reality only continuations of the 
State Journal, and they were also suppressed. 

The seizure of the Journal brought a great crowd of people to- 
gether on the street. As the interference with the liberty of the press 
by governmental authority was very exceptional, it naturally created 
an unusual excitement. 

2S8 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 


In the previous mentioned report to AVashington, Colonel Harding 
laid great stress upon the needs of the Union defenses in Southeast 
Alissouri, where he claimed that a large force with Artillery and 
Cavalry may hereafter be necessary. He referred chiefly to the low- 
land Counties of Southeast Missouri, which, however, were largely 
protected by nature, having the Mississippi River on the East -and 
communicational lines, broken by bayous, swamps and lakes, which 
made the advance of larger bodies of troops extremely difficult. 
These lowlands stretch far into _ Arkansas, but in Missouri alone they 
extend over 75 miles to the South, by about 35 miles in width and 
cover over 2,500 square miles. Their topography had been changed 
by the great New Madrid earthquake, still their elevation is so uni- 
form that the overflow water of the Mississippi near Commerce runs 
inland nearly 60 miles, and returns to the Mississippi with the 
AVhite River, after a course of 200 miles. For these reasons the 
policy of occupying Cairo, Cape Girardeau, Iron Mountain and 
points where the bluffs of the Ozarks sink into the lowlands answered 
all defensive purposes, at least as long as an advance down the Mis- 
sissippi River, for political as well as military reasons, was still out 
of question. But the reports did not cease, that troops are concen- 
trating in Arkansas for an attack upon Southeast Missouri. S. S. 
AVilliams, McClellan's Adjutant General, informed General Lyon 
on July 15 from Cincinnati that Bragg's Battery, four 32-pounders, 
three 64-pounders and one Regiment were embarked on a steamer 
in Alemphis, with t]je destination of Pocahontas on the Black River ; 
that they expected to find 6,000 Missouri and Arkansas troops at the 
latter place, which was only 100 miles from Sikeston, the terminus 
of the Cairo & Fulton Railroad. The route of these troops was to be 
down the Mississippi to the mouth of AVhite River and upstream on 
the latter and Black River to Pocahontas. Corroborating the above 
report as it would appear, was a letter dated July 16 from M. Jeff 
Thompson ("The Swamp Fox") , which letter was found on a captive 
and in which Thompson wrote : "I am advancing and General Yell 
will follow me in a few days with 5,000 men. He will take position 
between Rolla and Iron ton. General Watkins will move up sus- 
tained bv General Pillow / and if proper energy is exercised, we can 


Colonel 4th Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 

The Southwest. 289 

drive the enemy North of the Missouri, arid into St. Louis in 30 
days."' Both these news, from Memphis and the "Swamp Fox," look 
very much like a put-up job to divert the attention of the Federal 
authorities, and to mask the movement of troops and war material 
up the White and Arkansas rivers, for an attack of the Union posi- 
tion at Springfield near the head of White River. This supposition 
was strengthened by the condition of the roads between Black River, 
the Cache and the Castor, where a small force could stop a little army. 
The position of Colonel Harding, as chief director of military affairs 
during Lyon's absence from St. Louis was one fraught with great 
difficulties; he had often to act upon the spur of the moment with- 
out the General's advice; demands for troops, provisions, arms, 
money, came in from all quarters, and he lacked the proper assist- 
ance, of a directive general staff. 

The situation was soon to be aggravated by events at the seat of 
war in the East. President Lincoln had asked Congress, which assem- 
bled on July 4. to call out 400,000 men, and to vote a credit of $400,- 
000,000. Congress, without hesitation, authorized the calling out 
of 500,000 men, and voted a credit of $500,000,000. Besides this 
patriotic resolve, the Union arms were successful in some smaller 
engagements. On the 16th of July, however, General McDowell 
left Washington, D. C, with 32,500 men, camped at Fairfax Court- 
house and concentrated his forces on the 20th at Centreville. Some 
precious time was lost in too much reconnoitering, for had the 
attack upon the Confederate lines taken place on the 20th of July, 
the defeat of Beauregard at Bull Run would have been certain, as 
the Confederate troops under Johnston could not possibly arrive on 
the battlefield before noon of the 21st. As it was, the Union forces, 
though at first successful in front, were taken unawares in their 
flank and suffered a crushing defeat. To guard against its reacting 
consequences, the news of the lost battle was suppressed in the St. 
Louis evening papers, and all possible precautions were taken to 
meet disorders in the city; every suspicious move was immediately 
reported and traced to its origin. Popular commotions are like an 
incipient fire, easily stopped at the beginning, but if permitted to- 
spread, soon get beyond control. This time the peace of the city 
was not disturbed ; a sure sign that the armies in the field had already 
absorbed the most fiery elements. 


290 Thr Cnioii Cause in St Luaix in 1S<>1- 


The Missouri State Convention adjourned in St. Louis on 
March 22. subject to the call of the majority of a Committee: R. W 
Wilson, J. T Tindall, J. W McClurg, James R. McCormack and 
Thomas T Gantt, being such majority, called the Convention to 
re-assemble at Jefferson City on the 22d day of July 

The Convention, on reassembling at Jefferson City, witnessed the 
absence of its first Chairman, General Sterling Price, and of 16 mem- 
bers who were already in the Camp of the Secessionists ; all of them 
were former conditional Union men, with conditions that could not 
be filled. A new President of the Convention was elected, and on 
behalf of a Committee of Seven, James 0. Broadhead reported on the 
condition of the State : 

"We find our Capitol deserted by its Governor and other high officers of 
state. We find that, in opposition to the known wishes of the people and in 
violation of their obligations to the Constitution of the United States, which 
they had sworn to support, they had formed a conspiracy to dissolve the con- 
nection of Missouri with the Federal Government, and that, in conjunction 
with a large portion of members of the Legislature, they have attempted, 
through the forms of legislation, to establish a military despotism over the 
people. We find that our Governor has, by his proclamation, incited the 
people of this Commonwealth to armed opposition to the Laws and Govern- 
ment of the United States, and that he is now in open rebellion against that 
Government and urging the people of other States, and the Indian tribes, 
to invade the soil of his own State, whose credit lie has prostrated and whose 
property he has wantonly destroyed." 

The natural consequence of this truthful representation of affairs 
was that the vacation of the offices of Governor Jackson, Lieutenant 
Governor Reynolds and Secretary of State Massey, who had fled to 
the Secessionist camp and out of the State, was finally declared on 
July 30 by a vote of 56 to 2~). Next day Hamilton R. Gamble was 
elected Governor, M'illard P Hall Lieutenant Governor, Mordecai 
Oliver Secretary of State. George A. Bingham Treasurer. In his 
address Governor Gamble emphasized his unconditional adherence to 
the Union. From all those who were to continue or to come into 
office the Convention demanded an oath of loyalty to the Union : the 
same was made a condition of the voting franchise. The State Gov- 
ernment was to have its official seat in St. Louis, for Secession raids 
were anticipated, which made Jefferson City unsafe. Having fin- 

The Southwest. 291 

ished its business, the Convention issued a memorial, embodying its 
transactions and giving the reasons for the decree of the adopted 

The election of Gamble for Governor was a concession to the Ultra 
Conservative Union element, and no doubt pleased even all condition- 
al Union men. Gamble had supported Harney and was hostile to 
Lyon and his policy of arming Home Guards. At first sight the elec- 
tion looked as one of those dangerous half measures, which generally 
only cause mischief, and it is an open question whether his later use- 
fulness was an equivalent for his immediate powerless condition in the 
gubernatorial chair in 1861, because the active Union men of that 
period who could be useful to his organizing talent had no sympathy 
for him. Archibald Gamble and the great majority of the Conven- 
tion represented the conservative Union men of Missouri of 1860, 
most of whom were strong State Rights men. The active Union 
men of St. Louis and Missouri, who saved the city and the State to 
the Union, were Radicals, whose political convictions were settled and 
could not be influenced by the action of the Convention. A Seces- 
sion ordinance by that Convention would have only hastened the 
conquest of the State by the Union forces. These later had to hold 
Gamble in his Governor's position, for his "peace for any price" 
friends were completely obliterated by the rush of events. Neverthe- 
less Gamble's conservatism kept conservative Southern sympathizers 
in Missouri from active participation in hostilities. 

At this June meeting of the Missouri State Convention the worst 
and most revolutionary laws of the last Legislature were repealed, 
namely, those establishing a military force, its financial support, and 
the office of Major General ; likewise the grab law of the School Fund, 
and the law catering to the friendship of the Indians, while the 
Militia law of December 31, 1850. was reinstated. In these matters 
the Convention proved equal to the exigencies of the hour. The 
status of Slavery in Missouri was not touched; for, although the Con- 
vention was sovereign in Missouri State maters, an outside impetus 
was expected by the members before venturing to handle the most 
difficult question of the whole situation. 

During the session of the Convention Colonel John D. Stevenson 
wrote to Adjutant Harding: "All the members of the Convention 
from the Southwest urge the necessity of sending plenty of reinforce- 
ments to General Lyon, and request me to so telegraph you. I do 

292 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

so ; of course, you know what is best ; whether they are better informed 
than you are, you can judge." Of course, that went without saying, 
that the authority at Headquarters was in the position to judge best 
where to apply reinforcemnts. The urgent and repeated demands 
from the Southeast had to be weighed with those of Northern Mis- 
souri, where Harris was to make a combined attack on Jefferson City 
with fortes from Osage, Pettis, Linn and Camden Counties, although 
he would have to cross the Missouri Riyer, and had neither bridge nor. 
boats. Harris, who was speeding to a combined movement with 
Secessionists from Osage County, who were also separated from Jef- 
ferson by the deep and broad Osage River ; the same Harris who, by 
previous reports, was to be assisted by his friends from Pettis County, 
who had to march 50 miles with a Federal force at Boonville in their 

Now such news may sound ominous, but there is so little probabil- 
ity in them that they should have weighed lightly in the scale of 
considerations; while Lyon's representations, coming from an ex- 
perienced leader, deserved the greatest possible attention. 


Callaway County borders on the Missouri River from Jefferson City 
eastward for over 40 miles, to near the mouth of the Gasconade. It 
was infested by a Secessionist organization under Tom Harris, who 
threatened the safety of the Capital, but still more the communica- 
tion on the River, the Pacific Railroad and the small Union settle- 
ments of the neighborhood. There were no troops disposable at Jef- 
ferson City with which this hostile band could be checked, and 
Volunteers were called from the Third Reserve Regiment to under- 
take this task. Near 460 men responded, proceeded on the 16th of 
July by train to Jefferson City, and after being hospitably entertained 
by Colonel Boernstein with coffee and crackers, crossed the Missouri 
River the same evening and went into "Camp Fritz," several miles 
northeast of the city A chance shot of a Sentinel alarmed the camp 
in the small hours of the night, upon which Colonel McNeill ordered 
a hastv breakfast taken, broke camp and started at daylight North- 
ward. Single horsemen had been seen already the preceding day, 
watching from a distance the movements of the Third Reserve. 
Great care was had on the march through the wooded and hilly terri- 

The Southwest. 293 

tory, with occasional fields of deserted farms. While an old camp of 
the enemy was passed, several shots were fired from the bush, 
severely wounding one man. The column now advanced in the fol- 
lowing order: Van Guard Company F, Captain Ph-. Weigel; Main 
Column Company E, Captain William A. Hequembourg; Company 
I. Captain R. Hundhausen ; Company B, Captain Charles A. Warner ; 
Company H, Captain Hy Lischer; Rear Guard, Captain Tony 
Mederwieser. The freshness of the morning air was soon super- 
seded by a sweltering heat, and the rays of a July sun bathed in 
perspiration the limbs of the marching soldiers. About 10 o'clock 
the column halted on a more elevated part of the road, thinly 
skirted with trees, when those at the head of the main column per- 
ceived the enemy at some distance in front. There was a more 
heavily wooded ravine to the side, which the Van Guard must have 
passed unobserved, or without clearing it up, for all of a sudden 
several shots and then volleys from hundreds of muskets greeted the 
resting men. The first Companies threw themselves on the ground 
to avoid the fire and then rapidly formed into line parallel to the 
enemy and sent several volleys into the well-covered line of the 
ambush. The Companies from the rear had also moved into line, 
and took up the fire, when Colonel McNeill, apprehending that the 
main body was firing at the Van Guard, galloped to the front, waiv- 
ing a revolver and commanding, "Cease firing." The Van Guard, 
however, had been permitted to pass the ambush unnoticed and was 
out of harm's way The Secessionists could not stand the fire of the 
Union Con and. at their charge with the bayonet, broke 
through the woods run to their horses tied to a fence, rode off 
towards Fulton, in whose streets they disappeared. In this engage- 
ment the Third Reserve had 20 wounded, 1 mortally; while the loss 
of the Secessionists, owing to the heavier caliber of the Union mus- 
kets, must have been much larger. 

While in Fulton members of the Third Reserve published an issue 
of the deserted ''Callaway Union." Quartermaster George E. Leigh- 
ton was the able editor, foreman was Captain Hy. Lischer, and the 
compositors were taken from the rank and file. 

This issue contained a patriotic appeal to the disaffected citizens of 
Missouri and Joseph Holt's renowned Louisville speech of July 14, 
also the "In Memoriam" for Christian Pahlman, the young German 
who only recently immigrated, and died in defense of his adopted 

294 The Union Cause in St. Louis in ]$0l- 

The plan had been that a concerted movement was to defeat 
Harris. Lieutenant Colonel Hammer, with several Companies of the 
Fourth Volunteers, crossed the Missouri at Hermann, marched to 
Florence on the North Missouri Railroad, but arrived at Fulton after 
the Third Reserve and the retreat of Harris. Forty-two men Cavalry 
of the First Reserve were attacked by a body of Secessionists on the 
march from Montgomery to Mexico. In the skirmish Lieutenant 
Anton Jaeger of the First Reserve was killed, one man wounded and 
several horses lost. Colonel M. L. Smith, with two Companies of the 
Eighth Missouri Volunteers and four Companies of the Second Mis- 
souri Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Fred Schaeffer, were sent 
by rail to Mexico, to meet Hurlbut's belated troops, who should have 
cut off the retreat of the Secessionists. This plan failed, as all 
similar long-distance combinations usually fail. Still these expedi- 
tions were useful, as they pacified the country and secured the much- 
needed lines of communication. 


Turner Hall, on Tenth and Walnut, had its windows and doors 
barricaded and prepared for shooting. Its central location made it 
important in case of a riot or a hostile rising, especially as it was near 
the disaffected residence portion of the city. When the larger 
portion of the Third Reserve volunteered out of town four Companies 
of the First Reserve under Lieutenant Colonel R. J Rombauer were 
ordered to occupy Turner Hall. These Companies were : B, Captain 
R. E. Rombauer; C, Captain Theodore Hildenbrandt ; D, Captain 
Leonhard Weindel; E, Lieutenant Lorenz Liebermann. The Com- 
mander ordered Lieutenant Charles G. Johnson of the Third Reserve 
to assemble those members of his Regiment who remained in town 
to form with them three Companies, take command of the First Com- 
pany, give the Second to Louis Duestrow and the Third to Lieu- 
tenant James H. Wodwarka of the First Reserve, and let these Cap- 
tains appoint pro tern their other officers, assign the sections to 
Sergeants, who made out rolls of the residence and business places 
of their men. This arrangement of July 15 gave to Lieutenant 
Colonel Rombauer a command of seven full Companies, which were 
sufficient to deal with any casual disturbance in the center of town. 
Gustavc Hammerstein acted as Aid and Commissary for the First 

The Southwest. 295 

and Charles P Johnson for the Third Reserve. One full Company 
was on guard duty and one held in reserve each night. Rallying 
places were assigned and all had orders to march to Turner's Hall on 
the first alarm. Companies B, C and D of the First Reserve to take 
position in the yard; Company E of same and the First and Third 
Company of the Third Reserve on the first floor, and the Second 
Company of the Third Reserve in the large hall of the second floor; 
all Companies to face south, with their right wing at the west wall. 

When the news of the defeat of Bull Run (July 21) reached St. 
Louis the excitement in town was great, and all Companies of the 
Command were consigned to stay day and night at Turner Hall. 
Every one who was not on the Callaway County expedition responded 
cheerfully to this duty, although many members of the Reserve, par- 
ticularly of the Third Regiment, already then represented large 
business interests, as, for instance, Eberhardt Anheuser, Adam Roth, 
Theodore Platte, Adolphus Busch, I. A. Holmes, C. H. Dunker, 
Chauncey I. Filley, Daniel M. Houser, Lucien Eaton, William J. 
Lernp and others too numerous to name. On the 25th the detach- 
ment was relieved by the Companies of the Third returning from the 
Callaway County scout. 

Adjutant General Harding, writing to Lyon on the day of the 
battle of Bull Run, characterizes the situation at St. Louis: "From 
Jefferson City, I had nothing but trouble. It being impossible to 
supply the places of Boernstein's six Companies, I left him there and 
— but I won't stop to mention his performances." 

"At home our friends are alarmed, and the city is uneasy. 
Only 2,200 Reserve Corps left; there is mismanagement of trans- 
portation at Rolla. A large number of army wagons with mules 
have been sent down — 250,000 rations were ordered on the 6th; 
4,000 pair shoes and clothing to match were ordered on the 13th ; part 
have been shipped." He also refers to reorganizations for the three- 
year service, and mentions Lieutenant Colonel Hassendeubel, who 
starts a Regiment (the Seventeenth Missouri), and writes: "I shall 
reorganize the Second and Fourth under their Captains and put the 
first ten Companies formed into one Regiment, without regard to the 
preferences of individuals." A questionable policy. Harding con- 
tinues: "The Eighth Missouri Volunteers can go down this week; 
the Ninth and Tenth are filling up fast." "Mulligan's 

Regiment from Illinois arrived here yesterday for arms, several of 

290 The I'liimi Cause in St. Lout* in Isiil. 

its Companies were scut to Jefferson City, others will go up Tuesday 
This Regiment went later to Lexington, Missouri, where troops from 
Boonville ol' the Seventh Missouri and Fifth Reserve. Charles C. 
Stii'el. had diligently prepared the position for defense. Two days 
after Lyon started south from Boonville a detaehment of the Fifth 
Reserve left that place to visit the river towns up the Missouri. 
They hoisted a Union flag at Brunswick, organized Home Guards and 
captured some violent Secessionists. On July 9 they fished out five 
old cannon from their hiding place in the river at Lexington, 
secured some powder, and, under the direction of Captain John A. 
Neustaedter from the Artillery, laid out and built the fortifications, 
which later on were defended by Mulligan's men and 1,2*20 men 
under Colonel B. W Grover, who formed a Home Guard Regiment 
from the neighboring counties and was mortally wounded in defense 
of the place. While at Blue Mills destroying boats the Fifth Reserve 
lost 1 man killed and had 12 wounded Companies of the Regiment 
went up to Leavenworth and secured there some aid in men and arms, 
and left two cannons and two mortars in the Lexington forts. Re- 
turning to Boonville. they were attacked from the river bluff and 
lost several men. On July ]9th Colonel Stifel's Fifth Reserve re- 
turned to the St. Louis Arsenal and delivered their prisoners and 
contraband of war. 


Colonel oth U. S. Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. 



The measure of attaching Missouri to McClellan's Department, 
with Headquarters 500 miles away, was objected to by McClellan 
himself, and the Blairs and other prominent Union men urged and 
secured the organization of the Western Department, embracing all 
States and Territories west of the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains, 
including also the State of Illinois. John C. Fremont was appointed 
to this Command. It was a popular appointment. The pathfinder 
over the Rocky Mountains who had crossed the great desert and 
secured California, the land whose rivers run with sand of gold, the 
scientist honored by Alexander Humboldt, the Republican candidate 
for Presidency in 1856, nominated on the first ballot and receiving 
114 electoral votes, was certainly the most welcome Commander to 
all progressive .elements in the new Department. 

John C. Fremont was born and educated in the South; the exact 
study of mathematics, leading to a realization of conditions, and a 
world-wide culture, as well as his happy union with Jessie Benton, 
daughter of Missouri's great Senator, elevated him above local 
prejudices of the oligarchic and plutocratic power. The freedom of 
nature in the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada nerved every 
fiber of his being. His very fealty to the cause of human liberty 
secured him the Free Soil or Republican nomination of 1856. He 
had read History and knew that Aristocracy and Slavery go hand in 
hand ; that the privileges of the few are the doom of the masses ; that 
the immense wealth accumulated by the Slave barons was used for 
the destruction of the Union, and by word and deed he was deter- 
mined to strike at the root of the evil ; and he did it most effectually 
by his proclamation for the emancipation of the Slaves of armed 
Secessionists, which he issued August 31, 1861. 

On his return from Europe, where he had been sent by the U. S. 
Government to purchase a large supply of arms, he was appointed 
Major General, and assumed command at St. Louis on the 25th of 


2!>N The Union Cause in St. Lmris in lsdl. 

July, and immediately applied to the National Headquarters for a 
force and outfit adequate to his task. Washington was in the height 
of excitement on account of the disaster at Bull Run, and M. Blair 
answered him that it was impossible at the time to give attention to 
Missouri affairs, Fremont should act upon his own judgment and 
responsibility to defend the Union cause and people in the West. 
The Secessionists had at that time 20,000 men tinder Pillow, Hardee 
and Jeff Thompson in the southeast of Missouri; 30,000 under Mc- 
Culloch and Price in the Southwest. To the latter Lyon could oppose 
7.000 at Springfield, whose time of service was rapidly expiring; 
about 6.500 Union troops were under Prentiss at Cairo; near 1,000 at 
Ironton, and a force of several thousand under Pope's command in 
North Missouri. An urgent representation came from General 
Prentiss at Cairo, as the term of service of six out of his eight Regi- 
ments had nearly expired. Besides this, the garrisons of Cape 
Girardeau and Ironton were hardly adequate to the defense of those 
places. In fact, the term of all three-months men was fast expiring. 
Scouts reported General Pillow gathering a force of some 20,000 
at New Madrid; General Hardee, with o,000, to be marching on 
Ironton; Col. Jeff Thompson (surnamed the "Swamp Fox") mus- 
tering a force at Bloomfield. Even if this news was exaggerated, 
the hostile preparations looked threatening enough to call for im- 
mediate action : and, prompted by these circumstances, Gen. Fre- 
mont organized the expedition to Cairo and Bird's Point, which by 
the .■-*> 1 st of July was ready to move South. According to Colonel 
Chester Harding's evidence, given before the Committee on the 
Conduct of War, the disposition of the troops in Missouri on the 
2oth day of July, the day of Fremont's arrival at St. Louis, was the 


The Eighth Regiment, Missouri Infantry, at Abbey Park, the 
Second and Fourth Missouri Infantry were I icing mustered out and 
reorganizing at the Arsenal. Of the Ninth and Tenth Volunteers, 
22.") men were distributed in skeleton Companies at the Arsenal, but 
neither clothed nor equipped. The Engineer Regiment of the West 
had just been started. Buell's Battery of l.">0 men, recently assigned 
to the Department, had orders for Artillery equipments and guns. 
The First, Second, Third, Fourth and part of the Fifth Reserve 

John C. Fremont. 299 

Regiments were at St. Louis, but could not be moved from there 
without their consent. 


There were 551 men of Bavless' Rifle Battalion, and 1,000 men of 
the Thirteenth Illinois Infantry. Col. Wavman. 


Five companies of Regular Infantry and Ave companies of Regu- 
lar Cavalry The First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, and parts 
of the Third and Fifth Missouri Volunteers, with the exception of 
three-months men, sent home to be mustered out, two Rifle Com- 
panies of the Second Missouri Volunteers, and the First and Second 
Kansas Volunteers; one Company of Pioneers; Totten's and Dubois' 
Regular Batteries, and two Batteries from Backoff's Artillery Bat- 


Two Companies of the Seventh Missouri Infantry, seven Com- 
panies of the Twenty-third Illinois Infantry. The other three Com- 
panies of same were under orders to come up from St. Louis. One 
section of Backoff's Artillery Battalion. 


Eight companies of the Seventh Missouri Infantry, Col. Steven- 
son, and one section of Backoff's Artillery. 


Part of the Fifth U. S. Reserve Corps. 


The Sixth Missouri Infantry, Col. Bland, and a section of Pio- 


The Twentieth Regiment, Illinois Infantry, under Col. Marsh. 

300 The I'n ion Cause in St. Louis in lsiil. 


One section of Pioneers. 

According to Col. Harding, these troops aggregated 15,943 men. 
Besides these, twenty-three Companies of Home Guards guarded the 
railroad bridges in different parts of the State. Two Illinois and 
one Iowa Infantry Regiment were guarding the Hannibal & St. 
Joseph K. R,, while General Pope, with part of his Division, was 
guarding Northeast Missouri. 

The threats of invading hostile forces from all sides, and the 
scarcity of troops, induced General Fremont to push the field fortifica- 
tions of St. Louis to their rapid completion. Granting the difficulty 
of defending a large city like St. Louis by isolated forts; granting 
that it would take a large army to defend the very extended position 
of these forts, they no doubt had a great moral effect, both in the 
councils of the hostile camp, as well as upon the partially disaffected 
population of the City itself. 

St. Louis had lost a large portion of its trade ; party animosity 
led even to a split among the members of the Merchants' Exchange ; 
the Southern sympathizers kept up the Chamber of Commerce, while 
those opposed to Secession in any form organized the Union Mer- 
chants' Exchange. Factories lay idle; by the end of July over 
20,000 of their best workingmen were either in the Union or Con- 
federate military service, neither of whom were paid at the time, 
and a large portion of the population faced starvation. Patriotic 
ladies organized soup-houses, rolled up their sleeves and went cook- 
ing for the poor, and the chance to earn wages by work on the forti- 
fications was a godsend to the inhabitants A peremptory order upon 
the Snbtreasury of St. Louis for $100,000, without the direct sanction 
from Washington, relieved the greatest distress. 


Already, on the 19th of July, or six days before Fremont arrived 
at St. Louis. Colonel Harding sent a report to him, on the threatening 
conditions of affairs in Southeast Missouri, stating in his report: 
"If we once lose possession of the swamps of that region, a large army 
will be required to clear them, while if we get possession first and 
hold the causeway, a smaller force will do. General McClellan tele- 

John C. Fremont. 301 

graphed that he had authentic intelligence of a large army gather- 
ing at Pocahontas, according with what I have advised for weeks. 
Will you take into consideration the importance to Cairo, that the 
Southeast should be held by us?" Upon Fremont's arrival, fre- 
quent telegrams from General Prentiss, Cairo, and Colonel Marsh, 
Cape Girardeau, represented the situation as extremely dangerous. 
In fact, it was expected that as soon as the enemy gathered sufficient 
strength, he would attack Bird's Point and press towards St. Louis. 

Governor Jackson left the Secessionist Camp of the Southwest on 
July 12th. called on General Polk at Memphis, and urged him to 
aid an invasion of Missouri, with the object of influencing the de- 
cisions of the Missouri Convention, which was to meet at Jefferson 
City on the 22d of July For this purpose he was evidently too late. 
Nevertheless a division of forces of the United States was very 
desirable for the Confederates, and for this reason General Polk 
directed General Pillow to move with 0,000 men from Western 
Tennessee to New Madrid, Mo., unite there with Jefferson Thomp- 
son, effect a junction with Hardee from Pocahontas, and attack 
Lyon in rear, or march direct upon St. Louis. Such visionary 
schemes, considering distances and difficulties of communication, 
could only be explained upon the theory that the news of the Con- 
federate victory at Bull Pun, ran away with the judgment of other- 
wise sensible men. 

General Polk enlarged even on this scheme, as T L. Snead quotes 
him : "Having driven the enemy from the State. I will then enter 
Illinois " wrote the brave old soldier, "and take Cairo in rear on my 

General Pillow occupied New Madrid on the 28th of July His 
army was called by his party friends the "Army of Liberation," al- 
though its purpose was the extension of Slavery This threatening 
move only prompted greater haste for Fremont's Cairo expedition, 
particularly as an order to General U. S. Grant to advance with a 
force to Bloomfield had been countermanded. Pressing demands 
also came from General Lyon from the Southwest, but the free 
navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio, secured by the possession 
of Cairo and Bird's Point, were considered of higher strategic im- 
portance. Lyon was advised by Fremont that he could send him 
no immediate reinforcements; and as it had been intimated by his 
friends that Lyon might fight a battle at Springfield, Fremont de- 

302 The Union Cause in St. Lotus in lSv'1- 

clared that if Lyon fight* at Springfield, he dues so upon his own 
responsibility This information shows that Lyon was expected 
to retreat from Springfield. Such were the circumstances under 
which Fremont turned towards Cairo, as the most important threat- 
ened point. He gathered together a force of near 4,000 men of 
Iowa and Illinois troops, with one detachment of 1,000 men of the 
St. Louis First and Second Reserve Regiment, under Lieutenant- 
Colonel R. J. Rombauer; Lieutenant-Colonel Phillip Brimmer 
and Major Julius Rapp, Adjutant Herman Bleek, Quartermas- 
ter H. Ratjen and Commissary Geo. Bensberg. The Detachment 
had twelve Companies: First Company, Capt. R. E. Rombauer; 
Second Company, Capt. Theo. Hildenbrandt ; Third Company. Capt. 
Aug. Eichele; Fourth Company, Lt. Geo. Reinhardt; Fifth Com- 
pany, Capt. Chas. Hartig; Sixth Company, Capt. Jos. Schubert; 
Seventh Company, Capt. B. Essroger; Eighth Company, Capt. Wm. 
Hahn; Ninth Company, Capt. Ed. Wuerpel; Tenth Company, Capt. 
Felix Laies; Eleventh Company, Capt. Theo. Boethelt; Twelfth 
Company, Capt. H. Zakrzewski. 

The other men of the First and Second Reserve were on the 
Pacific, Southwest Branch and Iron Mountain Railroad, under 
Colonel Henry Almstedt of the First and Herman Kallmann of the 
Second Reserve, on bridge guarding and scouting service. The De- 
tachment of the First and Second Reserve, camped at Scholten's Gar- 
den, now Lemp's Park. It being excessively hot, Lieutenant Lorenz 
Liebermann was sunstruck and died. By the first of August all 
troops boarded vessels — Major General Fremont and Staff, the "City 
of Alton"; the Missouri Reserves, the "H. W Graham''; the other 
troops, the "City of Louisiana," the "Warsaw," "War Eagle." "D. A. 
January" and "Empress." By 3 o'clock p. m. the fleet formed 
in line. It was a beautiful day. The sun, reflected from the Mis- 
sissippi River, penetrated the dark volumes of smoke, which rose 
towards a cloudless sky, relieved here and there by the foaming 
white steam. Every available place from the boiler to the hurricane 
deck was crowded by soldiers, who were greeted from the shores bv 
thousands of waving handkerchiefs and hats, when the whistles 
sounded, the cannon boomed, the band struck up "The Star-Spangled 
Banner," and the steamers, with one magnificent swoop, turned 
southward towards the land of cotton, soon to be lost in the grav 
distance to many eyes dimmed by the tears of emotion. The fleet 

John C. Fremont. 303 

laid by four hours during the night, and at 7 a. m. was greeted by 
the American Zouaves of the Twentieth Illinois Volunteers at Cape 
Girardeau, and reached Bird's Point at 4 p. m. Rounding to the 
shore, the "H. W Graham" tied up under a high bank, cutting off 
all breeze. Here the intense heat of the sun and the boilers over- 
came many men and gave Dr. Emil Seeman and his assistants more 
work than they could attend to. This sudden dropping of many 
men almost created a panic, and the great stress upon the nerves 
was only relieved when the working parties succeeded in making a 
practicable road to the top of the high bank. Besides the Reserves, 
the Seventeenth and Nineteenth Illinois and the Second Iowa Volun- 
teer Infantry landed at Bird's Point. 

The Mississippi River was the natural line of operation for a 
Union Army in the West, on account of the facility of transporta- 
tion and the great technical advantages of the North in the equip- 
ment of gunboats, tinclads, and vessels of all kinds, which were 
available to the South only in a very limited way All this became 
more important as the Southern railroads had a different guage from 
the Northern, which made their road-beds of little immediate value 
after their rolling stock had been removed. The real objective points 
in everv contest are the armies of the enemy, which would naturally 
concentrate in defense of the great artery of national life; and for 
this reason a possession of the Mississippi meant the possession of 
the West. In the hands of the Union Army, it cut off almost one- 
third of the Confederacy by permanently stopping the communica- 
tion between the seceded States east and west of the river. On the 
other hand, there were considerations for the safety of the Union 
men in the Border States, which led to a scattering of troops over a 
large area, often isolated and without proper means of communica- 
tion. Still, there is no doubt that the destruction of the hostile 
armies was of greater importance than the protection of scattered 
Union posts. Therefore Fremont's move to Cairo and Bird's Point 
appears to be correct, and fault may be found chiefly with that 
authority which did not energetically push the movement South- 

The Mississippi at Cairo is very wide, still, a hostile Battery at 
Bird's Point would have effectually stopped navigation of transports 
from the Upper Mississippi to the Ohio. While Bird's Point itself is 
only a high bottom, it had sufficient open field all around it to make 

304 The Univn Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 

the lield fortifications raised at the place quite defensible, while the 
swampy woods, at about 1,500 yards distance, could be also utilized 
for a preliminary defense. Within a day's march South were Con- 
federate troops under Pillow, and Jeff Thompson's bands were in- 
festing the neighborhood. A specimen of the latter's mode of war- 
fare may be had from his own report of August 12th, to General 

"I sent my dragoons over the river to gather transportation. The tempta- 
tion to have a brush before leaving was too great, and they charged into the 
town of Hamburg, scattering the Dutch in all directions. My men fired at 
them as they ran through the fields, although unarmed, and killed one, mor- 
tally wounded five, seriously wounded several others and brought away thir- 
teen prisoners and twenty-five horses. These men were the federal Home 
Guards, 'but the attack was so unexpected that they did not find their guns 
to fight, but as they kept them secreted, our men only got five." 

Everybody can analyze this report for himself, and trace to their 
very origin those causes which made it possible. . 


On Lyon's taking command at Springfield, July 14th, the Union 
affairs in that neighborhood were in a critical condition. The time 
of service of the three-months men, which formed about half his 
command, was rapidly expiring. Notwithstanding the Order of 
Quartermaster General Meigs, issued July 6th, to Quartermaster Mc- 
Kinstrey at St. Louis, to send as many teams as may be required to 
transport supplies, forage and clothing to Lyon's army, hardly any- 
'thing had reached that destination by July 27th — nay, McKinstrey 
had even discharged the teams previously hired by Sigel, Gratz. 
Brown and Sweeney It Avas evident that the machinery did not 
work right, which was chiefly the fault of a system which tied the 
hands of the local commanders. 

Under date of Springfield, Julv 13th, Lyon writes to Harding: 
"Mv effective force will soon be reduced by about four thousand men, 
including the Illinois Regiment now on the march from Rolla 
(which never got to Lyon) Governor Jackson will soon have in 
this vicinitv not less than thirty thousand men. I must have at 
once an additional force of ten thousand men, or abandon my posi- 
tion. All must have supplies and clothing. N. Lvon " 


Lieutenant .".th Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, in 18(11. 

John C Fremont. 305 

July loth his Assistant Adjutant General, Schofield, writes a letter 
of similar tenor, and adds: "Our troops are badly clothed, poorly 
fed, and imperfectly supplied with tents, none of them have yet 
been paid, and the three-months Volunteers have become disheart- 
ened to such an extent that very few of them are willing to renew 
their enlistment." He also suggests, very sensibly, that the garri- 
soning of St. Louis should be left entirely to the Home Guards. At 
this time Lyon received an order from General Scott to send five 
Companies of Regulars, with Captain Sweeney, east, which proves 
that Sweeney was not considered a Brigadier General at Washington. 
To this last demand from Army Headquarters, Lyon answered : 

"My aggregate is between seven thousand and eight thousand men, more 
than half of whom are three months' Volunteers, some of whose term of enlist- 
ment has just expired; others will claim a discharge within a week or two 
and the dissolution of my forces from this necessity, already commenced, will 
leave me less than four thousand men. In my immediate vicinity, it is cur- 
rently reported, there are thirty thousand troops and upward whose number 
is constantly augmenting. The evils consequent upon the withdrawal of 
any portion of my force will be apparent; — possible defeat of my troops in 
battle will peril the continued ascendancy of the Federal power itself, not only 
in the State, but in the whole West;— large bodies of troops should be sent 
forward to this State, instead of withdrawn. The moral support of 

the presence of the few Regulars in my command is doubtless the main con- 
sideration which holds the enemy in check. In this state of affairs, 
presumed to have been unknown, when the order was issued, I have felt justi- 
fied in delaying its execution for further instruction." 

Two days later, Lyon asks Colonel Harding to send to him the 
Fourth and Fifth Regiment, Iowa Volunteers, from Burlington, 
Iowa, if they are not otherwise needed. They never got to him. 
Authority from Washington was now received at St. Louis to accept 
all three-year Regiments that offer their services. In consequence 
of this authority, Colonel Harding thought he could soon reinforce 
Lyon, which might have been done from other quarters, for on July 
15th Brigadier General John Pope, who, with his command, guarded 
railroads in North Missouri, sent this short notice to Assistant Adju- 
tant General Harding : "Have dispatched conditions of affairs to Gen- 
eral Fremont and asked authority to take the field with five more 
Regiments Expect answer to-night. Will go down and confer with 
you soon as I hear." Fremont, however, assumed command at St. 
Louis only on the 25th, and ten precious days were lost by General 
Pope's waiting for orders. 


306 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Most unfortunately for Lyon's Command, the terms of the three- 
months Volunteers nearly all expired between the 22nd and 28th of 
July, while only the First Missouri had reorganized for three years' 
service. Those not willing to re-enlist were transferred to other Regi- 
ments. There was an undue pressure brought to bear upon the men 
whose terms had expired, to make them stay at Springfield, and their 
readiness to serve their country in April, 1861, was ill rewarded even 
by threats of coercion. The ill-feeling started when, upon the re- 
organization of the First Missouri Volunteers for the three-years' ser- 
vice on June 10th, a large number of its members declined to take 
up that new term of service, and there were some not very creditable 
attempts made to induce them to yield to the wishes of the higher 
officers, but better counsels prevailed, and later the just demands were 
granted, and men of the First, Third and Fifth Missouri Volunteers 
and of the Artillery Battalion, whose time had expired and who had 
not re-enlisted for the three-years service, left Springfield July 24th, 
under command of Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Wolff, at a time when 
there was no hostile force of any consequence within sixty miles 
of Springfield. C D. Wolffs Detachment arrived in St. Louis August 
2nd, and the men were honorably discharged August 12th. Most of 
them re-enlisted soon afterwards in various Regiments, and for three 
years, or the duration of the war 

The lack of a well-organized Staff was sorely felt at \Yashington, 
and in the Western Department. Colonel Harding was almost op- 
pressed by this want, and Lyon complained of it repeatedly Recur- 
ring verbal messages through traveling officers could give no satis- 
factory basis for action, as they are subject to misconceptions, lapses 
of memory, the individual shadings of subaltern officers, which may 
have a sinister influence upon the decision of important questions. 

On July 27th Lyon handed to Colonel John S Phelps an eminent 
Union man from Springfield, a memorandum, and asked him to 
see General Fremont about troops, stores, pay clothing, shoes and 
staff officers, stating also the strength of his command, which was 
much reduced in numbers by the expiration of the three-months 
term of troops, and ended the letter with the words: "The public 
press is full of reports that troops from other States are moving 
toward the northern border of Arkansas, for .the purpose of invading 
Missouri." It took Colonel Phelps three days to get to St. Louis, 
and he arrived at Fremont's Headquarters shortly before the latter 

John (.'. Fremont. 307 

embarked with a large expedition for Cairo and Bird's Point, owing 
to the danger which threatened Cairo, the most important center of 
communication in the West. 

About the same time, Captain John S. Cavender, of the First 
Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, called at Fremont's Headquarters, 
and, after a delay of two days, succeeded in seeing Fremont, to whom 
he made explicit representations of the difficulties in the Southwest. 
Before returning to Springfield he was informed by Assistant Adju- 
tant General Kelton that a Paymaster had been ordered to leave in 
the cars next morning, "and General Fremont has arranged to send 
reinforcements at once. At least live thousand will go forward as 
soon as the orders can reach them. It's all right, Captain. You can 
tell General Lyon he will be attended to." Quite to the contrary 
effect is the statement of Dr. Frank (i. Porter, who also, upon Lyon's 
request, called on Quartermaster General McKinstrey, and 
stated to him that, if Lyon could get the Thirteenth Illinois from 
Rolla and the Seventh Missouri from Boonville, he would be 
confident of success in any encounter with the Secessionists. McKin- 
strey answered it was impossible to secure transportation for those 1 
Regiments Dr. Poller then called upon General Fremont and re- 
peated the information given by Phelps and Cavender, and added 
that it was Lyon's intention to fight the enemy at Springfield to 
which General Fremont, as Dr. Porter savs. replied that if General 
Lyon made the fight at Springfield he must do it upon his own re- 
sponsibility, General Lyon has his orders to fall back. The items 
of the above narration are taken from Jas. Peckham's well-known 
work on General Lyon. He speaks in the highest terms of Dr. Por- 
ter's character, and as Peckham was very well informed upon the 
affairs of the day, and not at all partial to General Fremont, his state- 
ment is of very great importance, for it proves that already in the 
last days of July Lyon was expected to fall back from Springfield, and 
that he fought the battle of Wilson's Creek on his own responsibility 
This fact is corroborated bv General Schofield's statement in his work, 
"Forty-Six Years in the Army." 

As to the difficulty of having need of staff officers, it must be noted 
that General Lyon certainly had in Major Schofield the ablest Chief 
of Staff that could be secured from the Regular Army in the West, 
and Lyon himself had the best possible opinion of Regular Army 
officers and men; still, for his minor staff officers, he had the choice 

308 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

among many experienced Volunteer officers, non-commissioned offi- 
cers and privates, as the Volunteer Regiments were in the main com- 
posed of a by far abler element than the rank and file of the Regu- 
lar Army. Before 1861 it was very seldom the case that a Private 
in the Regular Army should advance to an officer's rank. There was 
some reason for this in the small peace army, but none whatever 
during a war. The proverb, "Familiarity breeds contempt/' was 
never known in the French Army since France became a free nation, 
yet they raised genial officers. 

News came to General Lyon that a recruiting camp of Secessionists 
was formed at Forsyth, on the White River. He detached, on July 
20th, 1,200 men and a Section of Artillery, under the command of 
Captain Sweeney, who captured at that place a number of prisoners 
and secured some Quartermaster stores and provisions, without meet- 
ing a larger force of the enemy; nor did Sweeney's scouts learn of 
any larger force in that vicinity. After a thorough investigation, 
the expedition returned to Springfield. 

McCulloch and Price had already before the middle of July sent 
a Special Messenger to Hardee at Pocahontas, asking his co-operation 
against Lyon, but received an unfavorable answer, as Hardee waited 
for reinforcements and a more complete outfit. This did not hinder 
the Secession army to start from Cowskin Prairie on July 25, arriving 
at Cassville on the 28th, where it was joined by 650 men. McCul- 
loch's Command followed the next day, while Pearce came within ten 
miles of the place. This united force of 11,000 armed and about 
2,000 unarmed men commenced its northward march from Cassville 
on July 31. 

Being advised of the advance of the enemy, Lyon seriously con- 
sidered what plan and policy to pursue. Three chances were before 
him: a retreat to Fort Scott or Rolla, a defense of Springfield as a 
fortified camp, and to take the offensive and make an attack upon the 
enemy. The patriotic citizens of Springfield were decidedly against 
a retreat, which, for many of them, involved the leaving of house and 
home. Lyon's own disposition and the spirit of the army were adverse 
to a retreat, which would entail the loss of prestige and war material, 
Avhile some of his officers even doubted the feasibility of a retreat, 
although his best educated officers firmly held that a retreat was prac- 
ticable, almost at any time. Weighty reasons spoke against making 
Springfield a fortified camp , the large area which the place covers 

John C. Fremont. 309 

and its topography were not favorable for defense ; its population and 
buildings could not be shielded against hostile projectiles, provisions 
were scant even for a short period, and the large mounted force of 
the enemy could have isolated the defenders from the first day of the 
siege. It would have taken quite a large army to raise the siege, and 
there was no prospect that such could be gathered on the outside 
before the want of provisions forced a surrender. Under these circum- 
stances Lyon resolved to improve the situation by attacking the 
enemy It had been reported to him that the Secessionists were mov- 
ing upon Springfield in three columns : one from the South by way of 
Harrisonville, one from the West by way of Greenfield and the third 
from the Southwest, on the direct road from Cassville. By simply 
watching the Harrisonville route and sending the First Missouri 
Volunteers to Greenfield for observation, Lyon was enabled to pro- 
ceed on August 1 with the bulk of his forces on the direct road 
towards Cassville, in the hope of defeating the strongest column ex- 
pected from that direction. Being informed that the detachment at 
Greenfield was not needed, he ordered the First Missouri Volunteers 
to join the main column, which it did by a forced march, making 
60 miles in 33 hours. In the meantime Lyon's Advance Guard of 
two Companies under Steele, one Company under Lothrop, Totten's 
Battery of six guns a Section of Captain Schaeffer's Cavalry and a 
Squadron under D. S. Stanley met, on August 2, the enemy's 
Advance Guard at Duck Springs, and after a short skirmish, some 
Artillery firing and a Cavalry charge under Lieutenant Michael J. 
Kelly, which was made after a recall had been sounded, forced Gen- 
eral Rains' Command to retreat in considerable confusion. This 
made a very bad impression in the Southern Camp, as the loss on 
either side was trifling, and there seemed to be no pressing occasion 
for a sudden retreat. The First Missouri Volunteers, which had 
joined the main body by this time, occupied the hostile camp. Next 
day, on August 3, the enemy was again met half a day's march 
farther South, at Curran's Postoffice. Here again they showed little 
resistance and gave way, retreating to Crane Creek, six miles further 
South, where McCulloch was concentrating his forces. 

In these skirmishes the Secessionists' loss was estimated at 70, the 
Union loss was very small. A brief report from Mcintosh to McCul- 
loch upon this affair shows that considerable ill-feeling and jealousy 
prevailed in the Secession Camp. He writes on August 3 

310 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

"Three miles from your camp, the command of General Rains, as I expected, 
came down upon us in full flight and in the greatest confusion. I drew up 
my men across the road and rallied the greater portion of them and sent 
them on in regular order. General Rains had engaged the enemy unadvisedly, 
and had sent for my small command to reinforce him, which I respectfully 
declined, having no disposition to sacrifice it in such company. 

Jas. McIntosh." 

At the Union Camp the opinion was prevalent that the object of 
the (Secession leader was to draw Lyon further away from his supplies, 
and, in fact, the provisions in Lyon s Camp at that time had been 
reduced to one day's rations. Schofield writes upon this situation : 
"The enemy showed no great force, and offered but slight resistance 
to our advance. It was evident that a general engagement could not 
be brought on within the limits of time and distance to which we 
were confined by the state of our supplies " iis Lyon had the bulk 
of his army (over 5,000 men of all arms) with him, he exposed 
Springfield to the chance of being taken by the enemy's stealing a 
march upon him along another route. After consulting the Com- 
manding Officers, Lyon ordered the retreat to Springfield, where 
his army was concentrated on August 5. 

At Crane Creek a Texas Regiment joined McCulloch's forces. Still 
Price urged him in vain to follow Lyon. In order to induce him to 
advance, General Price, though Senior in rank, offered to follow 
McCulloch's lead. After one day's consideration, and after receiving 
the news that General Pillow was advancing from New Madrid, Mc- 
Culloch's conscientious scruples vanished, and he assumed the com- 

This is another instance of that jealous ambition among high 
military officers which so often has made and unmade History, In 
this instance, however, General Price's patriotic devotion saved the 
Secession cause a serious reverse. McCulloch now set his whole Com- 
mand in motion, but was too late to overtake Lyon. He pushed, on 
the oth, to Moody's Spring, near Tyrrel's Creek, and on the 6th 
went into camp at Wilson's Creek. Here fine fields of ripening corn 
furnished him a subsistence, badly needed by his army. Arrived at 
Springfield, Lyon felt depressed on account of lack of provisions, 
want of reinforcements and the doubt that the means at his command 
will suffice to protect the Union people of the Southwest. His ener- 
getic spirit and devoted patriotism could ill brook even a temporary 
check, and his unfounded suspicion of an intrigue against him by 

John ('. Ffcmotti. 311 

persons high in office, increased liis irritation to a point where even 
defeat appeared preferable to a voluntary retreat. It has been stated 
that on consultation of Commanders and higher officers, all except 
Captain. Sweeney and Major Cornyn advised a retreat. After com- 
ing back from Cumin Post office. Captain Plummer of the Regular 
Army stated to Lyon bis opinion that the evacuation of Springfield 
might be safely effected in a couple of davs. and one of the best 
educated and qualified officers of the United States Army, Major 
John M. Schofield, held the same opinion, and, as he was at the time 
Chief of Staff of Lyon's Army, was certainly best informed upon the 
detairs of the situation. In his work, "Forty-six Years in the Army,'' 
he states the case elearlv and justly on page •'>!> of his work: 

"Lyons' personal feeling was so strongly enlisted in the Union cause, its 
friends were so emphatically his personal friends and its enemies his personal 
enemies that he could not take the cool, soldierly view of the situa- 

tion, which should control the actions of the commander of a national army. 
If Lyon could have foreseen how many times the poor people of that section 
were destined to be overrun by the contending forces, before the contest could 
be finally decided, his extreme solicitude at that moment would have disap- 
peared. Or, if he could have risen to an appreciation of the fact, that his duty 
as the Commander in the field of one of the most important of the national 
armies, was not to protect a few loyal people from the inevitable hardships of 
war (loss of their cattle, grain and fences), but to make as sure as possible 
the defeat of the hostile army, no matter whether to-day, to-morrow, or next 
month; the battle of Wilson's Creek would not have been fought." 

Upon the same point Captain Plummer, a Regular officer of great 
merit, savs 

"I think it was the morning of the r>th (August) that we reached Spring- 
field. The question then arose that morning whether we should remain at 
Springfield and defend ourselves until we received reinforcements, or whether 
we should continue our retreat right on toward Rolla or Port Scott. My own 
opinion was that we ought to remain a few days, we should wait at least two 
or three days for reinforcements. He (Lyon) stated he was not expecting any. 
About that time we received a few wagon loads of supplies from Rolla, which 
gave us some five or six days' rations. On the afternoon of the 9th we received 
marching orders. In the conversations of General Lyon with his officers, the 
only questions that arose were whether we should intrench ourselves at 
Springfield and wait for reinforcements, or retreat upon Rolla; or, rather, if 
we retreated, whether we should retreat upon Rolla, or upon Fort Scott. The 
determination to fight the battle of Springfield (Wilson's Creek) was his 
own — at least he did not consult me." 

Plummer estimated that by forced marches troops could reach 
Springfield from Rolla in four davs. Only excellent troops could 

312 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

do this, and as for want of transportation, neither Stephenson's Sev- 
enth Missouri nor Way man's Twelfth Illinois started in time, their 
assistance at Wilson's Creek on August 10 was out of the question. 

Lieutenant Hammer called, on August 3, at Fremont's Head- 
quarters, explaining the situation at Springfield, stating "that Jack- 
son's Army is in Jasper and adjacent counties with not less than 
20,000 men ; that Lyon's force is not much more than one-fourth." 
This was promptly reported to General Fremont at Cairo, and he 
ordered Colonel Montgomery with the Third Kansas and Stephenson 
with the Seventh Missouri Volunteers to report to Lyon. Fremont 
also wrote care of I. B. Wayman, Rolla, a letter, which Lyon received 
on August 9, and of which Schofield says: "The purport of that 
part of it, which was then of vital importance, is still fresh in my 
memory. That purport was instructions to the effect that if Lyon 
was not strong enough to maintain his position as far in advance as 
Springfield, he should fall back toward Rolla, until reinforcements 
should meet him." 

On the morning of August 9 Schofield suggested to Lyon the fol- 
lowing answer to Fremont's letter • 

"Springfield, August 9, 1861. 

"General: I have just received your note of the 6th inst, by special mes- 

"I retired to this place, as I have before informed you, reaching here on the 
5th. The enemy followed to within ten miles of here. He has taken a strong 
position, and is recruiting his supplies of horses, mules and provisions, by 
forays into the surrounding country; his large force of mounted men enabling 
him to do this without annoyance from me. 

"I find my position extremely embarrassing and am at present unable to 
determine whether I shall be able to hold my ground or be forced to retire. 
I can resist any attack from the front, but if the enemy moves to surround 
me, I must retire. I shall hold my ground as long as possible, and not 
endanger the safety of my entire force with its valuable material.'" 

This form of a letter Lyon changed, leaving out the portion in 
italics after the word "possible" in the penultimate line and adding 
after that word the following: 

"Though I may, without knowing how far, endanger the safety of my entire 
force, with its valuable material, being induced by the important considera- 
tions involved, to take this step. The enemy yesterday made a show of force, 
about five miles distant, and has doubtless a full purpose of making an attack 
upon me. Yours, N. Lyon." 

John C. Fremont. ,313 

The changes made in the letter by Lyon clearly indicate his inten- 
tion of risking the chances of a battle, notwithstanding the great odds 
he anticipated to meet. Schofield states that the plan of battle was 
determined on the morning of the 9th by Lyon and Sigel, no other 
officer being present. Lyon said "it is Sigel's plan," yet he seemed 
to have no hesitation in adopting it. 

The period of service for two Companies of the Third Volunteers 
and that of the Fourth Reserve having expired on August 8, they left 
Springfield on the 9th in order to be mustered out at St. Louis. 

The opinion that Lyon could have safely retreated on the 9th or 
10th is supported by the favorable topography of the route towards 
Rolla, which first passes on the divide between the tributaries of the 
White and Osage rivers and farther east on the divide between the 
Osage and Gasconade, offering excellent positions for the Artillery, 
which could keep the enemy at a respectful distance ; especially as it 
had the support of a well-mounted and armed Cavalry, ready to 
charge the mounted shotgun Infantry of the enemy. The Union 
Infantry was better armed and drilled, and their fire would have told 
heavily upon a pursuing troop. There were no bridges or difficult 
passes on this line of retreat' up to the Gasconade 12 miles west of 
Rolla, having there excellent positions for defense and the best 
chances for reinforcement. 

As the country round Springfield was inhabited by a mixed popu- 
lation of Union men and Secessionists, it was not very difficult to 
receive information relative both Camps. Still McCulloch's recon- 
noitering with an armed force failed to draw out Lyon's troops or to 
make them reveal their strength and position, and to the suggestion 
for an advance, he positively declined to "bring on an engagement 
with an unknown enemy." At a council of war on the 8th General 
Price insisted on an attack of Lyon's position, and as this was urged 
by other Commanders, McCulloch gave out marching orders for 
August 9 at 9 p. m.,,but as rain set in before that hour, the orders 
were countermanded, otherwise the hostile armies would have met at 
night, each bent upon surprising the other. 



Beyond the observations of the Pickets, some reconnoitering was 
done from Lyon's Camp. Early on the 9th Captain Harry Stone of 
the First Missouri Regiment was sent with his Company five miles 
out of town to the Picket Line, and ordered to proceed from there 
with only one Company of Cavalry, towards the enemy's Camp, 
with a view of gathering information. -He reported the arrival at 
Wilson's Creek Camp of new Texas and Arkansas troops. The Camp 
was only ten miles distant from Springfield, it had been repeatedly 
traversed on previous marches of Union troops and by citizens of 
Springfield, so that the general features of its topography were well 
known. After some consultation between Lyon and Sigel, the plan 
was adopted to attack the Camp at daybreak of the 10th bv a sur- 
prise from two sides, one Column, under Lyon, to approach from the 
Northwest, the Second Column, under Sigel, from the Southeast. 
Lieutenant Colonel F YV Cronenbold of the Fifth Missouri was to 
hold Springfield with a Command of a few Companies. 

The Camp of the Confederates was in the valley and the slopes on 
both sides of Wilson's Creek. This creek rises near the town of 
Springfield, flows four to five miles westward, then takes an almost 
southern direction for nearly ten miles before it empties into James 
Liver a tributary of White River. One mile above the mouth of 
Wilson's Creek it is joined from the West by Tvrell Creek and near 
one and one-half mile further north by Skcgg ;s Branch, coming also 
from the West. The road from Cassville. called the Favetteville road, 
crosses both branches mentioned, then runs a mile northward above 
Skegg's Branch, along the western bank of Wilson s Creek, crosses 
this at a ford and runs northeast to Springfield. The neighboring 
hills rose to about loO feet above the valley, which, with its slopes, 
was covered with trees and partly quite heavv underbrush. Between 
Skegg's Branch and the bord the road is hemmed in by the bluff and 
the creek; west of it the hill rises to over l."><) feet, with slopes cut 

The Battle of Wilson* Creek 





316 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 

by ravines, covered with scrub oaks and brush, and with rocks crop- 
ping out near the top. This hill has since the battle received the 
name of "Bloody Hill." 

The hills on the eastern bank of Wilson's Creek often rise abruptly 
about 75 feet before they assume gentler slopes. Beyond the north- 
ern end of Bloody Hill a larger ravine runs into the creek, and . 
opposite this and somewhat east of the creek w T as a large cornfield, 
fenced and surrounded as usual by thicker underbrush. From the 
Northeast a small branch joined the Creek near the ford of the 
wagon road. Wilson's Creek is everywhere fordable for foot and 
horsemen ; south of Skegg's Branch and east of the Fayetteville road 
the valley widens. Here camped the Mounted Regiments of Greer 
and Churchill, and the Mounted Missourians under Major and 
Brown. North of Skegg's Branch, to the foot of Bloody Hill, camped 
the Missouri Infantry Commands of McBride, Slack, Clark and Par- 
sons, and near them, on the road, were General Price's Headquarters. 
The extreme north of the Camp was held by Cawthon of Rain's 
Mounted Missourians, whose outposts stretched northward beyond 
Gibson's Mill, Mcintosh's Command held the ground north of the 
ford, and on the bluff east of him was Pierce's Brigade, Woodruff's 
Battery commanding the opposite hills, McRae's Battalion and the 
Third Louisiana Regiment, McCulloch's Headquarters being to the 
west of them. Farther south, and also on the eastern hill, stood 
Reid's Battery, and opposite the mouth of Skegg's Branch was 
Weightman's Brigade. The Camp extended along the right and left 
bank of the creek for about three miles, with a width of half that dis- 
tance. Broken by hills, ravines, creek banks , covered with trees, 
undergrowth and rocks, it was good defensive fighting ground for 
Infantry, with limited chances for the use of Artillery and very little 
chance for Cavalry The short, clear spaces put for once the double- 
barreled shotgun on an equality with the rifle or minie musket. 

There are several versions extant with regard to the adoption of 
the plan for the attack upon the hostile Camp. One is that the Com- 
manders of Troops were assembled by Lyon and asked to give their 
opinion. Among them were able and experienced men like Schofield, 
who later advanced to the highest Command in the Army; Francis 
Sigel, with a thorough military education and large experience; 
Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert, who had been Chief of Staff of an 
Army Corps in Hungary's war of 1848; Major Peter Osterhaus, an 

The Battle of Wilson's Greek. 317 

educated German Officer, who became a renowned Major General 
during the war, and many officers of the Regular Army with their 
excellent West Point training. It is said all these officers were in 
favor of a retreat to Rolla. Captain Sweeney and Major Cornyn 
were not present, but said to have favored giving battle before Spring- 
field. This latter advice coincided with Lyon's disposition, who could 
ill brook a retreat, even before a superior force. The idea of deserting 
the Springfield Union population, which had received him enthusias- 
tically,' was adverse to his sense of honor; the failure of reinforce- 
ments and supplies made him feel bitter and prompted him to a bold 
dash, which might possibly lead to victory or so cripple the enemy 
that he could not hinder a safe retreat. Thus it happened that, con- 
trary to the advice of his best officers and the directions of General 
Fremont, Lyon made up his mind to give battle. The value of this 
decision could naturally only be proved by its consequences. The 
plan of the attack was made by Lyon and Sigel alone, as stated, at 
the latter's suggestion, but no doubt approved by Lyon. 

The general features of the plan were given to the Chief of Staff, 
who worked out the detailed dispositions and issued the necessary 
orders. Accordingly, Sigel was to move with 1,600 Infantry, two 
Companies of Cavalry and six cannon, on the evening of the 9th, 
along the Fayetteville road, deviate South and come close to the 
enemy without alarming him, halt for a rest and time his further 
advance so as to arrive in the right flank of the enemy at daylight. 

General Lyon, Avith 3,700 Infantry, two Companies of Cavalry and 
ten cannon, was to start in the evening of the 9th on the Mount Ver- 
non road, deviate from it, proceeding to a point unobserved by the 
enemy, rest there, and time his advance to reach the left wing and 
flank of the enemy at daylight. There was a scanty supper before 
the start in the evening ; there was no prospect for a breakfast in the 
morning, and, for all they knew, little expectation for a dinner. By 
1 o'clock after midnight Lyon's Column came within two miles of the 
enemy, whose campfires were dimly reflected towards the sky as the 
drizzling rain dampened their ardor. Lyon laid down for a short 
nap, as Schofield relates : "We went forward together, slept under 
the same blanket while the Column was halted from about midnight 
till the dawn of day, and remained close together nearly all the time 
until his death." Most men slept the brief hours soundly, not know- 
ing where and when their next rest would be. Resuming the march 

318 Tin' Union Cause in St. Lotiix in 1^61 

.Southeastward from Little York Postotlice at daylight, with Sturgis' 
Brigade in front, Captain Hummer's Battalion of four Companies of 
Regulars, two Companies of the Second Volunteers under Osterhaus, 
two Companies of Cavalry and Tottcn s Battery of six guns. This 
was followed by the Second Brigade under Lt, Col. Andrews, consist- 
ing of the First Missouri and Second Iowa Volunteers, four Com- 
panies of Regular under Captain Steele, Dubois Light Battery of four 
guns, next came the Third Brigade under Colonel Deitzler, being 
the reserve, and consisting of the First and Second Kansas, the First 
Iowa Volunteers and 200 mounted Home Guards. 

Steadily the Column moves forward; the space between the Van 
Guard and main body of troops is shortened; no tap of the drum 
marks the step, no bugle sound conveys a command; smoking and 
talking is prohibited; the troops move forward in sullen, solemn 
silence over the waves of the undulating ground, brushing the dew 
drops from the prairie which to the South is fringed by the trees and 
undergrowth in ravines and valleys, and where the smoke of rekin- 
dled campfires rises in the gray of the morning atmosphere. The 
Field Officers, Adjutants and Orderlies rise in the stirrups and strain 
their eyes to spy the pickets. So far all is quiet; now a drowsy hostile 
Sentinel notices a dark line moving down the hill; a challenge rings 
out, "Hold, who comes there?" No answer, but a steady advancing 
tramp. No doubt it is the foe, and the report of the Sentinel's rifle 
sends the alarm along the picket line, while shot after shot from the 
skirmishers of the First and Second Missouri Union Volunteers veri- 
fies the cause of the enemy's alarm. 

The attacking Column has hastened the step; the command now 
sounds in clear accents "Forward, right and left, into line. Guide 
right!" Drums beat, bugles sound, commands follow in quick suc- 
cession. "Battalion, Hold! Ready! Aim! Fire!" A Battery gal- 
lops forward, unlimbers and follows up the racket and hail of small 
arms with the thundering base of the cannon. The surprised picket 
line of the Secessionists retreats rapidly down the hill. Men, horses, 
wagons and riders, rush like a wild stream to the rear, carrying con- 
fusion into the forming Battalions. Brave officers of the outposts and 
First Camp of Cawthon rally their men and give slowly wav to the 
advancing Regulars under Plummer, towards the ravine and the 
creek, while the First and Second Missouri Volunteers pressed for- 
ward towards Bloody Hill. 

The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 319 

The fleeing and retreating Secessionists were here taken up by 
General Price's advancing Battalions, who paralleled the Union line 
from the creek and ravine westward across the hill. Here a most 
obstinate rifle fire contested every inch of ground; rocks and trees, 
gulches and elevations and depressions of the ground, offering cover 
for obstinate resistance. The white steam of the guns which slowly 
rose through bush and tree, occasionally revealed and again hid, 
loosely formed lines of human beings, who, with set features and 
strained muscles, advanced from the North and South to the fra- 
tricidal strife. Crouching now like the hunter, again erect in order 
better to see, with extended nostrils, sparkling eyes, the perspiration 
streaking the powder-darkened faces, swayed the lines forward and 
backward, as some addition to the force, withdrawal of thinned-out 
Companies or a rising momentum of animation, carried one or the 
other host forward. Batteries exchanged shots from hilltop to hill- 
top, though their main attention was devoted to check the advancing 

There was no tear for the dead, hardly any time to aid the 
wounded. A chance message from the dying, a short greeting to a 
mother, or loved one, and the mortally wounded turned over on the 
sod. that was soon to cover him. The disabled wounded dragged 
slowly to the rear, where the busy surgeons had spread out their 
instruments and lint, to put on temporary bandages upon those who 
waited with fateful patience upon their turn. 

Between the wild swayings of fire-vomiting lines were periods of 
almost absolute calm, when the steam and smoke settled down so 
heavily near the ground that it was impossible to see 10 feet ahead. 
Men, several times wounded and even captured, got away in the mist 
and returned to the firing line, others again, after a temporarv 
bandage had been laid on, came back to the contest, perhaps only to 
receive their final quietus for all terrestrial pleasures and troubles. 

The battle of Wilson's Creek was, as far as the Union forces are 
concerned, a double battle. Lyon from the North, Sigel from the 
South, made disconnected and independent attacks upon a foe de- 
fending his camp between them. The official reports of the two 
Union Commanders are the most valuable and reliable sources of 
information, respective their own separate actions, and are given here 
almost complete. Major Sturgis was in command of the North 
Column after Lyon fell, and he reports after the Advance Guard had 
driven in the Outposts and Pickets of the Secessionists : 

320 The Union Cauxe in $t. Louis in 1861- 

"Captain Plummer's Battalion with the Home Guards on his left were to 
cross Wilsons Creek and move toward the front, keeping pace with the 
advance on the opposite bank, for the purpose of protecting our left flank 
against any attempt of the enemy to turn it. After ciossing a ravine and 
ascending a high ridge, we came in full view of a considerable force of the 
enemy's skirmishers. Major Osterhaus' Battalion was at once deployed to 
the right, and Cavenders and Yates' Companies of the First Missouri Volun- 
teers were deployed to the left as skirmishers. The firing now at 5:30 a. m. 
became very severe." The First Missouri and First Kansas moved at 

once to the front. The First Missouri now took its position in front, upon 
the crest of a small elevated plateau. The First Kansas was posted on the 
left of the First Missouri and separated from it sixty yards, because of a 
ravine. The First Iowa took its position on the left of the First Kansas, while 
Totten's Battery was placed opposite the interval between the First Kansas 
and the First Missouri. Major Osterhaus' Battalion occupied the extreme 
right, resting on a ravine, which turned abruptly to our right and rear. 
Dubois' Battery, supported by Steele's Battalion, was placed some eighty 
yards to the left and rear of Totten's guns, so as to bear upon a powerful 
Battery of the enemy, posted opposite our left and front, on the opposite 
side of Wilson's Creek, to sweep the entire plateau upon which our troops 
were formed." 

After stating that considerable numbers of the enemy gathered in 
front of this force, the report says that Captain Plummer's Battalion 
of four Companies of Regulars separated from the other Union troops 
by a deep ravine, descended a slope, but was* checked in a cornfield in 
the valley by a considerable force of the enemy Artillery fire was 
now, at 6 o'clock a. m., heard from a distance of about two miles and 
from the direction where Sigel's attack was to commence. After a 
dozen shots, this Artillery fire ceased and was only heard again for a 
few minutes at about half past 8 o'clock. This time it sounded west 
of the previous reports, and from two to three miles distant. 

After a brisk Infantry and Artillery fire from the Union troops of 
Lyon's immediate Command the enemy gave way in utmost con- 
fusion. However, Plummer, himself wounded, had to retreat before 
superior numbers. Captain Steele's Battalion and Dubois' Battery 
came to his assistance and cleared the cornfield in front. There was 
a momentary cessation of firing with the exception of the extreme 
right, where the enemy pressed the First Missouri, which stubbornly 
held its position, but was in danger of being overpowered, when Lyon 
ordered the Second Kansas to its support. Again a general advance 
took place by the enemy, attacking in front as well as on both wings, 
and the engagement again became general and inconceivably fierce 

The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 321 

along the entire line. As the First Iowa had been called earlier to the 
support of the First Missouri and First Kansas, every available Bat- 
talion was already brought into action. The battle swayed forward 
and backward over a short space for nearly an hour. While Lyon 
was endeavoring to rally our troops his horse, which he was leading, 
was killed and himself wounded in the leg and head. Walking 
slowly to the rear, Lyon said, "I fear the day is lost," but he mounted 
another horse, and, swinging his hat in the air, called on the troops 
nearest him to follow. "The Second Kansas gallantly rallied around 
him, headed by the brave Colonel Mitchell. In a few moments the 
Colonel fell, severely wounded. About the same time a fatal ball was 
lodged in the General's breast, and he was carried from the field a 
corpse. Thus gloriously fell as brave a soldier as ever drew a sword 
■ — a man whose honesty of purpose was proverbial; a noble patriot, 
and one who held his life as nothing when his country demanded it 
of him." 

Major Sturgis was now in command. While a consultation of offi- 
cers was going on, the' enemy made another fierce and desperate 
attack upon the Union line, but was repulsed on all points and re- 
treated. Sturgis, considering the exhaustion of the Union troops, the 
great odds of the enemy, and, most of all, the very scanty supply of 
ammunition — one Regiment had to be withdrawn for want of it — 
ordered the retreat to Springfield. The Union Army left the field 
undisturbed at half past 11, after an engagement of six hours, and 
arrived at Springfield in good order at 5 p. m. Major Sturgis reports: 
"Our total loss in killed, wounded and missing amounts to 1,235. 
That of the enemy will probably reach 3,000." 

On August 18 General Sigel sent in his official report upon the 
share of his Command in the battle of Wilson's Creek, and states that 
he was informed on August 9 of Lyon's intention to give battle next 
day , that the attack should be made early in the morning from two 
sides, and that he (Sigel) should have command of the left attack 
with 900 men from the Third and Fifth Regiments, Missouri Volun- 
teers, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert and Colonel C. E. 
Salomon, six pieces of Artillery under Lieutenants Schaefer and 
Schuetzenbach and two Companies of Regular Cavalry, under Cap- 
tain Carr and Lieutenant Farrand. General Sigel proceeds in his 
report : 


322 The Union Cause in St. Louis in ln61- 

"I left Camp Fremont on the South Side of Springfield, at half past six 
o'clock on the evening of the 9th and arrived at daybreak within a mile of 
the enemy's camp, and after taking forward the two Cavalry Companies from 
the right and left, I cut off about forty men of the enemy's troops, who were 
coming from the camp in little squads to get water and provision. This was 
done in such a manner that no news of our advance could be brought into 
camp. In sight of the enemy's tents, which spread out on our front and 
right, I planted four pieces of Artillery on a little hill, while the Infantry 
advanced toward the point where the Fayetteville road crosses Wilson's Creek 
and the two Cavalry Companies extended to the right and left, to guard our 
flanks. It was half past five o'clock when some musket firing was heard from 
the Northwest. I, therefore, ordered the Artillery to begin their fire against 
the camp of the enemy, which was so destructive that the enemy were seen 
leaving their tents and retiring in haste toward the North-Bast of the valley. 
Meanwhile the Third and Fifth Regiments had quickly advanced, passed the 
Creek and traversing the camp, formed almost in the center of it. As the 
enemy made his rally in large numbers before us, about three thousand 
strong, consisting of Infantry and Cavalry, I ordered the Artillery to be 
brought forward from the hill, and formed there in battery across the valley, 
with the Third and Fifth to the left and the Cavalry to the right. After an 
effective fire of half an hour, the enemy retired in some confusion into the 
woods and up the adjoining hills. The firing towards the North West was 
now more distinct, and increased, until it was evident, that the main corps 
of General Lyon had engaged the enemy along the whole line. To give the 
greatest possible assistance to him, I left position in the camp and advanced 
toward the North-West, to attack the enemy's line of battle in the rear." 

'Marching forward, we struck the Fayetteville road, making our way 
through a large number of cattle and horses, until we arrived at an eminence 
used as a slaughtering place, and known as Sharp's farm. On our route we 
had taken about one hundred prisoners, who were scattered over the camp. 
At Sharp's place we met numbers of the enemy's soidiers, who were evident- 
ly retiring in this direction and as I suspected that the enemy on his retreat 
would follow in the same direction, I formed the troops across the road, by 
planting the Artillery on the plateau and the two Infantry Regiments on the 
right and left across the road, while the Cavalry Companies extended on our 
flanks. At this time and after some skirmishing along the front of our line, 
the firing in the direction o* the northwest, which was during an hour's time 
roaring in succession, had almost entirely ceased. I, thereupon, presumed that 
the attack of General Lyon had been successful, and that his troops were in 
pursuit of the enemy, who moved in large numbers towards the South along 
the ridge of a hill about seven hundred yards opposite our right. 

"This was the state of affairs at half past eight o'clock in the morning, when 
it was reported to me by Dr. Melcher and some of our skirmishers that Lyons 
men were coming up the road. Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert of the Third 
Missouri and Colonel C. E. Solomon of the Fifth notified their Regiments not 
to fire on troops coming in this direction, while I cautioned the Artillery in 
the same manner. Our troops at this moment expected with anxiety the 
approach of their friends, and were waving the flag as a signal to their com- 

The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 323 

rades, when at once two Batteries opened their fire against us, one in front 
placed on the Fayette road, and the other upon the hill, upon which we 
had supposed Lyon's forces were in pursuit of the enemy, while a strong 
column of infantry, supposed to be the Iowa Regiment, advanced from the 
Fayetteville road and attacked our right. It is impossible for me to describe 
the confusion and frightful consternation which was occasioned by this 
important event. The cry: 'They (Lyon's troops) are firing against us' 
spread like wildfire through our ranks; the Artillerymen, ordered to fire and 
directed by myself, could hardly be brought forward to serve their pieces; the 
Infantry would not level their arms until it was too late. The enemy arrived 
within ten paces of the muzzles of our cannon, killed the horses, turned the 
ranks of the Infantry and forced them to flee. The troops were throwing 
themselves into the bushes and by-roads, retreating as well as they could, 
followed and attacked incessantly by large bodies of Arkansas and Texas 
Cavalry. In this retreat we lost five cannon, of which three were spiked, and 
the colors of the Third Missouri Volunteers, the color bearer having been 
wounded and his substitute killed. The total loss of the two Regiments, the 
Artillery and the Pioneers, in killed and wounded and missing, amounts to 
two hundred and ninety-two men, as will be seen from the respective lists. 
In order to understand clearly our action and our fate, you will permit me 
to state the following facts: 

"First. According to orders, it was the duty of this Brigade to attack the 
enemy in the rear, and to cut off his retreat, which order I tried to execute, 
whatever the consequences might be. 

"Second. The time of service of the Fifth Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, 
had expired before the battle. I had induced them, company by company, not 
to leave us in the most critical moment, and had engaged them for the term 
of eight days, and this term ending on Friday, the 9th, the day before the 

"Third. The Third Regiment, of which four hundred three-months men 
had been dismissed, was composed of the greater part of recruits, who had 
not seen the enemy before, and who were imperfectly drilled. 

"Fourth. The men serving the pieces, and the drivers, consisted of Infantry 
taken from the Third Regiment, and were mostly recruits, who had only a 
few days of instruction. 

"Fifth. About two-thirds of our officers had left us; some companies had 
no officers at all — a great pity, but the consequence of the system of the 
three-months service. 

"After the arrival of the army at Springfield, the command was intrusted 
to me by Major Sturgis and the majority of the commanders of Regiments." 

(Balance of report refers to the retreat to Rolla.) 

"F. Sigel. 
"Commanding Second Brigade, Missouri Vol." 

While the two Columns of Lyon and Sigel fought two discon- 
nected battles under separate Commanders, the Confederate forces, 
though attacked in front and rear of their Camp, in reality only 

324 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 

fought one battle, for, being in the middle between the two attacks, 
they could, and partly did use, the same troops towards either attack. 
The developments of that memorable field will be better understood 
if the movements of the Secessionists are given connectedly, based 
upon notes from the Confederate, T. L. Snead's work, "A Fight for 

It seems that when firing commenced by the Union forces under 
Lyon at the north side of the Camp, Cawthon's Brigade of Rains' 
Command was driven down the southern slope of the hills. General 
Rains sent an officer to the front, who reported a large Federal force 
was approaching from the Northwest, and he dispatched the news to 
McCulloch and Price's Headquarters, where the officer sent made a 
greatly exaggerated statement of Lyon's forces, estimating them at 
20,000 with 100 cannon. Upon the heels of this report came down 
the hill a fleeing mass of men afoot and on horseback, mixed with 
teams and lead horses, While Totten's Battery, about 1,000 yards dis- 
tant, was firing into the crowd from the top of the hill. 

About the same time the boom of Sigel's Artillery was heard from 
the right wing of the Camp, as he opened fire on the troops of 
Churchill, Greer, Major and Brown, and drove them in confusion, 
Northward, towards the thick woods along Skegg's Branch and the 
slopes on either side. Sigel had left Springfield before sunset, moved 
out the Fayetteville road about four miles, then turned South, mak- 
ing a circuit, arrived about break of day near Wilson's Creek, where 
Tyrell's Creek flows into it, thus succeeding to turn the Confederates' 
right wing without alarming them. This was done by capturing all 
straggling outside men. He posted four guns in battery on a poini 
which overlooked Churchill's Camp, and, leaving a small Infantry 
support with them, crossed with the balance of his troops Wilson's 
Creek below the mouth of Tyrell's Creek and facing Northward, 
waited for the reports from Lyon's cannon. The troops opposed to 
him had no Pickets ©ut. On hearing Totten's guns, Sigel's cannon 
also opened fire. 

McCulloch now took command of the forces east of Wilson's Creek. 
Price hurried to the retreating Brigade of Cawthon on the southern 
slope of Bloody Hill and brought them into line, sheltered from Tot- 
ten's fire and protected by underbrush, where other Missouri troops, 
Slack's Brigade and Burbridge's Regiment, deployed into line on 
Cawthon s left. McBride's two Regiments took position on the ex- 

The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 325 

treme left of Price's line. Parsons, with Kelly's Regiment and Gui- 
bor's Battery of four cannon and very soon afterwards Weightman 
with 700 men, strengthened and completed the line, which now aggre- 
gated about 3,100 men and four cannon, and was greatly assisted by 
Woodruff's Battery (four guns), which, from the hill east of the 
ford, checked Lyon's advance. 

On Bloody Hill Lyon had only 1,900 men to oppose Price's 
3,100 ; but he had Totten's and Dubois' Regular Batteries, aggregat- 
ing ten guns. His Infantry in this line was the First Missouri (800) , 
the First Kansas (800) and Osterhaus' Battalion (300) of the Second 
Missouri Volunteers. Plummer's Battalion of Regulars (300) was 
sent to Lyons left across Wilson's Creek to a cornfield, while the 
balance of Lyon's Command, the First Iowa and Second Kansas, 
Steele's Regulars, Company D, United States Cavalry; the Kansas 
Mounted Rangers and Wright's Squadron of Home Guards were kept 
in reserve. 

An open ground on which the better muskets and rifles of the 
Union forces could be used with a telling effect would have been of 
very great advantage ; but Bloody Hill was covered with underbrush, 
and to see each other troops had to come to close quarters. Lyon, try- 
ing to force the issue, ordered his line forward. When it came within 
easy range, shot for shot was exchanged. Lines had to advance very 
close, would fire and draw back for loading. Thus continued the con- 
test here for hours, deservedly naming the locality the "Bloody Hill." 
This periodical approach and parting "of the hostile lines caused 
intervals of undisturbed quiet, seldom witnessed in a larger engage- 

McCulloch's care was directed towards Sigel's attack. To prevent 
him from charging General Price's forces near Skegg's Branch in 
rear, he placed Reid's Battery (four guns) on the eastern hill opposite 
the Skegg Branch, ordered Walker's Regiment to protect the Battery 
and placed Dockery's (650) and Gratiot's (750) Regiments further 
north on the bluff near the east bank of Wilson's Creek and north of 
them McRae's Battalion (220) and the Third Louisiana Regiment 

Sigel, after driving Churchill (600), Greer (800), Major (273) 
and Brown (320) out of their Camp, took position near Sharp's 
house on a hill south of Skegg's Branch, as stated, with the purpose 
of cutting off the retreat of the defeated enemy Had he advanced 

32(i The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

westward and northward and attacked the rear and left flank of 
Price s Army, the day might have still been saved. Sigel's Battery 
was posted on high ground ; his Infantry to the right and left of the 
cannon and his Cavalry on both wings. He had Pearce's Brigade, 
Walker's Regiment and Reid's Battery (four guns) very near his 
own right flank, almost enfilading him, and in his front the dense 
woods of Skegg's Branch, which were being occupied by Confederate 
troops, O'Kane's Battalion and Bledsoe s Battery of three guns, com- 
manding Sigel's position, which was now approached by a gray 
uniformed Regiment, mistaken by one of Sigel's officers for the First 
Iowa and so reported to Sigel, who thereupon warned his men not to 
fire. All at once Reid's Battery from the east on the bluff beyond 
Wilson's Creek, and Bledsoe's from the northwest, above Skegg's 
Branch, opened fire upon Sigel's line. According to his own report 
"consternation and frightful confusion" spread among his men, who 
were shouting "Our men are firing against us." The Third Lou- 
isiana, Roser and O'Kane's Battalion rushed out from the thick 
brush and charged the Battery, took five of the six guns, and Sigel's 
men fled in a panic. Part of his Command retreated by way of Little 
York, making a total circuit of the enemy's Camp, while Sigel, Solo- 
mon and Lieutenant Carr returned on the road they came. About 
200 of his Infantry were overtaken by Major with mounted Texans 
and Missourians, and were killed, wounded or captured. Sigel's 
casualties were 27 per cent; those of the Regular Cavalry with him 
were 4 per cent missing. A proper use of the Cavalry would have 
largely changed that proportion of losses. 

Woodruff's Battery (four guns) on the bluff east of Wilson's Creek 
and south of the Fayetteville road, being threatened by a Federal 
force under Plummer (300) which had crossed from the west to the 
east bank of Wilsons Creek, McCulloch ordered Gratiot to protect the 
Battery, and Mcintosh's (400) dismounted men, the Third Lou- 
isiana (700) and McRae (220) to meet the force of Plummer's 
300. Mcintosh crossed the Fayetteville road, keeping on the east 
side of Wilson's Creek, found cover for his men from Dubois' Bat- 
tery, which was posted on the east brow of Bloody Hill. Plummer's 
Regulars had reached the north side of a cornfield about 250 yards 
wide and 300 yards long from north to south. On the southern end 
of this Mcintosh took position, but his men were considerably 
thinned out by the better armed men of Plummer. Between the 

The Batth of Wilson « Creek. 327 

alternative of retreating and getting again under fire of Dubois Bat- 
tery or of charging the Regulars. Mcintosh correctly choose the lat- 
ter, which he well could do, as he outnumbered Plummer three to 
one. The latter retreated as rapidly as practicable and drew Mcin- 
tosh's men into the close fire of Steele's Battalion, which drove them 
back in some disorder. The loss of Mcintosh in killed and wounded 
was over 100, or near 10 per cent ; that of Plummer's Command near 
So. or 25 per cent. 

Churchill, after being driven from Camp by Sigel, had formed his 
men first on Price's extreme left, afterwards on Slack's left, with 
about 500 on foot, the other men holding the horses. This addition 
to Price's force caused a yielding of the Union line, which Lyon re- 
trieved by bringing a section of Totten's Battery, well protected by 
Infantry, far enough ahead of his right wing to enfilade the Secession 
lines. To neutralize this move, McCulloch sent Carroll's Cavalry and 
five Companies of Greer's Mounted Texans (about 600) to turn 
Lyon's right wing, to charge and take the section of Totten's guns. 
This move failed to make any serious impression, though it may have 
induced Lyon to call the First Iowa and Steele's two Companies of 
Regulars from the reserve to the front, in order to strengthen his 
right wing. At 10 a. m. the Confederates still had several Regiments 
which had not fired a shot, while Lyon had his last reserves engaged. 
He now tried to force 1 the issue, for every moment must increase the 
odds against him. The continued silence from the south of the 
Camp convinced him of Sigel's failure. He saw from the top of 
Bloody Hill Gratiot's men approaching, Pearce's Brigade forming 
and men mustering who had left the field in dismay. He knew that 
the force which defeated Sigel would soon also be turned against him, 
and he animated his troops to a last exertion. The opposing lines 
had shortened, drawing nearer toward the Batteries; men were in 
three and four ranks, lying down, kneeling, standing; approaching 
within 30 yards and again being driven back by the incessant heavy 
firing. Lyon, encouraging his men, was wounded in the leg and 
head, and said to those near him he thought the battle was lost; but 
he rallied quickly and dashed to the front with the Second Kansas, 
whose gallant Colonel Mitchell fell near him. Next moment Lyon 
was pierced by a ball in his breast and fell from his horse. 

Sturgis, his successor in command, fully aware by this time of the 
relative strength, seeing additional reinforcements of the enemy com- 
ing up, gave, at 10:30, the command to retreat, which was carried out 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

in good order, Steele's Regulars forming the Rear Guard. The thick 
underbrush masked the retreat, which became known to Price's 
troops only when they saw the Federals ascend the hill, from which 
they had commenced the attack on Rains' troops at daybreak. * 

After the battle General Price insisted on an energetic pursuit, as 
there were still available 5,000 or 6,000 fresh troops and several Bat- 
teries which had fired only a few shots ; but McCulloch did not accede 
to his wishes. Lyon's body, still in his Captain's uniform, was deliv- 
ered to a Union officer who called, under a flag of truce, while Fed- 
erals and Confederates were buried by McCulloch's order on the 
battlefield. The following tables of the numerical strength and 
losses at Wilson's Creek are computed from notes of T L. Snead : 

Union Forces Aug. 10, 1861. 





a *s 







First Mo. Vol. Infantry. . 




Osterhaus Battalion .... 





First Iowa Infantry 





First Kansas Infantry 





Second Kansas Infantry 





Steele's Battalion. 





Totten's Battery, six guns. 




Dubois Batter^ 

Total on Bloody Hill 








c8 co 



+J CO 

O O 

























685 44 

ij bi 

<3.5 Plummer's Battalion 


300 ! 19 


Comp. D. First U. S. Cavalry . . I ) 
Kansas Rangers / \ '-9.<: 

2^ j 350 


£ |Home Guards \ ■ • • 


p^ ' Total Lyons Column ., 24% j 4200 i 223 I 741 



Infantry and Artillery . 

Comp. I. First U. S. Cavalry ( 

Comp. C. Sec'd U. S. Dragoons \ 

Lyon's Aggregate. 
Sigel's Aggregate . 



1075 35 
i 65' 
} 60 


1200 35 132 

Grand Total . 


24.4% 5400 




258 ', 873 












The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 


Confederate Forces 
Aug. 10, 1861. 

3 8 


<D O 


Third Louisiana Infantry 

McRae's Battalion. . . . 

Churchill's Regiment. , 

Mcintosh Regiment . . . . 

I Greer's Regiment ... — 

Gratiot's Regiment 

ffl . Walker's Regiment.. 
"q>,g Dockery's Regiment. . . , . 
2 g^ Carroll's Regiment 
*-- Carroll's Company. . . 

Woodruff's Battery, 4 guns. 

Reid's Battery, 4 guns. 

"c fWeightman's Brigade, 3 guns, 
•g j Infantry and Artillery . 

P5 [Cawthon's Brigade, Mounted 

Kelly's- Regiment, 6 Companies 
Brown's Regiment, 3 Companies 

2 1 Mounted 

(2 [ Guibor's Battery, 4 guns. .'. . . 

^ J Burbridge's Regiment, Infantry.. 
,2 I Major's Battalion, Mounted . , 

o L 

Hughes' Regiment, Infantry 
Thornton's Battalion, Infantry. 

-2 I Rive's Regiment, Mounted 


Wingo's Regiment, Infantry 
Fosters Regiment, Infantry. 
Campbell's Company. 
Major-General Price & Staff.. 


Total McCulloch's Brigade . 
Total Dearie's Brigade. 
Total Missouri State Guard . 

Grand Total 













24% - 























4 l 
605 | 
























































279 951 

cS to 
O O 























330 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

According to the above tables, the loss in men was nearly equal on 
both sides, but as the Union force was less than one-half of the en- 
emy, their percentage of loss was more than double. The heaviest 
loss on the Union side was sustained by the First Missouri Volun- 
teers, who had the misfortune that their Colonel Francis P. Blair was 
absent, attending to Congressional duties, their Lieutenant Colonel 
Andrews was taken wounded from the field, and their Major Scho- 
field was Adjutant to Lyon; thus the Companies acted almost inde- 
pendently to the end of the battle, holding the best contested ground 
on "Bloody Hill" with great bravery, of which Schofield said: that 
there was a momentary cessation of firing along the whole line, ex- 
cept the First Missouri, whose right flank the enemy aimed to turn. 
Lyon sent the Second Kansas to the support of the First Missouri. 
"It came up in line to- prevent the Missourians from being destroyed 
by the overwhelming force against which they were unflinchingly 
holding their position." 

Osterhaus' Battalion of the Second Missouri and the First Kansas 
Volunteers shared the same exposure and came near the same per- 
centage in loss ; then came Plummer's Regular Battalion with 11 per 
cent less loss and Steele's Regulars with 16 per cent less loss. This de- 
tail conveys the very important fact, that Volunteers will fight as 
well as Regulars, and that the United States have no need of a large 
standing army Even the fate of Sigel's Column does not disprove 
this, for the error in the disposition, the similarity of uniforms, the 
wooded territory, the absence of outposts or skirmishers before the 
main line of the right wing, where the surprise took place, were no 
fault of the soldiers. Sturgis, McRae and other Federal and Con- 
federate officers, testified that it was impossible at any considerable 
distance to distinguish the friends from the enemy. 

Had the first panic caused by Sigel's attack on the Secessionist 
Camp been followed up by Carr's and Farrand's Regular Cavalry, or 
had the panic of Sigel's right wing been neutralized by a charge of the 
same Cavalry, the losses of the Federal command would have been 
less, but their retreat could hardly have been avoided, for the odds 
were too great. The confusion which existed on this part of the field 
is shown by the circumstance that the left wing of Sigel's command, 
made up of the Fifth Missouri and Farrand's Cavalry, remained for 
hours in position, after the right wing had disbanded, and that Far- 
rand's Cavalrv and most of the Fifth Missouri retreated to the West 

The Battle of W-il»<m'* ('reek. 331 

and North, while Carr's Cavalry and what was left of the right wing 
retreated to the South and East of the Secessionists' Camp in order 
to reach Springfield. The loss of only per cent in Lyon s Artillery, 
and of no loss whatever in the total of nearly five hundred men of 
first-class cavalrv, proves that the topography of the field was very 
disadvantageous to their use, and proves also that on the Southern 
attack "some one had blundered", in this instance, however, in "nut 
ordering and not making a Cavalry charge upon the Secessionists, 
to save the five cannon of Sigel and to give his troops a chance to 
recover from the panic. The reports are said to have been partial to 
the Eegulars. 

General Scholield states in his work, "Forty-Six Years in the 
Army," that Lyon exposed himself recklessly; Schofield had rallied 
the last Regiment of the Reserve and led it to a "Charge Bayonets," 
which, however, the terrible fire of the enemy brought to a halt and 
turned into firing at will, returning, he found Lvon s lifeless body 
and had it carried to the rear, with face covered, to prevent; a panic. 
A rier six hours' fighting, tired by the night march and without break- 
fast, the troops were nearly exhausted. Schofield considers the 
battle of Wilson s Creek a defeat of the Union anns. following the 
prevalent doctrine of military writers, that whoever holds the battle 
field is the victor. The subsequent retreat from Springfield confirms 
this view: for the price of the battle was the possession of Southwest 

Had the battle been fought in the open prairie, with all the forces 
in one hand, the superior Artillery, Infantry and Cavalry armament 
might have secured a victory even against the odds of two to one. 

The apportionment of troops was unfavorable to Sigel's attack , 
with 900 Infantry he could not conquer the enemy, the moment the 
same got under cover of the trees and underwood north of Skegg's 
Branch. Sigel's Cavalry might have done some havoc among the 
fleeing enemy upon the open ground, and it certainly should have 
boldly charged, to extricate Sigel's Artillery and Infantry after their 
blunder of mistaking the Confederates for Lyon's troops. Sigel had 
the same troops he commanded at Carthage, but their value was great- 
ly diminished by the expiration of terms of service, the substitution of 
new recruits and the imperfect organization of Companies. That 
the Confederate troops could and would fight well became evident 
at Wilson's Creek, and the better organization, armament and lead on 

332 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 

the Union side could not and did not make up the great disparity 
in numbers and the advantage of a covered position. Only 5 per cent 
of the loss in Lyon's command were prisoners, of Sigel's loss the 43 
per cent captured were entirely due to the panic, caused by mistaking 
an aggressive foe for a friendly command. Among the dead and 
wounded officers and privates at Wilson's Creek was the flower of the 
Western Army, and the troops that fought in the battle after the ex- 
piration of their terms of service, like the Fifth Missouri Volunteers 
under the lead of Captains Gustav Seebold, Louis Gottschalk, Samuel 
A. Flag and others deserve especial credit. This includes the trans- 
ferred men from the First and Third Missouri Volunteers who did 
not re-enlist for the three-year service and completed their time in 
the Fifth Volunteers. 

With regard to the policy of giving battle at Wilson's Creek, Gen- 
eral Schofield says : "Our retreat to Rolla was open and perfectly safe, 
even if begun as late as the night of the 9th. A few days or a few 
weeks would have made us amply strong to defeat the enemy and 
drive him out of Missouri, without serious loss to ourselves," and 
further on says of Lyon • "In addition to the depressing effect of his 
wounds, he must probably have become convinced of the mistake he 
had made, in hazarding an unnecessary battle on so unequal terms 
and in opposition to both the advice of his subordinates and the in- 
structions of his superior." General McCulloch declined to order a 
pursuit oh account of the exhaustion of the troops and the lack of 
ammunition, which had to be replenished from the distance of one 
hundred miles. It seems McCulloch had conceived a prejudice 
against the Missouri Secession troops, charging them with unreliabil- 
ity and neglect of outpost duties. A General in command, however, 
can not shirk the consequences of his own arrangements and dispo- 
sitions, and considering that the Missouri Secessionists were poorly or- 
ganized, armed and equipped, without pay, tents and even often lack- 
ing proper food, they did very well in opposing the best Federal 
troops in Missouri. Local State pride and vanity no doubt strength- 
ened McCulloch's prejudice. 

The Union host arrived in Springfield late' in the day, after a great 
moral and physical exertion, and went into camp for a short rest; 
wounded men came in straggling artd sought relief and nursing. 
The Courthouse, Lyon s Hotel and the near-by churches were all 
turned into hospitals, of which the nearest were soon filled, and the 

The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 333 

surgeons with bloody sleeves bad even to refuse admission to personal 
friends and send tbem to more distant hospitals. Doctors Edward 
C. Franklin, Florence Cornyn, Sam H. Melcber, Ferdinand Haeuss- 
ler, C. V. T Ludwig, and local physicians and nurses, labored earnest- 
ly and devotedly to give relief, when the rolling noise of passing wag- 
ons and cannon was heard and the anxious question was asked "What 
does this mean?" It meant that a council of war had met at 8 p. m. 
and resolved to retreat from Springfield on the 11th at 3 a.m.; and 
thus the march towards Rolla was taken up, and all who could move 
went into the streets with their bandages, joined the marching troops 
and tried to find a place on a wagon, all pain and danger being pref- 
erable to captivity. Sigel was called upon by the officers to assume 
command. -Reveille was ordered at 2 a. m., and the last Union troops 
left Springfield at 9 a. m., and three hours later the Confederate ad- 
vance entered the town. A train of 400 wagons, under a heavy escort, 
had left the preceding night. When the troops followed at day- 
break, an immense throng of refugees with their families in wagons, 
their horses, cattle and household goods, mixed with the retreating 
troops, After a couple of days' march, dissatisfaction was expressed 
with Sigel's arrangements, and he was superseded in command by 
Major Sturgis, under the assumption that Sigel's commission had ex- 
pired. The main body of troops reached Rolla on the evening of Au- 
gust 17th. 

The Confederates did not harass the Union retreat for obvious 
reasons ; for it is a very difficult task to pursue an enemy whose troops 
are well in hand and keep up the order of their organization. It was 
not in the power of McCulloch effectively to stop that retreat, with 
him better counsels prevailed, for instead of attempting a hopeless 
attack upon Rolla, the Confederate forces turned North, occupying 
the Western portion of the State up to the Missouri River, recruited 
their forces in a territory where their cause was most popular, took 
Lexington, threatened Jefferson City, Kansas City, North Missouri, 
and forced Fremont to another Southwestern campaign, for under the 
circumstances he could not abandon the State of Missouri to a hostile 
army in its center, nor had he troops enough to redeem the State and 
at the same time to follow up his true line of operation down the Mis- 
sissippi. Soon after the arrival at Rolla, the First Missouri Volun- 
teers, at the time already a three-year Regiment, was ordered to St. 
Louis to be reorganized as Artillery. Frank P Blair and Major 

334 The Union Cause i)i St. Louis iti 1861 

Schofield called upon General Fremont, who communicated with 
them his plan of marching to the center of the State, thence to follow 
the enemy through Southwest Missouri and Northwest Arkansas and 
along the Arkansas River to the Mississippi below Memphis. Schofield 
and Blair mocked themselves at that plan, holding a slight opinion 
of Fremont's generalship (Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, 
page 49) . Notwithstanding their opinion, the same plan was adopted 
by the. authorities in "Washington. Even after the recall of Fremont 
from Springfield in the fall of 1861, for in the spring of 1862 General 
Curtis was ordered to march from Rolla in the same direction for the 
same purpose by way of Springfield, Pea Ridge, taking from there the 
White River route over Batesville to Helena on the Mississippi, from 
which point a movement under General Hovey east of the Mississippi 
River forced General Pemberton to abandon the well-fortified line of 
the Tallahatchie. Taking these facts into account, the question is 
quite pertinent, how much more effective this move would have 
been if executed by General Fremont six months earlier. This di- 
gression beyond the frame of this work is made to show the dispo- 
sition of parties who shaped events in Missouri in the fall of 1861, 
and who were largely responsible for the recall of General Fremont. 
This Southwest movement, initiated during the three months' service, 
extended over one thousand miles, and is one of the most memorable 
moves during the Civil War. 


The news of the battle of Wilson's Creek elated the Secession ele- 
ment all over the State. The report reached St. Louis on August 13th 
and carried grief and anxiety into many families who had members 
in Lyon's army. Personal news came in slowly; anxious mothers, 
fathers, sisters and brothers watched the arrival of trains, agitated 
deeply by hope and fear; wishing for and still dreading the coming 
news. The awful meaning of war was now realized by all those who 
had never been through that terrible ordeal before, even the safety 
of the City of St. Louis was questioned, and General Fremont issued 
the following order: 

"In Lafayette Park a camp is to be established for a Regiment; the heavy 
guns to be put in position and a Regiment encamped under the Reservoir. 
On the height south of the Arsenal, called Jaeger's Garden, two guns, with a 
howitzer, to be planted. 

The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 335 

"The Third and Fourth Home Guards to be paid off and organized im- 
mediately. The First and Second, and also the Fifth Home Guards, also to 
be paid upon the arrival of Lt.-Col. Rombauer from Bird's Point. Martial 
law to be proclaimed at once. Capt. Kowald's Artillery Company, one hundred 
strong, to be fitted out immediately, and the company from Belleville to be 
ordered in; Capt. Voerster's and Gerster's Pioneers to be completed and 
set at work in the fortifications. Laborers also to be employed. 

Joh> t C. Fbemont." 

The fortifications of St. Louis, ordered by General Fremont, had 
long before been recommended to General Lyon by Lt. Col. John T. 
Fiala and Henry Boernstein, and were to defend the line of Jefferson 
avenue in the Southern part of the city, starting with Fort No. 1 at 
the Marine Hospital; next No. 2, between Cherokee and the present 
Broadway; a Redoubt following on Arsenal and Salina; Fort No. 3 
was South of Sidney towards Jefferson avenue ; No. 4 North of Grav- 
ois avenue near East line of Jefferson avenue; No. 5 Northeast corner 
Lafayette and Jefferson avenue , then came a Redan a little South of 
Chouteau, West of Jefferson avenue; from here the line of defense 
ran Northwest to Fort No. 6, on Manchester road, and to No. 7, at 
Northwest corner of Franklin and Grand avenues, its most Western 
and most exposed point , No. 8 was North of Cass and East of Grand; 
a small work was on St. Louis avenue. East of Jefferson, No. 9 North 
of Palm, near Twenty-third street, No. 10 on Fourteenth street and 
Bremen avenue, and there was a Redan on East Grand avenue, near 
the present water tower. 

The positions of the forts were dictated by the elevation of the 
territory and the chances of open commons before them, insuring 
an effective Artillery and Infantry fire. The northern half of this 
extended line was more difficult to defend on account of the inter- 
vening distances and the more frequent houses. The line of isolated 
forts required a large force for defense, and had the fault that. those 
mostly exposed could be taken without assistance from the others, 
and as a number of the forts were on an almost straight line, they 
would necessitate several independent reserves. 

The St. Louis fortifications bore a similarity to those constructed 
later by the Confederates at Vicksburg, which also were only com- 
mon field fortifications, extending around the place from the river 
on the South to the river on the North. The value in both cases for 
defense, were commanding heights, whose approach was swept by 
the fire of the defenders. The Vicksburg fortifications formed more 

336 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

of a semicircle and were continuous, giving the reserve a better 
chance to come to the rescue. Besides the above, the greatest efforts 
were made to complete the seven gunboats, previously described, 
and thirty mortar boats, which, by the 30th of August, were placed 
under the command of Andrew H. Foote of the United States Navy. 
Barton Able was appointed Master of Transportation and a number 
of St. Louis Pilots volunteered in a spirit of animated patriotism 
for this important and most dangerous service. 

In addition to the above-mentioned measures, tracks were laid on 
Poplar street to concentrate the rolling stock of the Missouri Pacific, 
Iron Mountain and North Missouri (present Wabash) Railroads for 
the transportation of troops in any given direction. The following 
notice was wired to the Governors of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Iowa 
and "Wisconsin: 

"Severe engagement near Springfield reported. General Lyon 
killed, Sigel retreating in good order on Rolla. Send forthwith all 
disposable force you have, arming them as you best can for the 
moment. Use utmost dispatch. 

"John C. Fremont, 
"Major General, Commanding." 

Already on the 15th, President Lincoln wired to Fremont. 

"The War Department has notified all Governors you designate 
to forward all available force." And on the 16th Montgomery Blair 
wires : "Every available man and all the money in the public chest 
have been sent. We will send more money immediately, our finan- 
cial arrangements at New York having been perfected. Let our 
fellows cheer up ; all will be well." 

However, this very energy displayed by Fremont to meet the new 
condition of affairs brought about by the battle of Wilson's Creek 
and the retreat of the Union Army to Rolla, was used by Fremont's 
enemies and rivals as a reproach for what they claimed to have been 
a neglect of Lyon's wants. When, later on, the services of the 
Western Sanitary Commission are justly appreciated, its appoint- 
ment by Fremont on September 5 certainly deserves mention. This 
was done at the suggestion of Mrs. Jessie Benton Fremont and Miss 
D, L. Dix, Superintendent of United States Military Hospitals. 
The excellent selection made of James E. Yeatman, Carlos S. 
Greeley, L. B. Johnson, George Partridge and William G. Eliot 


Major-General I". S. Volunteers. 
Photograph by Emil Boehl. 

Emancipation. 337 

showed a keen appreciation of local capacity. The selection of the 
right man for the right place is one of the highest attributes of a 

Governor Hamilton R. Gamble also sized up the situation and 
called out on August 24 32,000 men Infantry and 10,000 Cavalry 
for six months' service, in order to drive the Secessionists from the 
State. The military districts were ma'de co-extensive with those for 
members of Congress. This measure proved very beneficent, as it 
placed those who were enrolled above the suspicion of aiding and 
abetting Secession, and, under existing martial law, made them 
directly responsible for their actions. Though Governor Gamble 
held that he could not legally issue Commissions to Fremont ap- 
pointees, his consequential loyalty to the Union cause is beyond 
reasonable doubt, but his whole tendency was strongly conservative, 
basing his actions upon legal conditions of the v past, while General 
Fremont was a Radical, who in this great emergency acted upon the 
exigencies of the hour, which prompted him to issue his famous 
proclamation, whose terms, after a year, became the fixed and 
irrevocable policy of the United States. 


By this proclamation General Fremont assumed the administra- 
tive powers of the State, basing this action upon the helplessness of 
the civil authority and the existence of marauding and murdering 
bands, spreading ruin and terror throughout the State. He de- 
clared Martial Law, and designated the line of occupation by the 
Army for the time being to extend "from Leavenworth, by way of 
the posts of Jefferson City, Rolla, Ironton, to Cape Girardeau 'on the 
Mississippi River." The proclamation continued : 

"All persons who shall be taken with arms in their hands within these 
lines shall be tried by court-martial, and, if found guilty, will be shot. The 
property, real and personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri, who shall 
take up arms against the United States, and who shall be directly proven to 
have taken active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be con- 
fiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby 
declared free men. 

"All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the publication 
of this order, railroad tracks, bridges or telegraphs, shall suffer the ex- 
treme penalty of this law. 


338 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

"All persons engaged in treasonable correspondence, in giving or procuring 
aid to the enemies of the United States, in fomenting tumult, in disturbing 
the public tranquility, by creating and circulating false reports or incendiary 
documents, are in their own interest warned that they are exposing them- 
selves to sudden and severe punishment. 

"All persons who have been led away from their allegiance are required to 
return to their homes forthwith; any such absence without sufficient cause will 
be held to be presumptive evidence against them. 

"The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the military 
authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and to 
supply such deficiencies as the conditions of war demand. But it is not intend- 
ed to suspend the ordinary tribunals of the country, where the law will be 
administered by the civil officers in the usual manner and with their custom- 
ary authority, while the same can be peaceably exercised. 

"The commanding General will labor vigilantly for the public welfare, 
and, in his efforts for their safety, hopes to obtain not only the acquiescence, 
but the active support of the loyal people of the country. 

"John C. Fremont, 
"Major General Commanding." 

This proclamation, which emancipated the slaves of all active 
Secessionists, verified the words of Alexander Stephens before the 
Georgia Convention, when he warned his fellow-citizens and slave- 
holders that such would be the unavoidable logical conclusion of the 
Secession movement. 

Though this measure was in full accord with the views of the 
unconditional Union men, it created a sensation in the ranks of 
those conservatives who, notwithstanding the hostile array of large 
contesting armies, were still in hope to patch up a compromise, 
which would shove the final settlement upon coming generations. 
President Lincoln was prevailed upon to request General Fremont 
to withdraw his emancipation proclamation, upon which the latter 
asked the President for a direct order for this purpose in these 
memorable words: "If your better judgment decides that I was 
wrong in the article respecting the liberation of slaves, I have to 
ask that you will openly direct me to make the correction. The 
implied censure will be received as a soldier always should receive 
the reprimand of his chief. 

"If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that I 
myself thought it wrong, and that I had acted without the reflection 
which the gravity of the point demanded. 

"But I did not. I acted with full deliberation and with the cer- 

Emancipation. 339 

tain conviction that it was a measure right and necessary, and I 
think so still." 

President Lincoln then himself issued an order based upon the 
authority of an act of Congress and limiting General Fremont's 
Emancipation proclamation to such slaves who were actually em- 
ployed in the military works of the Secessionists. As St. Louis fur- 
nished in Dred Scott, the slave, upon whose case the Supreme Court 
of the United States predicated the legality of Slavery all over the 
Union; so St. Louis furnished in "Frank Lewis" the first slave lib- 
erated by authority of the Union under Fremont's proclamation and 
the limitation placed upon it by President Lincoln. 

Fremont's proclamation emancipating the slaves of the Seces- 
sionists foreshadowed the ultimate abolition of Slavery in the United 
States. In Missouri, as well as in other States, the hostile array of 
the civil war was started first by the Free Soil issue. During the 
first period of the Missouri Convention, of whose members eight- 
tenths were born on Southern soil, a unanimous declaration for the 
Union and against Secession was adopted, and no direct mention 
was made of Slavery When the Convention reassembled in June at 
Jefferson City, again no direct action was had on the Slavery ques- 
tion , but the decided pro-Slavery Governor, State officers and legis- 
lators were ousted, because most of them had fled and joined the 
Secession camp. Sixteen pro-Slavery men of the Convention kept 
away for similar reasons, and thus greatly reduced the number of 
strong Southern sympathizers. 

The following dates go beyond the frame of this sketch, but are 
necessary to appreciate the initiated work of the Convention and to 
show the final settlement of the Slavery question in Missouri. 

On October 11, 1861, the Convention reassembled at St. Louis, 
postponed all elections, and exercised legislative functions by adopt- 
ing a new Militia bill, limiting the service from the eighteenth to 
the forty-fifth year, and authorizing the issue of one million dollars 
for Union defense bonds. The troops thus organized might, at their 
option, enlist in the United States service and an oath was prescribed 
for all, which first named fealty to the United States and afterwards 
that towards the State, thus saving doubtful minds from the 
dilemma of conditioning their duties to the Union by the terms of a 
State oath. 

In the meantime a fraction of the ousted members of the Legis- 

340 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

lature, on their migration to Arkansas, held on November 2 a 
Caucus at Neosho, went through the formality of appointing proxies 
for the absent majority, and passed a Secession ordinance. It is 
almost needless to say that this whole proceeding was illegal and 
without any warrant of constitutional or legislative authority 

At the session of the Convention held June 14, 1862, a message 
was received from President Lincoln, stating that upon his recom- 
mendation, Congress had adopted the following joint resolution: 

"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any 
State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving 
such State aid to be used in its discretion, to compensate for the 
inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of sys- 
tem." The Missouri Convention answered respectfully, that it did 
not feel authorized to act in this "grave and delicate question ol 
private right and public policy," notwithstanding that it had a 
proposition before it, in which Robert M. Stewart, former Governor 
in 1860, said, "that the only question which Providence has left 
for our people to decide in regard to Slavery is the manner of and 
terms upon which its extinction in Missouri shall be accomplished 
and would commend to the serious consideration of the people "the 
subject of gradual emancipation in order that a plan may be 
adopted that will accomplish the change already inevitable." Bui 
nothing of the kind was done, while the furies of the war went on 
and the immense sacrifices in life, human happiness and treasure 
had on both sides embitte'red the combatants and put all modera- 
tion out of the question. Stewart's counsel, however, prevailed in 
the reconvened Convention on July 1, 1863, which adopted an ordi- 
nance for the emancipation of slaves in Missouri. This abrogatec 
some clauses of the Constitution and ordered that Slavery in Mis- 
souri should cease July 4, 1870, but all freed persons to remain as 
servants under the control of their late owners, namely, those ove] 
forty years during their lifetime; those under twelve, till they ar< 
twenty-three years old; all others to the 4th day of July, 1876, th( 
authority of the owners to remain the same as under the old slavt 
laws. In the meantime the General Assembly shall not pass law! 
for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their owners 
nor should slaves be the object of taxation after the passage of this 

The measure of the Convention, which was law for the time being 

Emancipation. 341 

did not give satisfaction. Political convictions matured faster than 
the measures of the Convention, which fixed the date for its final 
adjournment on the day for the reassembling of the Legislature in 
January, 1864. Before this date an animated Mass Convention was 
held by the Republicans on September 2. 1863, and a Committee of 
72 men was sent to wait on the President with radical demands. 
The President's answer was, as usual, very considerate and moderate, 
but not quite to the satisfaction of the Committee. Still, after they 
had left, Lincoln said to his Secretary: ''I believe, after all, those 
Missouri Radicals will carry their State, and I do not object to it. 
They are nearer to me than the other side in thought and in senti- 
ment, though bitterly hostile personally. They are the unhandiest 
fellows in the world to deal with; but, after all, their faces are set 
Zion wards." This prediction proved true. The Legislature, which 
met in January 1864, called a new Convention for January, 1865. 
Another vear had passed ; another hundred thousand lives were lost 
North and Smith ; more than another hundred thousand widows and 
orphans were made and another milliard dollars of treasure was sunk. 

The 1864 election resulted in Missouri in a great Republican vic- 
tory. Lincoln, Fletcher and a Radical Convention was elected; the 
latter had been instructed by the Legislature to .amend the Constitu- 
tion relative to the emancipation of slaves, also to purify the ballot 
and bring such other amendments as they may deem essential for the 
promotion of the public good. 

Of the first Convention eight-tenths of its members were born in 
the South, near two-tenths in the North and four members were 
born in Europe, but the New Convention showed a different com- 
plexion, for only 35 of its members were born in the South, 23 in 
the North and 11 in Europe. As to vocation, 15 were lawyers, 15 
farmers. 14 physicians, 12 merchants and 13 from sundry other 
callings, and two-thirds of all the members were under 50 years of 
age, showing a much less conservative complexion than the first Con- 
vention. Their action very soon proved this estimate. First of all, 
they abrogated the measure of conditional emancipation passed on 
the 1st day of July, 1863, and on the 11th of January, 1865, they 
adopted the following ordinance 

"Bt it ordained by the People of the State of Missouri in Conven- 
tion assembled. 

"That hereafter in this State there shall be neither Slavery nor 

342 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 

involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, whereof the 
party shall have been duly convicted ; and all persons held to service 
or labor as slaves are hereby declared free." The Governor was 
asked to issue his proclamation that by the irrevocable action of the 
Convention Slavery is abolished in the State of Missouri now and 

The Convention adjourned April 10, 1865, after receiving a tele- 
gram that Lee had surrendered at Appomattox. 


In giving the causes of the Civil War, the original elements 
which shaped the minds of the parties to it, and the emancipation 
proclamation initiated at St. Louis in 1861, an epitome of the 
greatest tragedy in modern History, has been presented. While the 
events in the entire Union were on a larger scale, affected more 
people and greater values, they bore the same character, followed 
the same lines of development, proved the same principles and led 
to the same results. 

It was not the purpose of this sketch to cast blame or vindicate 
glory for either side, but to find the causes and trace the develop- 
ment, which, with the certainty of fate, led to an inevitable result. 
Influences of climate, derivation, ethical views, agricultural, indus- 
trial and labor relations, were all potent factors in developing, step 
by step, those conditions, which brought the final issue. History, 
as the supreme judge of right and wrong, has condemned Slavery as 
the cause of the Civil War, not only because it was a grievous injus- 
tice to the slave, but' much more so because it unfitted the slave 
owner and his retainers to be members of a representative free Gov- 
ernment. Such will be the result of every aristocracy, whether the 
same is based on labor or money, on birth or privileges ; for each of 
these will engender a sickly selfishness, which preys upon the ener- 
gies of the oppressed and degenerates the oppressor, who deteriorates 
in human worth, as there can be no happiness in store for any one 
who is all concentrated in self. Obligations to fellow-men grow with 
the capacity and ability to be useful, and such activities elevate our 
sentiments and enjoyments beyond the reach of the egotist; they 
imbue us with that patriotism extolled by the sages of all nations and 
all ages, which leads true men to shun no sacrifice in defense of the 

Conclusion. 343 

commonweal. Xor can a glowing self-sacrificing patriotism be 
denied to the champions of the Southern cause ; but it was locally 
restricted to their State, their section, their institutions, and was not 
based on the glorious principle that every man is born free and has 
equal rights before the law. 

In trying to be just to the men of the Secession movement, we 
must consider the palliative circumstances under which the move- 
ment took place. Slavery was established in the Southern States by 
the authority of State laws ; it was sanctioned by the preachers of 
that section ; it was profitable to the men who owned slaves ; it was 
inherited and had at least the tacit approval of the ancestors. 
Prejudice of color, aristocratic notions, absence of an independent 
middle class, a venal press and pulpit, aided other influences, and 
the impoverishment of the soil of the old States naturally caused the 
demand for new territory. The men brought up in the atmosphere 
of Slavery could not be different from what they were proud, 
domineering, passionate, of necessity hostile to free speech, free 
press, free education at home, they could ill brook freedom in the 
national councils. Work, the great educator and health spender, 
was unknown to most of the Southern gentry, and all their other 
good qualities could not make up for the above deficiencies. Even 
the example of the fathers of the nation was often cited in support 
of the Southern institutions, and the question asked: Were not 
Washington and Jefferson and a number of most eminent men also 
slave-holders? It is true, such they were, and as such they were 
born. But those men clearly perceived the nature of the great evil 
and raised their warning voices in accents that could not be mis- 
taken, and which should have formed a cardinal chapter in the 
political catechism of every Southerner. Was this done? Should 
not the views of our greatest men live in the memory of coming 
generations, even after the downfall of Slavery, for they apply 
equally to those evils which arise from any kind of aristocratic 
institutions, from class and race legislation, from privileged pre- 
rogatives and monopolizing advantages, whose sinister consequences 
have of late been sorely felt by the entire nation. 

How (jrorqe Washington looked at Slavery, his words, in a letter 
addressed to Robert Morris on April 12, 1781, plainly show: 

"I can only say that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely 
than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it." Again, in a letter of 

344 The J l nion Cause in St. Louis in;/. 

September !tth. 17S0, he states: 'It being among my first wishes to see 
some plan adopted by which Slavery in this country may be abolished by law.' 

Thomas Jefferson was even more emphatic in his notes on Vir- 
ginia, when he wrote : 

"With what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting 
one-half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transform 
those into despots and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one 
part and the amor patriae of the other; for if a Slave can have a country in 
this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born 
to live and labor for another." 

In a letter of August 7, 1785, Jefferson wrote to Dr. Price, relat- 
ing to emancipation in Virginia: 

"This is the next State to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting 
spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression." At another place 
he writes: "We must wait with patience the workings of an overruling Provi- 
dence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these our brethren. 
When the measure of their tears shall be full, when their groans shall have 
involved heaven itself in darkness, doubtless a God of justice will awaken 
to their distress. Nothing is more certainly written in the Book of Fate, than 
that this people shall be free." 

James Madison, the father of the Constitution, thought it wrong to admit 
in the Constitution the "idea that there could be property in men." He 
states in the Federalist that it is "the fundamental principle of the Revolution 
to rest all our political experiments on the capacity of mankind for self- 
government," and states at another place, "Where Slavery exists, the Repub- 
lican theory becomes still more fallacious." 

Henry Clay declared in the United States Senate, in 1850: "So long as God 
allows the vital current to flow through my veins, I would never, never, never, 
by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in admitting one rood of free territory 
to the everlasting curse of human 'bondage." 

John Randolph, of Roanoke, states in his will: "I give to my Slaves their 
freedom, to which my conscience tells me they are justly entitled. It has a 
long time been a matter of the deepest regret to me, that the circumstances 
under which I inherited them, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the 
law of the land, have prevented my emancipating them in my lifetime, which 
is my full intention to do in case I can accomplish it." 

The words of these sages of our nation passed unheeded, and these 
patriots went to their graves before their warning prophecies be- 
came verified by the greatest civil war ever suffered by any nation. 
Time has effaced the sacriliccs and animosities of the war, and made 
our whole people again a nation of brothers; and the spirit of the 

Conclusion. 345 

age and the dire lessons of the past admit the just expectation that 
our free institutions -will not again be jeopardized by the introduc- 
tion of new organic faults, nor by the toleration of unjust relations, 
made recently possible by a most wonderful material development 
that has far outstripped the necessary safeguards of organic and 
legal institutions. A political system, based upon the rule of 
majorities, conditions the enlightenment of the masses or the suffer- 
ing of the Community. Nothing will assist more to attain the object 
in view than a thorough study of History, teaching the rational and 
ethical obligations of man to man, and the truth that virtue alone 
is not the foundation of republics, but virtue combined with intelli- 
gence. Thus we Avill find that our private and public duties grow 
with our capacity While the trials of the future will not come in the 
same garb, they will come nevertheless. The authorities, doctrines 
and experiences of the past must evolve the correct actions of the 
future. The more complicated our private and public life becomes, 
the more difficult will be the task to meet its obligations, but also the 
greater will be the enjoyment and reward of a healthy and successful 

As for the past, it must be borne in mind that most of the people of 
St. Louis came from the Southern States. Still there were among 
the native American population of St. Louis a number of able un- 
conditional Union men; but the great majority were either Seces- 
sionists or conditional Union men and outspoken Southern sym- 
pathizers, good many taking that direction in consequence of their 
previous political party affiliation and antagonism to the Repub- 
licans. Eight-tenths at least of the unconditional Union men in St. 
Louis were foreign-born citizens and their offspring most of them 
Germans. Politically, nearly all of these may be classed as Radicals, 
who favored energetic measures, indorsed Fremont's proclamation of 
emancipating the slaves of Secessionists and sorely criticized its 
partial repeal by President Lincoln, as well as the slow progress of 
military affairs. 

It cannot be denied that in the beginning there was great deal of 
animosity between the parties to the contest, and that this was most 
evident in the men who did not verify their conviction by taking 
up arms on either side. National pride kept people planishly segre- 
gated from getting acquainted with each others good qualities. 
Looking backward now, over a period of more than forty-eight 

34:6 Thr J'nion (Hiise in St. Louis in lstil 

years, the eminent character of St. Louis men who went into both 
armies must be patent to the most casual observer, since, from the 
men actually engaged in the contest of 1861 in St. Louis, there 
emanated several Vice-Presidential candidates, United States Sena- 
tors. Members of Congress, Governors, Legislators. Civil Engineers, 
Teachers, Public Officers, influential Bankers, great Merchants and 
Lawyers, Captains of industry who stand at the head of establish- 
ments controlling thousands of men and millions in property. 

Enlarged views are mostly the sequel of generous sentiments, for 
spite and hatred have no room in a noble heart. A telling illustra- 
tion of this was the action of Union men during the contest upon 
the ''Drake Constitution," a document disfranchising all Southern 
sympathizers and subjecting voters and candidates to a humiliating 
test oath. This measure was energetically opposed by St. Louis Re- 
publicans, who had been in active service and who issued a call to the 
citizens to defeat the Drake Constitution by their vote. A Commit- 
tee was selected of men active in the organization for the Union 
Military service in 1861; circulars were issued to all the Union 
people in the State, speakers sent out and delegates dispatched to 
Federal Missouri Regiments in the field, to bring home their vote, 
adverse to the proscriptive Constitution , for at that time the law 
enabled Missouri Volunteers to cast their votes even while on mili- 
tarv duty in other States. St. Louis City and County cast good 
majorities against the proscriptive Constitution. The result showed 
a close vote, and it was generally believed that the Drake Constitu- 
tion was counted in, and not voted in. Although St. Louisians were 
the first to rise for the Union cause, they were also the first to offer 
a brotherly hand of conciliation to their opponents in arms. 

The generation of the men of 1861 is fast disappearing ; the les- 
sons of tradition from father to son will soon be mute. May this 
sketch, gathered from the writings of cotemporaries, from the actual 
experience of comrades, from public documents and from the 
author's recollection, continue to convey the events of a patriotic 
exertion and animate the men of the present generation to do their 
duty by solving the difficult social and political questions before 
them, so that this great American Union may truly fulfill its 
destiny, and remain the refuge of the oppressed, the home of the 
free, and the brightest constellation among all civilized nations. 



In presenting the names of men who in the spring of 1861 took 
up arms for the Union in St. Louis, and formed five Volunteer and 
five Reserve Regiments, a permanent keepsake is intended for their 

The action of the Union people of that period are worthy to be 
perpetuated beyond the mention of a few prominent men who rose 
upon the wave of a great popular upheaval. It is in the nature of 
important events that they are effected by great masses. The rising 
of 10.000 St. Louis loyalists is one of the most striking demonstra- 
tions of popular power, based on correct principles and wielded with 
the momentum of a systematic organization. No doubt it will be a 
matter of great interest to the many thousand descendants to find 
the names of their ancestors enrolled in the different Regiments and 
Companies of that period. 

Official records, on account of their very size and location, are 
beyond the reach of most men, and, even under very restricted use, 
are fast going to pieces. A concise summary of names, based on 
the best official evidence that could be obtained, will, to a large ex- 
tent, obviate this difficulty: but. with all due diligence, no claim can 
be laid to entire correctness. Missouri had no proper State officers 
when the important events of 1801 took place. Hostile armies 
traversed the State in every direction, and little heed was paid to 
recording while the fire burned on the nails. A fruitful source of 
error lay in the misspelling of names, in the very great number of 
transfers from one Company or Regiment to another, and in the 
repeated occurrence of two sets of Company letters, as "Company 
A*' and "Company A Rifles."' or "B and B Rifles," which, in case of 
reference to these lists, should both be consulted Some of these 
double-lettered Companies had to be thrown together in these lists, 
as it was not practicable to separate them. 

The enlistments of the three months' service, exceeding 10,000 
men. may be classified as to nationality: 

German and of German parentage 80 percent. 

American. 12 percent. 

French, Irish, Bohemian and others. 8 percent. 


Mot) The Union Cause in Xt. Louis in lsdi 

This exhibit verifies the statements made by the writer in the 
preceding sketch, whose aim was to give conditions, relations and 
events as they actually existed. 

While the officers in every organization appear more prominent, 
justice prompts the statement that equal patriotic devotion animated 
all members of these Regiments, and many of the most energetic 
organizers declined to accept any office; in fact, the men of these 
Regiments were mostly of one cast, and many stood in the ranks 
who were qualified to take command. The Companies elected their 
officers, the latter the Field officers, and the Commander of the 
Regiment designated his staff. 

The original muster-in rolls were not within reach of this compila- 


Companies A, B and C, called the Turner Battalion, were the 
first to enter the United States Arsenal, April 21, 1861. The Regi- 
ment was completed by the 27th of April and elected Francis P 
Blair Colonel. It took part in the capture of Camp Jackson, and the 
ten Infantry Companies in the engagement of Boonville, some 
minor skirmishes and the battle of Wilson's Creek. It was reor- 
ganized June 10 of same year for the three years' Infantry service 
and again reorganized September 1 as an Artillery Regiment. 

The lists available for this compilation gave the names of mem- 
bers of this Regiment for the end of August, including those who 
had joined the ten Infantry Companies after June 10, but neither 
the dead, transferred or those three months' men who did not re- 
enlist in this same Regiment. The names of the last, as far as they 
could be ascertained, are therefore reported on the subsequent 
separate list, commencing page 364. 

The two Rifle Companies went on detached service to Southeast 
Missouri, and those not transferred to other Companies were honor- 
ably discharged at the St. Louis Arsenal on July 31 and August 2, 
1861. Most of these also re-enlisted in other Regiments. In fact, 
during this whole period discharges, transfers and re-enlistments 
were often irregular, causing later on much difficulty in establish- 
ing correct records. To these irregularities omissions of some 
names in the lists are due. 

Counting all members of the First Volunteers as originally con- 
stituted, it held 48 per cent Germans or German descendants, 44 
per cent Americans and 8 per cent Irishmen. The list contains 
1,217 names. 

For names of men, who did not re-enlist in the First Regiment 
Three Years' service, see Complement List, page 364. 



Frank P. Blair, Colonel Edward Feahan, Asst. Surgeon 

George L. Andrews, Lt. Colonel Wm. A. Pile, Chaplain 

John M. Schofleld, Major Phil. F. Jenks, Com. Sergeant. 

Henry Hescock, Adjutant . Thos. Mitchel, Quartermaster 

Herbert M. Draper, Quartermaster Peter R. Tendick, Sergeant-Major 

Florence Cornyn, Surgeon B. F. Gempp, Sergeant-Major. 
Wm. Simon, Asst. Surgeon 



Blum, Hy. 
Bogle, Andrew 
Boleska, Wm. 

The Union Cause in St, Louis in 1861. 
Band and Vnassigned. 

Byd, Wm. 
Hocker, Franz 
Hubert, Otto 

Wittig, Charles 

Katte, Rudolph 
Klueber, Franz 
Lustkandle, John 


Rufus Saxton, Captain 
Wm. A. Gordon, 1st Lieutenant 
Ernst W Decker, 2d Lieutenant 
John E. Winter, 1st Sergeant 
Roland T. Rombauer, Sergeant 
Fred Schmitgen, Sergeant 
Fred Wehe, Sergeant 
Emil Knoll, Sergeant 

Charles F Schneider, Sergeant 
Henry Hammel, Corporal 
John Kassing, Corporal 
Jacob Kohlhauf, Corporal 
Louis Werz, Corporal 
Adolph Schuster, Corporal 
Ch. Reinhard Richter, Corporal 
Christ Wigsch (Nigsch) Wagoner 

Bamberger, John 
Barchler, Jacob 
Barth, August 
Barth, John Leonard 
Betz, Charles 
Blair, Jonn 
Bleichner, John 
Blum, Robert 
Bodner, John 
Bornemann, Conrad 
Bruner, Joseph 
Ebscher, Charles 
Ehrlich, Edward 
Emanuel, Alex. 
Fischer, Fred 
Fuchs, Charles 
Geiser, Anton 
Gellichsheimer, Geo. 
,Gering, Henry 
Greiner, August Adolph 
Guth, John 
Hageman, Hy. 
Heddinghaus, Stephen 
Heitmueller, Wm. 
Hunker, Louis 
Jost, Louis 


Kleinschmidt, Otto A. 
Kloepner, Hy 
Knoll, Louis 
Koenig, Reinhold 
Kohrt, Karl 
Korrell, Fred 
Kuhlmey, Edward 
Kuhrt, John 
Mangold, Fred 
Milentz, Gustav 
Mueller, Michael 
Muhm, Peter 
Neuman, Charles 
Numan, Jacob 
Numan, John 
Paul, Jacob 
Paul, Louis 
Pesch, Joseph Louis 
Poll, John 
Rahaus, Christian 
Rauschenplat, Emil 
Renz, Jacob 
Renz, Adam 
Renz, John 
Reuter, Sylvester 

Riedy, John D. 
Rosenbusch, Paul 
Rothfuss, Fritz 
Rothfuss, John 
Ruff, Bernard 
Schindelman, Geo. 
Schmidt, Fred 
Schmidt, Gottfried 
Schnauffer, Fred 
Schuster, Hugo 
Schoening, Fred 
Schurei, Fred 
Stock, Charles 
Stockli, Joseph 
Strandler, John 
Thomas, Adam 
Toussaint, Fred 
Unverzagt, Hy. 
Wagenbrett, Traugott 
Wagerley, Wm. 
Weiss, Engelbert 
Welker, Henry 
Wetzer, Fred 
Woermer, Jos. 
Zepp, Louis 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



M. L. Lothrop, Captain 
Thomas D. Maurice, Captain 
Benjamin Tannrath, 1st Lieutenant 
John L. Mathaei, 2d Lieutenant 
Charles Epenreiter, 1st Sergeant 
Henry Meyer, Sergeant 
Fred Rink, Sergeant 
Charles Manser, Sergeant 
George Mennel, Corporal 

Jacob Deschemeier, Corporal 
George Paul, Corporal 
Leonard Stuckert, Corporal 
Jacob Gruen, Corporal 
John Bsweint, Corporal 
Charles Krueger, Corporal 
Louis Nast, Corporal 
Fred Schoen, Musician 
John Stock, Musician 

Hy. Voigt, Wagoner 

Ambs, Jacob 
Barnhard, John 
Basse, Phillip 
Bessmer, Hy. 
Bockenberg, Charles 
Brown, Wm, F. 
Bruening, Hy. 
Colbert, John 
Collmeyer, Hy 
Dehaas, Casper 
Dehaas, Fred 
Dietrich, Joseph 
Eschle, John 
Evers, Julius 
Fey, Henry 
Frenger, Jacob 
Frotscher, Louis 
Gaertner, Andrew 
Gieselman, John 
Gessman, Ch. 
Gevers, August 
Hartman, Anton 
Heim, George 
Heinz, John 
Heinzelmann, Rudolph 
Herman, Louis 
Hild, Adam 


Hild, George 
Hoelzle, Louis 
Hoffman, Chas. 
Hoffman, Wm. 
Hollman, Wm. 
Husman, Henry 
Juenger, Wm. 
Kaufman, Conrad 
Kiefer, Louis 
Kirchner, Jacob 
Kollachny, Joseph 
Leimkiehler, Fred 
Leng, Wm. 
Linden, Robert 
Loeffler, Philip 
Loesch, Philip 
Martin, Wm. 
Meinhold, Wm. 
Meissmann, Chas. 
Meltzow, August 
Merritt, Anton 
Mersch, Hy. 
Mersch, John 
Meyer, Gerhard 
Moritz, Gustav 
Naumann, John 
Neumeyer, Louis 

Oberl, Joseph 
Obrecht, Michel 
Papendick, Richard 
Pfau, Jacob 
Pfeiferling, John 
Pregitzer, John 
Rauch, John 
Roth, Theodore 
Sanders, Adam 
Sautter, Fred 
Schleif, Ch. 
Schneider, Geo. 
Schulte, Hy. 
Stuthalter, Jos. 
Thomas, Hy. 
Tyller, Jos. 
Vanluer, Theo. 
Vohl, Geo. 
Vohl, Louis 
Warneke, Louis 
Weber, Frank 
Welker, Chas. 
Wiese, Jos. 
Wilde, Chas. 
Wolf, Anton 
Zieres, Geo. 
Zwiesler, John Th. 



Tht U 



unc III 

St. Lout 



G. Harry Stone, Captain 
Gustavus A. Finkelnburg, 1st Lieut. 
John H. Tiemeyer, 2d Lieutenant 
Gustave Schuler, 1st Sergeant 
Peter Bischoff, Sergeant 
Phillip Fries, Sergeant 
Frank White, Sergeant 
Wm. Lindenschmidt, Sergeant 
John E. Stolze, or Holze, Corporal 
Alfred Clausen, Corporal 

Wm. H. Hess, Corporal 
( Abraham Frankenstein, Corporal 
| Andrew Franklin, Corporal 

Frank X. Weiss, Corporal 

Gustave Vollmer, Corporal 

Henry Mueller, Corporal 

John Sickinger, Corporal 

Jacob Voght, Corporal 

John Kraehe, Musician 

August Schmidt, Wagoner 

Anthes, Christian 
Bader, Jacob 
Bauer, John 
Baumann, Leonhard 
Bickel, John 
Biegel, Louis 
Dehnert, Adolph 
Bothe, Fred 
Dellit, Charles 
Dvoraczyk, Frank 
Euler, Ludwig 
Flammger, Fred 
Fritz, Frank 
Geyler, Andrew 
Gossman, Hy 
Gutting, John 
Hage, Bernhard 
Hauer, Lorenz 
Heidenrich, Robert 
Heil, John 
Heinz, Nicolas 
Heinemann, Wm. 
Herchenbach, Geo. 
Herkert, Fred 
Herb, John 
Herold, Adam 

Pri votes. 

Hlawacek, Wendelin 
Hittwen, Charles 
Hoehn, Peter 
Jentsch, John 
Kalinowsky, Joseph 
Kaltmeyer, Christ 
Kaenther, Chas. 
Klauss, George 
Klemme, Fred 
Knueppel, Wm. 
Koenig, Christian 
Koenig, Fred 
Kraemer, Chas. 
Kreyling, Conrad 
Lauter, Wm. 
Loeffler, Joseph 
Lohner, Chas. 
McBurney, Wm. 
Mack, Fred 
Mahler, John 
Mahr, Frank 
Medart, Fred 
Milbach, Geo. P. 
Mohr, Ludwig 
Mehl, Thuisko 
Mueller, Ulrich 

Payrleitner, Geo. 

Reiling, John 

Rhein, Henry 

Roehl, Theo. 

Roemer, Edward 

Ronnigke, Edward 

Rosenthal, Moses 

Sallman, Sigmund 

Scharr, Jacob 

Schulze, Ferdinand 

Schumacher, John 

Schwenger, Hy. 

Schwinn, Charles 

Sparks, Wm. 

Staneky, Lucas 

Storks, John 

Stucke, Hy. 
Voigt, John 
Wawrzinowsky, Hy 
Weber, Hy W 
Weyh, Wm. 
Wiedrian, G. Fred 
Wiegenstein, Anton 
Wittig, Charles 
Wittig, Maximilian 
Wolf, Jacob 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Charles W Anderson, Captain 
Henry Richardson, Captain 
Stillman O. Fish, 1st Lieutenant 
Fulton H. Johnson, 2d Lieutenant 
M. Win. DuTour, 1st Sergeant 
John S. Anderson, Sergeant 
Frank Schaefer, Sergeant 
Daniel Boelling, Sergeant 
Wm. G. Fletcher, Sergeant 
Thos. H. Oliver, Sergeant 


Wm. Stuart, Corporal 
Chas. T. Wendler, Corporal 
Norman W Carr, Corporal 
Edward Walker, Corporal 
Jas. Crawley, Corporal 
Chas. Stuelzmann, Corporal. 
T. Percival Jones, Corporal 
Sam J. Clark, Corporal 
John H. Grace, Wagoner 
Wm. Creutzman, Musician 
Smith, Corporal 

Boxer, Marcus 
Brown, Louis 
Bruce, Lawrence 
Cameron, Chas. 
Corby, Henry 
Creamer, Hy. 
Crome, Chas. W 
Cronenberg, August 
Dixon, John O. 
Donahue, Michael 
Doyle, James 
Doyle, Thomas H. 
Eckert, John 
Finnerty, James 
Flynn, Patrick 
Godfrey, Jas. D. 
Good, John 
Goody, Geo. 
Goodall, Jas. S. 
Haas, Anthony 
Hackenrath, Albert 
Hacker, Geo. 
Hartford, Patrick 
Haunschild, Gottlieb 


Hausburg, Jos. 
Hoehn, Ernst A. 
Hashagen, Klaas 
Kenner, Valentin 
Kent, Hamilton 
Kirkland, G. Wtn. D. 
Kromer, John 
Layfeld, Wm. 
Leffingwell, Louis 
Letz, Sam. 
Lynch, Patrick 
McGuire, Michael 
Meisman, Ernst 
Meister, Jos. P. 
Morgan, Paul L. 
Murphy. John 
Murray, Robert 
Nelson, Fred 
Nolan, John 
O'Donnell, Frank 
O'Donnell, Hugh 
Powers, Patrick 
Powers, Thomas 
Pretz, Nicholaus 

Price, Michael 
Rachor, Jacob 
Reidner, Christopher 
Reidner, Ferdinand 
Reipschneider, Jos. 
Reisz, Franz 
Rider, Jas. 
Reischmann, Peter 
Schaerer, John R. 
Schultz, Louis H. 
Schoenefeldt, H, A. 
Schaefer, Louis 
Setz, Samuel 
Shephard, Jasper 
Smithy, John 
Spooner, Wm. H. 
Stander, John 
Thompson, Geo. W 
Walker, Jacob 
Watson, John 
Wilson, Hy. 
Wilson, Jos. 
Wilson, Robert 
Young, John 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


Nelson Cole, Captain 
Joseph Foust, 1st Lieutenant 
Jas. G. W. McMurray, 2d Lieutenant 
John L. Walker, 1st Sergeant 
Edward J. Rice, Sergeant 
Chas. H. Wallace, Sergeant 
Hy. B. Warren, Sergeant 
Edward S. Rowland, Sergeant 
Ben. W. Morrison, Corporal 
Robert R. Clarkson, Corporal 

John A. Duwall, Corporal 
John Fitzgerald, Corporal 
Phillip Lynch, Corporal 
Abram S. Hoagland, Corporal 
John Fanning, Corporal 
Joseph Simmons, Corporal 
Geo. W. Marshall, Corporal 
Thomas Gay, Wagoner 
Arthur Roth, Musician 
John F. Dean, Musician 

Archers, Perry 
Atkins, John 
Austin, Wm. 
Bascomb, John 
Bennett, Jas. 
Blanchard, Ferd. 
Carlin, Arthur 
Carlton, Geo. E. 
Cardinal, Peter 
Carney, Edward 
Carrier, Octave 
Carroll, John 
Childers, John 
Cline, Fred 
Collins, John 
Cronk, Wm. L. 
Degough, Thos. L. 
Derosen, Jas. 
Demorest, Cornel 
Dipley, Andrew 
Drake, Thomas 
Drennan, N. 
Dwyer, Jeremiah 
Earl, Jas. 
Farren, Jas. 


Finnegan, Barnes 

Fuller, Wm. 

Garrett, Hugh 

Gaskill, John 

Gibson, Albert 

Heaton, Wm. A. 

Henebury, John 

Holden, Wm. 

Jones, Edw P. 

Keenan, Hugh 

Kelter, Peter 
Kile, Milton 

Lary, Jeremiah 

Lefevre, Edw. 
Liberty, B. W. 
Lynch, Phil. 
McBride, John 
McCabe, Patrick 
McCarthy, John 
McChesney, Jas. 
McKnight, Hiram 
Miller, Daniel 
Miller, John 
Miller, Jos. 

Moriarty, Michael 
Olcott, Newton 
Patterson, Jas. 
Patterson, John 
Pierson, Wm. H. 
Purdy, Geo. 
Quinlin, John 
Ramsey, John 
Rice, Mansfield 
Rodgers, Sam 
Rowland, Richard 
Scherer, Andrew 
Seaman, Barney 
Seymour, Jos. 
Sheridan, Thos. 
Sheehan, John 
Sniilia, Phillip 
Templer, Fred 
Tunget, John 
Wells, Wm. H. 
Wilkinson, John D. 
Windley, Jas. 
Worth, John 
Wright, Horace 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Carry Gratz, Captain 
Walter C. Gantt, Captain 
Wm. S. Stewart, 1st Lieutenant 
F. A. Howard, 1st Lieutenant 
John D. Baldwin, 2d Lieutenant 
George F. Meyers, 2d Lieutenant 
Chas. F. Talcott, 1st Sergeant 
Thos. Mitchell, 1st Sergeant 
Jas. E. Cromwell, Sergeant 
Thos. R. Cross, Sergeant 
Albert Herkenrath, Sergeant 

Albert S. Reigor, Sergeant 
Wm. K. Smith, Sergeant 
Ed. H. Stoddart, Corporal 
John Stein, Corporal 
Thos. McMeans, Corporal 
Geo. W. Bailey, Corporal 
Edw. Burk, Corporal 
Louis Dorman, Corporal 
Wm. Harper, Corporal 
Alex. Russell, Corporal 
Thos. F. Rumble, Musician 

Hugh Roberts, Musician 

Alt, Conrad 
Baltzer, Wm. 
Bates, Alonzo 
Belden, Hy 
Bollinger, Wm. 
Brinckmann, Barney 
Buckman, Delworth 
Burchard, John R. 
Burton, Frank 
Calahan, Michael 

Castle, Asker 
Chesholm, Jas. 
Clifford, Jerry 
Clifford, Frank 
Clifford, Jonn 
Coffman, Eugene C. 
Conroy, Michael 
Coughlin, Dan 
Cunningham, Patrick 
Deal, John 
Decker, John 


Donnelly, Wm. B. 
Elworthy, Wm. 
Flohra, Fred 
Garrothy, Thos. 
Gleason, Patrick 
Griffin, T. M. 
Gully, Sebastian 
Hacking, Jas. 
Hogan, Michael 
Jenkins, Geo. 
Johann, F. A. 
Johnson, Jas. 
Lafllle, Wm. 
Lillman, Aug. 
Lilly, Geo. 
Lindsay, Gilbert 
McNulty, W T m. 
Muehlheim, Nic. 
Miller, Geo. 
Morris, Wm. 
Nagle, John 

Nealy, Chas. F. 
Nicks, M. L. 
O'Brien, John H. 
O'Kabe, Otto 
Reed, Robert 
Ritchie, Jas. 
Roche, Patrick 
Robinson, Wm. C. L. 
Shea, Dennis 
Sheppard, Geo. E. 
Schields, Patrick 
Schilling, Jacob 
Simpkins, Wm. H. 
Smith, George 
Spore, Jacob 
Stafford, Stephen 
Steigers, Hy. 
Till, John 
Wallace, John 
Weidner, Aug. 
Williams, Reese 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 


John S. Ca vender, Captain 
Fred Welcker, 1st Lieutenant 
Chas. L. Sheldon, 2d Lieutenant 
Louis Beckman, 1st Sergeant 
Edward Huther, Sergeant 
Christ Conrad, Sergeant 
Philibert Melenant, Sergeant 
Bernhard Simner, Sergeant 

John Sailfard, Corporal 
Cornelius Maher, Corporal 
Thomas Powell, Corporal 
Wm. H. Rogers, Corporal 
Ed. S. Chapman, Corporal 
August Funk, Corporal 
Silas Howard, Corporal 
Etienne Hug, Corporal 

Emil Rathplatz, Musician 


Aizaire, John 
Ansermoy, Francois 
Beller, John 
Beneker, Hy. 
Bernays, Hy 
Bernard, Andrew 
Bertsch, Francois 
Boenig, Hy. 
Bonamie, Jno. 
Bowman, John 
Bronn, Anton 
Bronn, Daniel 
Beumer, Robert 
Benner, Max 
Cairn, John 
Delvenne, Gottfried 
Dennis, Peter 
Ehrig, Geo. 
Fink, Wm. 
Follet, Jos. L. 
Froment, Nicolas 
Galmiche, Francois 
Geiser, Louis 

Goerig, Severin 
Grubert, Peter 
Horn, Chas. 
Horn, Herman 
Hubert, Randolph 
Jacob, Jacques 
Jalageas, Philibert 
Keegan, James 
Kropf, Christian 
Lande, Hy. 
Laurentz, Andrew 
Mayol, Fred 
Meier, John 
Mesnier, Gaston 
Meumer, Joseph 
Monta, Charles 
Mueller, John Jos. 
Nazari, Jacques 
Neumann, John 
Peterson, Peter 
Robert, John A. 
Romanof, Emile 
Rosis, Emile 

Roth, Conrad 
Schaeffer, Fred 
Schaeffer, Henry 
Selzen, Christian 
Siess, Ignace 
Shenan, Chas. 
Stuefhacker, Fridolin 
Streit, SVm. 
Striely, Ulrich 
Tebbens, Geo. 
Tesson, Germain 
Trautman, Hy. 
VanNugen, John 
Wack, Anthony 
Walch, Daniel 
Walker, John E. 
Warner, Chas. 
Weber, August 
Weltz, Sebastian 
Whitman, Cnas. 
Whitman, Fred 
Whiske, Edward 
Zay, Franzose 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Theodore Yates, Captain 

James D. Stein, Corporal 

Francis H. Manter, 1st Lieutenant Richard Mollencott, Corporal 

Thomas Haynes, 2d Lieutenant 
Harvey Hogan, 1st Sergeant 
Wm. Drudy, Sergeant 
Chas. M. Duffy, Sergeant 
Frank Gorman, Sergeant 
Wm. R. Donaldson, Corporal 

T. Jeff'n Edwards, Corporal 
John H. Connant, Corporal 
Wm. A. Murrell, Corporal 
Frank Stolz, Corporal 
Augustus W. Colton, Corporal 
Jesse D. Townsend, Wagoner 

Wm. Schebe, Musician 

Allen, Thomas 
Augusta, Wm. 
Baldwin, Elijah D. 
Blyholden, John B. 
Brennan, Thomas 
Brinton, Wm. L. 
Brost, Geo. W. 
Brown, Geo. W. 
Brueggemann, Louis 
Burns, Thomas 
Caldwell, Andrew J. 
Centner, Geo. 
Conlin, Patrick 
Coolidge, Marcus M. 

( Darelan, John 

( Davalar, John 
Davis, Hy. 
Dobyns, David H. 
Earl, Geo. 
Earl, Wm. 
Early, James 
Echo, Bernard 
Edwards, Francis 
~f Enders, Mathias H. 

I Engel, Mathias H. 
Faer, Christian 


Fish, John 
Foubert, Edward 
Gable, Louis 
Giebler, Louis 

\ Gronert, Jno. M. 

( Grouart, Jno. M. 
Gudell, Herman il 
Harris, Geo. O. 
Hartman, Richard 
Hill, Robert 
Hughes, Richard 
Kemper, Bernard 
Kepphard, Wm. 
Lack, Wm. F. 
Lock, Wm. 
McFarland, Jno. D. 
McGlennon, Hugh 
McGlone, Francis 
Miller, Jno. 
Neun, August 
Oaks, George 
O'Kelly, Chas. D. 
Pamy, Hy. 
Pelche, Jno. 
Peters, Cnas. 
Peters, John 

Pownzer, Fritz 
Rader, Chas. 
Rheder, Hy. 
Rickmann, Wm. W- 
Rowe, Richard W. 
Rupp, Conrad 
Saler, Robert 
Schlegle, Alexander 
Schwanacher, Chas. 
Schwartz, Christian 
Seal, Joseph 
Shell, Phillip 
Stolle, August 
Sullivan, Timothy 
Tanner, Chas. K. 
Walker, James 
Welpley, Jas. 
Weimer, Fred. 
Wheatly, John 
Wheatly, Wm. D. 
Wick, Robt. 
Wielhaupt, Hy. A. 
Wolf, Frank 
Woods, Andrew 
Woodward, Chas. H. 
Yost, Christian 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 

Madison Miller, Captain 
David Murphy, 1st Lieutenant 
Jas. Mar, 2d Lieutenant 
Edward Reily, 1st Sergeant 
Daniel Leary, Sergeant 
Frank Killian, Sergeant 
Charles Borberg, Sergeant 
Hinton Breman, Sergeant 
Wm. H. Cooper, Corporal 



Morris Fitzgerald, Corporal 
Chas. Pretaboire, Corporal 
Edward L. Donnelly, Corporal 
Chas. Wandel, Corporal 
Robert C. Foster, Corporal 
Joseph Scott, Corporal 
Charles Fendel, Corporal 
Martin Toeppe, Wagoner 
Jas. Robins, Musician 
Ferguson, Musician 

Arms, Hy. S. 
Atkins, Ben 
Ball, Hy 

Baumgartner, Jacob 
Bloom, Hy 
Bryant, Wm. 
Canning, Daniel 
Casey, Wm. F 
Conley, Wm. 
Crone, Robert 
Dapron, Adolph 
Davis, Jas. F. 
Dieman, Fritz 
Dilge, Nicolaus 
Dobin, Baptiste 
Dohrman, Christian 
Donahue, John 
Donahue, Michael 
Fox, John 
Fidler, Jas. M. 
Gahn, John G. 
Gallagher, John 
Ganert, Conrad 
Grand, Francis 
Grow, Rudolph 
Hankes, Frank 
Harper, George 


Henesey, John 
Herman, Lorenz 
Hughes, John M. 
Hurd, Thomas 
Ifinger, Hy. 
Kearny, Martin 
Koeln, Adam 
Kroeger, Christian 
Lindsay, Robt. L. 
Lyon, Nelson J. 
McCormack, Peter 
McGarvey, John 
McGarvey, Michael 
McGuire, John 
McKinnon, Archie 
McSloy, Mathew 
McSpirit, Terence 
Maher, Patrick 
Mahler, Aug. 
Marshall, Jas. 
Massner, Fred 
Mathias, Nicolas 
Meier, Christian 
Mertz, Xavier 
Miller, John 
Miller, Wm. H. 
Owens, Edward 

O'Laughlin, John 
Parish, Chas. G. 
Pesold, Nicolaus 
Pretaboire, Eli 
Priester, John 
Regner, John M. 
Renkle, Jacob 
Ryan, John 
Schall, John D. 
Schmidt, Jos. 
Schubert, Wenzel 
Smith, James 
Smith, John 
Spiedel, Aug. 
Springer, Hy. 
Stiegelmeyer, Fred 
Stoner, Peter 
Tochtermann, Chas. 
Vorlage, Herman 
Watson, John W- 
Weber, John 
Wolf, John 
Wuerpel, Morris 
Yaeger, Chas. 
Zeppenfeld, Robt. 
Zimmerman, Reinhard 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Patrick E. Burke, Captain 
Alonzo W. Webber, 1st Lieutenant 
Robert C. Slow, 1st Lieutenant 
Edward Madison, 2d Lieutenant 
Andrew M. Brown, 2d Lieutenant 
Andrew Hochstadler, 1st Sergeant 
Chas. M. Callahan, Sergeant 
Ezra S. Dodd, Sergeant 
Geo. Dickinson, Sergeant 

Wm. J. Erlanger, Sergeant 
Geo. E. Martin, Corporal 
Bernard Rodgers, Corporal 
Richard Kane, Corporal 
Arthur Suddath, Corporal 
Thomas Morgan, Corporal 
Chas. Seiler, Corporal 
Thos. J. Fitzgerald, Corporal 
Benjamin Joel, Corporal 

Adams, Louis 
Bower, Adam 
Boyd, George 
Boyd, William 
Brash, Nicolas 
Brown, John 
Carey, Peter 
Clark, Leopold 
Coleman, Fred 
Coleman, Hy. 
Conroy, John 
Cota, Peter 
Crisp, Arthur 
Dailey, Dennis 
Dicks, Wm. F. 
Dodson, Jas. 
Duff, Noel P. 
Ferris, Peter 
Filch, Conrad 
Flynn, Patrick 
Foley, John 
Fowler, Wm. 
Givens, John 
Guerin, Fitz Wm. 
Guerin, Francois 
Halscher, F, Aug. 
Hamilton, John 


Hawkins, Thos. 
Heaton, Wm. A. 
Heinzelman, John 
Hermans, Edmund 
Jones, Louis C. 
Kammerer, Oscar 
Kelly, Patrick 
King, John 
Lamkins, John 
Lynde, Herman 
McNichol, Duncan 
McQuillan, Chas. 
Maguire, Patrick 
Marlow, Enoch 
Matthieu, Jos. 
Matt, Leopold 
Michel, Louis 
Moritz, Fred W. 
Mullins, John 
Nolan, Thos. 
O'Brien, Dennis 
O'Connell, Jos. 
O'Gorman, Jos. 
O'Neil, Arthur 
Orleans, Aug. 
Overman, Chas. 
Park, Daniel 

Ransome, Francois 
Reilley, Edw. 
Reilley, Peter 
Ryan, John 
Sanders, Timothy 
Schaeffer, Charles 
Shadon, Robert 
Shanon, Wm. 
Sheehy, Wm. J. 
Sheen, Patrick 
Slough, Jacob 
Smith, George 
Stevens, Jno. 
Straat, John 
Sullivan, Mathias 
Sullivan, Michael 
Taylor, Marion 
Tillman, Aug. 
Towler, Jas. 
Vaeth, Ferdinand 
"Van Horn, Chas. A. 
Vintroviez, Alex. 
Virth, Josepn 
Vuerster, Louis 
Wenthe, Charles 
Wilmore, Ed. 
Zimmerman, Geo. 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


L. E. Koniuszeski, Captain 
L. F. Mason, 1st Lieutenant 
J. P. Hibler, 1st Lieutenant 
Wm. D. Bowen, 2d Lieutenant 
Geo. F. Meyers, 2d Lieutenant 
W. Fallenstein, Sergeant 
Fred Schoening, Corporal 

Geo. F. Glaser, Corporal 
Jas. B. How, Corporal 
Jas. A. Humphrey, Corporal 
Chas. B. Pulte, Corporal 
Chas. R. Richter, Corporal 
Engelbert Weiss, Corporal 
Anton Franzel, Musician 

Conrad Gieselmann, Musician 

Ahrensmann, Hy. 
Armstrong, Wm. E. 
Arnold, Florenz 
Babka, Chas. 
Backhaus, Conrad 
Barada, Austin 
Barth, Wendel 
Beck, John F. 
Beckmann, Bernard 
Beinke, Herman 
Bohrberg, Chas (Sergt.) 
Braschler, Jacob 
Brieglieb, Phil 
Buschgert, Peter 
Campbell, Frank 
Canning, Daniel 
Chess, Thos. R. (Sergt.) 
Clairmont, Louis 
Cleland, Wm. W. 

Cowperthwaith, J. W 
Crozet, Chas. 
Dam, John 

Damschroeder, Christ. 
Dapron, A'mable 
Dewane, Fred 
Dienstbier, John 
Dierkauf, John 
Dinninger, Michael 
Donnelly, Edm. S. 
Downer, Jas. W 
Duemler, Aug. 
Duemler, John G. 
Duemler, John H. 


Eickhoff, Frank 
Ellers, Phil. 
Ewig, Robt. 
Fischer, Francis 
Fischer, Louis G. 
Fletcher, Perry V. 
Frances, Felix Jos. 
Frances, James 
Gaertner, Ferd. 
Gates, Marvin 
Gerkin, Hy 
Gibler, Thomas 
Griffin, Boone 
Grimmler, John 
Haas, Andrew 
Hartmann, Wm. 
Hermann, Chas. 
Hermann, Frank 
Heihn, Jos. 
Hostetter, Christoph 
Hoyle, Mathew 
Hug, George 
Jacobet, Casper 
Kaiser, Ambrose 
Kasnitz, Herman 
Keil, Friedrich 
Kohlhauf, Jacob 
Korring, Hy. John 
Krause, Fred 
Kummer, Christ 
Kuhn, Jacob 
Lange, Hy 
Larsen, Peters 
Latournier, Louis 

Loeffler, Hermann 
Leisse, Fred 
Lindner, Wm. 
Lori, Chas. 
Maupin, John W 
Merz, Louis 
Meyer, Chas. G. 
Meyersick, Wm. 
Miller, Frank 
Miller, John 
Miller, Philip 
Mittendorf, Hy. 
Mueller, Ferd. 
Nagel, Wm. 
Nieb, Louis J. 
Nigsch, Christ. 
Obenhaus, Wm. 
Obenhauf, Herman 
Oesterle, Jos. 
Ottman, Jacob 
Ottman, John 
Pack, Jas. 
Pack, Anderson 
Piening, Fred 
Phinel, Alois 
Quinn, Anderson 
Roben, Ad. 
Roe, John 
Sautier, Alex. 
Sautier, Eugene 
Scheebaum, Hy. 
Scheebaum, John 
Schlacke, Edw. 
Schmidt, Chas. 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Schmidt, Jos. 
Schneider, Paul 
Schopp, Jos. 
Schorn, Herman 
Schreiner, Geo. 
Schultheis, Martin 
Simmermann, Reinh'rdt 
Smith, Orlando C. 
Spidel, Aug. 
Solf, Aug. 

Sonderman, Aug. 
Steffan, Hy. 
Stohlenberg, Nic. 
Sumkiller, John 
Swedensky, Martin 
Tendick, Peter 
Tochtermann, Christ 
Uhrig, Stephan 
Vitt, Alfred 
Volasti. Herman 

Voyard, Cnas. 
Weber, John 
Weimann, Geo. 
Wendell, Chas. 
Witger, Fred 
Wilke, Aug. 
Wondrauschek, Jos. 
Zimmermann, R. 
Zoleski, Jas. 


John McFall, Captain 

Frank Howard, Captain 

George F Meyers, 1st Lieutenant 

James W McMurray, 2d Lieutenant 

Andrew Dyon, 1st Sergeant 

John Hackmann, Sergeant 

Paul Merenskey, Sergeant 

Frederick Schnitzer, Sergeant 

Robert Evans, Sergeant 
Edward Boyce, Corporal 
Chas. Bieger, Corporal 
David Landrigan, Corporal 
Jas. M. McClenahan, Corporal 
Adam Trautman, Corporal 
Jos. T. Parker, Musician 
Richard Rapier, Musician 

Althoff, Fred 
Beckmann, Hy. 
Biermann, Herman 
Blume, Louis 
Bradly, F. H. 
Brell, Andrew 
Brown, Jas. T. 
Brown, Sylvester 
Chibnall, John 
Crimins, Thomas 
Dohn, Jacob 
Dundas, John 
Ebeling, Wm. 
Ellis, Isaac 
Enders, Mathias 
Fahse, Daniel 
Feustel, Louis 
Fiedler, Joseph 
Foster, John 
Gaehner, Fred 


Gilner, Aug. 
Glenn, Jas. 
Glenn, Patrick 
Graff, Geo. 
Harris, John 
Heifel, Jacob 
Heilmann, Geo. 
Herman, Wm. 
Hertzog, Julius 
Holden, H. W 
Horst, Hy. 
Hoyt, A. F. 
Huether, Geo. 
Justin, Nicolas 
Kelly, Patrick 
Kerksick, Hy. 
Kerksick, Herman 
Kerwin, Thomas 
Enable, Michael 
Kraft, Geo. 

Krausch, Christian 
Kruese, Hy. 
Lambert, Amos 
Leng, Wm. 
Lewis, Edmond 
Lewis, Geo. T. 
Long, Justin 
Long, Wm. 
McCullough, Wm. 
McHenry, John 
McHenry, Wm. 
Maulhardt, Aug. 
Maurer, Zacharias 
Mehl, Geo. 
Metz, Norbert 
Miller, Wm. H. 
Morekamp, Hy, 
Neville, Jos. 
Nicholson, Theophil 
Ott, Frederick 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 

Overmann, Ben 
Peters, Chas. 
Peters, Wm. 
Reagher, Chas. 
Regh, Fred 
Regh, George 
Rickers, Wm. H. 
Ring, Richard 
Risley, Sam H. 
Sachlebend, Hy. 
Sailor, Wm. J. 


Schaeffer, Arnold 
Schaeffer, Edward 
Scheller, Cnas. 
Schwidle, Wm. 
Seiglemann, Hy 
Sickmann, Fred 
Streckebein, John 
Targee, John 
Utt, L. H. 
Vienup, Chas. 

Voght, Wm. 
Vollmar, Frank 
Wallis, Wm. 
Weber, Charles 
Wegh, Lewis 
Weigner, Jonn W. 
Weissmeyer, John W. 
Welker, Chas. (No. 2) 
Wieda, Hy 
Wittmeyer, Aug. 


who enlisted under President Lincoln's call for 75,000 men in April, 
18.61, but did not wish to continue in. their original Regiment for 
the Three Years' Service, on account of the manner of reorganiza- 

The Muster-In Rolls of the Three Months' Regiments could not 
be secured, and these members were not accounted for on the later 
Muster Rolls accessible to this compilation, but, having faithfully 
filled the obligations of service for which they volunteered and hav- 
ing been among the first to take up arms for their country, their 
names are deservedly reported on this list. Being transferred to 
different Companies, their original Company letter could not be 
noted and their names are given collectively. Most of them re- 
turned to the Arsenal with the Detachment of Lieutenant Colonel 
C. D. Wolff, who left Springfield July 24, arrived in St. Louis 
August 2, where the men were honorably discharged and most of 
them joined the service for three years in different Regiments. 

After the expiration of their term of office, some left without 
securing the discharge due to them. 

First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Ahern, Thomas 
Alter, Henry 
Anderson, Andrew 
Andrae, Wm„ Sergeant 
Baier, Franz 
Balzing, John 
Barchtler, Fred 
Bates, Robert 
Bauro, John 
Beck, Robt. B., Captain 
Becker, John 
Becker, Wm. 
Behland, John 
Belmar, John 
Benning, Jonn 
Belke, Hermann 
Betzar, Wm. 
Biermann, H. 
Bintz, Jacob 
Blakely, Thos. B. 
Boechtler, Aug. 
Boehm, Hy. 
Bonn, M. W 
Brendel, Hy. 
Brockmann, Fred 
Brokatrick, Hy. 
Bronn, Louis 
Byrne, Patrick 
Byrne, Wm. H. 
(First Sergt.) 
Byron, Hy. 
Cady, Aug. 
Calabraisi, Antoine 
Cannon, Patrick 
Capard, Alphonse 
Carr, John 
Carr, Philip 
Casey, Michael 
Castello, Peter 
Chevalair, Jos. 
Churchill, John 
Clancey, Michael 
Clarens, Jacob 
Clerew, John 

Clifton, Chas. 
Colt, Philip 
Cordes, John 
Cutler, Geo. 
Dahm, Wm. 
Daily, Michael 
Dawson, Sam B. 
Deimler, Sam 
Dickson, Chas. 
Diemer, Fred 
Eckert, Geo. 
Elwanger, Wm. 
Ernig, John Chas. 
Fargo, Aloni 

\ Fertel, Chas. L. 

' Fertel, John L. 
Ferguson, John 
Fischer, Frank 
Fischer, John 
Fitzgibbons, John 
Flammger, Ludwig 
Fox, David 
Fries, Wm. 
Fritsch, Bruno 
Frohman, Hy. 
Fuergotli, Jos. 
Gan, Christian 
Gartland, Wm. 
Geier, Edward 
Gemler, Hy. 
Gerichten, Philip 

\ Gesmeier, Frank 

' Greimer, Frank 
Geyer, Henry 
Gibson, Chas 
Gillet, Eugene 
Glockner, John 
Golden, John 
Gonmeier, Julius 
Gonsha, Jeremia 
Gottung, Christian 
Grimm, Valentine 

Grimminger, Wm. 

Grosse, Arnold 
Grosse, Hy. 
Grunden, Sam. 

\ Guset, Chas. 

/ Guyot, Chas. 
Hachbaith, Julius 
Hackbein, H. 
Haley, Richard 
Hartmann, Hy. 
Hartmann, Jacob 
Hartmann, Philip 
Haughton, Geo. 
Helmes, Wm. 
Henley, John 
Hesse, Fred 
Hilbig, Aug. 
Hoblitzel, Geo. 
Hoffmann, Hy. 
Hogan, John 
Hook, Christian 
Hubbard, Walter B. 
Hubert, John 
Hulgrave, A. 
Hun, Michael 
Hurley, John 
Jacobs, Geo. 
Jargon, Chas. 
Kaiser, Hy. 
Kaiser, Wm. 
Keller, Chas. 
Keller, Wm. 
Kelly, Corn. A. (Fifer) 
Kelly, John 
Kelly, Patrick 
Kelly, Thomas 
Klein, Louis 
Knecht, Edw. (Drum- 
Koch, Hermann 
Koehler, Francis 
Kornet, Fred 
Kramel, Fred 
Kramer, Wm. 
Krauss, Frank 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

Kuehn, August 
Kuntz, Joseph 
Lane, Wni. 
Larkin, Thomas 
Leahy, Dennis 
Leary, Cornelius 
Letcher, Nelson H. 
Lewecke, Chas. 

( Lohrmann, Wm. 

( Lohmann, Wm. 
McCarthy, J. 
McClellan, Chas. 
McCrelekin, Dave 
McDougal, Robt. 
McGiren, Jas. W. 
McMillan, Jas. 
McMillan, Patrick 
Mack, John 
Mark, Josepn 
Martini, Hermann 
Medart, Philip 
Mehl, August 
Mehl, George 
Merkel, Conrad 
Metzger, Emil 
Meyer, Peter 
Miles, John J. 
Miller, Julius 
Miller, Wm. 
Mittendorf, David 
Montgomery, Robert 
Moser, Joseph 
Mueller, Christ 
Mueller, John 
Mueller, Leo 
Murphy, Morris 
Myers, Edw. 
Neuman, Carl L. 
Neuman, Carl T. 
Neumann, Wm. 
Neun, Chas. 
Neun, John 
Neun, Hy. (Sergt.) 
Neustaedter, Hy. 
O'Brien, Francis 
O'Brien, John 


O'Brien, Richard 
O'Neil, Jno. (Drummer) 
Oesterling, Philip 
Parson, T. T 
Paul, Pride 
Pforitzer, Geo. 
Phillips, Christian 
Pinter, John 
Presley, Peter 
Priester, Baptiste 
Prince, Henry 
Quincy, Henry 
Rane, Geo. 
Raymond, John 
Regner, Albert 
Reichtenbach, Hugo 
Reising, Anton 
Reynolds, Jas. 
Riley, Philip 
Rittberg, Hugo 
Ritterbach, Bernard 
Robin, Emil 

Rombauer, R. Guido, Sgt 
Rone, Geo. 
Ruprecht, Hugo 
Ryan, Michael 
Samson, Lem. 
Saunders, Henry 
Sausse, Charles 
Schaffner, Benedict 
Schafling, Albert 
Schmidt, Adam 
Schmidt, Henry 
Schmidt, Joseph 
Schnake, Fred (Sergt.) 
Schramm, Louis 
Schultz, Christian 
Schultz, Joseph 
Schwaeneck, Nic. 

( Seumig, Wm. 

' Sewing, Wm. 
Shaughnessy, Patrick 
Siever, Frank 
Smith, Charles 
Smith, Solomon 
Somnia, John 

Southwick, Louis C. 
Steinecke, Hermann 
Stepp, Carl 
Stolle, Fred 
Stucke, Carl 
Sturgeon, Louis 

\ Sutler, Fred 

/ Sluter, Fred 
Tappe, Hy. 
Taylor, Wm. 
Theby, Jacob 
Thomas, Fred 
Toohey, Timothy 

Turner, Hy 
Ude, Geo. 
Van Broeck, Fred 
Van Broeck, Hy 
Vogel, Victor 
Volk, Fred 
Volkmeier, Clemens 
Volmar, Louis 
Walter, Hy 
Ward, Patrick 
Warner, Allen L. 
Watson, Fred 
Weber, Alonzo W 
Weiden, Aug. 
Weil, Philip 
Wenzel, John 
Wernairt, Carllow 
Wheeling, Jos. 
Wheeler, L. J. 
Wherman, . Hy. 
Whitly, Thomas 
Wiegand, Henry 
Wilde, F. 
Williams, Chas. 
Wilson, Hy. 
Woodruff, Arch. (Cor- 
_( Zanadill, W. C. 

' Zwadell, W. C. 
Zeller, Chas. 
Zurflueh, Jacob 


organized end of April by electing Henry Boernstein Colonel. It 
had ten Infantry and two Rifle Companies; took part in the capture 
of Camp Jackson and went with General Lyon to Jefferson City, 
where its Colonel acted as provisional Governor of Missouri. Its 
Companies made frequent scouts into the surrounding disaffected 
districts and escorted steamboats on the Missouri River. Its Rifle 
Companies marched with Lyon to the engagement of Boonville, 
took part in several skirmishes and held an important position at the 
battle of Wilson's Creek, under their leader, Captain Peter J. Oster- 
haus, where, with the First Missouri Volunteers, they bore the brunt 
of the battle. The Regiment reorganized for three years' service 
September 10, 1861, under Colonel Friedrich Schaefer. With the 
exception of 3% per cent, the Regiment was constituted entirely of 

In the following lists the men of Company "A" and "A" Rifle, 
and those of "B" and "B'' Rifle, are, according to best accessible evi- 
dence, listed together; all told, 1,286 men formed the Regiment. 


Henry Boernstein, Colonel 
Frederich Schaefer, Lt.-Colonel 
Bernard Laibold, Major 
Ernst Schmidt, Surgeon 
Charles Cook, Asst Surgeon 

G. G. Lyon, Asst. Surgeon 
Julius Windsbecker, Adjutant 
Phil Schmitt, Quartermaster 
Chas. Boernstein, Sergt. Major 
Adolph Pfau, Quartermaster Sergt. 

Boehm, Christoph 
Eckhardt, Frank 
Eckhardt, Wm 
Geeks, Frank 
Gushing, George 


Hachler, Fred 
Kathrinus, August 
Kiesewetter, Chas. 
Kohlauf, Christian 
Kohlauf, Fred 

Myer, Chas 
Myer, Wm. 
Schaefer, August 
Spindler, John 
Stuck, Jacob 



The Unii/u Cause i)i St. Luuix in 1&61- 


Otto Schadt, Captain 
Aug. F Boernstein, Captain 
Julius Windsbecker, 1st Lieutenant 
Aug. Guentzel, 1st Lieutenant 
Francis Ehrler, 2d Lieutenant 
Hy. Steidle, 2d Lieutenant 
Hy. F. Dietz, 1st Sergeant 
Herman Cober, 1st Sergeant 
John Kayser, Sergeant 
Mathias Kramer, Sergeant 
.uouis Meuschke, Sergeant 
Christian Mueller, Sergeant 
Alex. Pfeiffer, Sergeant 

Louis Yost, Sergeant 
Aug. Zerman, Sergeant 
Geo.' Behnsen, Corporal 
John Benzel, Corporal 
Geo. Constanz, Corporal 
Chas. Frank, Corporal 
Chas. Fuelle, Corporal 
Christoph Geisler, Corporal 
August Hendrich, Corporal 
Wm. F Reinecke, Corporal 
Gottlieb Rose, Corporal 
Anthony, Zopf, Musician 
Chas. Lenz, Musician 

Louis Bernays, Musician 

Aberle, Jos. 
Adam, John 
Adam, Philipp 
Ahlfeld, Chas. 
Auler, Hugo 
Bader, Geo. 
Baier, Alb. 
Balz, Fred 
Bange, Hermann 
Banzhof, John 
Barring, Francis 
Bartels, Hy 
Basse, Wm. 
Bassiner, Hy. 
Baumgartner, Fred. 
Behrends, John 
Beiersdorfer, John 
Benz, William 
Berg, Jacob 
Benthe, Gustav 
Bigler, Joseph 
Bild. Herman 
Bleuel, Albert 
Bohning, David 
Bonz, Aug. 
Borghard, Chas. 
Borghard, Louis 
Brandeis, Aug. 


Braun, Henry 
Brehmer, Christ 
Buechel, Herm. 
Bunning, Geo. 
Burkamp, Aug. 
Burkhardt, Jacob 
Burmeister, Wm. 
Cherouny, Hy. 
Dietz, Francois 
Eb, Frank 
Ebert, Adolph 
Eppler, Martin 
Fassmann, John 
Felix, John 
Feuerbacher, Michel 
Finger, Louis 
Fink, Jacob 
Fischer, Wm. 
Fohrenbach, John 
Frank, Aug. 
Fuchs, Fred 
Fuchs, Hy. 
Fuller, Wm. 
Gallagher, Francois 
Gotselig, Francois 
Graenzenberg, Herm. 
Gross, Michel 
Gruetzmann. Edw. 

Gruenewalder, John 
Hain, Aug. 

Hansenburg, Francois 
Hark, Wm. 
Hartmann, Chas. 
Harris, Hy. 
Hartmann, Fred 
Hartmann, Chas. 
Hasser, Geo. 
Hauser, Chas. 
Hecht, Martin 
Heilmann, Moritz 
Heim, Wm. 
Hellwig, Hy. 
Henry, Louis 
Hesse, Louis 
Hirth, Valentin 
Hoffmann, John 
Hugo, Fred 
Jackmann, Anton 
Jogerst, Basilius 
Jung, Peter 
Kaltwasser, Louis 
Keller, Peter 
Kist, Adolphus 
Klein, Theodor 
Kling, Fred 
Knoche, Aug. 

Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Kohler, Richard 
Koster, Claus 
Krause, Theo. 
Krehmeier, Chas. 
Kuehner, Wm. 
Kurz, Ferdinand 
Kreuter, Edward 
Kreuter, Ferdinand 
Kreuter, Henry 
Lachner, Mathias 
Lavale, Wm. 
Lebbing, Merman 
Lipps, Anton 
Lipps, Tobias 
Lochbuehler, Michael 
Lochmeier, Aug. 
Lory, Nicolaus 
Luipoldt, Martin 
Lupking, Peter 
Malter, J. B. 
Marks, Geo. B. 
Martini, Wm. 
Mayer, Claus 
Mayer, Felix 
Mayer, Fred 
Mehlmann, Hy 
Meiffarth, Christoph 
Menerich, Francois 
Mennerich, Wm. 
Meuschke, Louis 
Mettbuch, Albert 
Michel, Fred 
Neuberth, Chas. 
Nudson, John 
Obrecht, Val. 
Ott, Christian 
Palmer, Otto 
Pausch, Geo. 

Pausch, John 
Pettenpohl, Chas. 
Pfau, Gustav Ad. 
Pfeiffer, Peter 
Pfluger, Adolph 
Pharo, John 
Pins, Hy 
Pohlmann, Wm. 
Rau, Nicolaus 
Reed, Wm. 
Reidel, John 
Reinhard, Hy 
Reinken, John 
Roesch, Otto 
Rohrdanz, John 
Rolfling, Louis 
Romer, Hermann 
Rolt, Anton 
Reif, Jacques 
Rumelin, Ferdinand 
Ruppert, John 
Ruprecht, Martin 
Sante, Ferdinand 
Schakel, Chas. 
Schaumberg, Albert 
Schuermann, Wolberth 
Schlichter, John 
Schmidt, Anton 
Schmidt, Chas. 
Schmieder, Stephan 
Schnoerzle, Josiah 
Schoenewolf, Wm. 
Schorback, Emil 
Schroeder, Ernst 
Schwartz, Hy 
Segbarth, John 
Siebert, Chas. i 

Siebert, Chas. '-' 
Stock, Hy. 
Stoeker, Wm. 
Sommers, Valentin 
Spahn, August 
Steinberg, James 
Stirner, Frederick 
Struble, Christoph. 
Sturm, Edward 
Swind, John 
Teusel, Hy 
Thompson, Christian 
Trampenau, Theo. 
Uhlig, George 
Volker, Valentine 
Waal, Chas. 
Waaser, Jacob 
Wagner, Adolph 
Wagner, v>eo. 
Walter, Fred 
Walter, John 
Wedekind, Fred 
Wehr, Fred 
Wehle, Aug. 
Wehrfritz, Hugo 
Weidling, Theo. 
Wenzel, John 
Wenzel, Walker 
Widner, Hy. 
Wiesner, Louis 
Wilson, Friderich 
Winkler, Geo. 
Wolff, Gustav 
Wunsch, Hy. 
Zacher, Christian 
Zils, Lorenz 
Zimmerman, John 



The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


Peter J. Osterhaus, Captain 
Franz Kohr, Captain 
George Weckherlin, Captain 
Const. Von Haeseler, 1st Lieutenant 
Fred Munger, 1st Lieutenant 
Theo. Weller, 2d Lieutenant 
John N. Auer, 2d Lieutenant 
John Robert Kunz, 1st Sergeant 
Jacob Kiburz, 1st Sergeant 
Gustav Lightfoot, Sergeant 
Louis Massow, Sergeant 
Chas. Sarstedt, Sergeant 

Christ. Schifferling, Sergeant 
Anton Tanner, Sergeant 
Wm. Volk, Sergeant 
Rud. Feichert, Corporal 
Jacob Kunz, Corporal 
Adam Lonnert, Corporal 
Chas. G. Maier, Corporal 
John Meyer, Corporal 
Rudolph Teichert, Corporal 
Geo. Theby, Corporal 
Herman Loehr, Musician 
Fred Kierber, Musician 
Johann Karb, Musician 

Ahlfeld, Louis 
Auer, Theo. 
Bader, Phil. 
Baer, Ulrich 
Becker, Andreas 
Beger, August 
Behre, Geo. 
Bern, John 
Bender, Ignatz 
Bender, Valentin 
Bergman, Peter 
Bernhard, Fred 
Bickmaier, Christ 
Binninge", Geo. 
Bircher, Rudolph 
Biernstiel, Conrad 
Borne, Henry 
Braun, Jos. 
Braunsteiner, Nic. 
Brehmer, Fred 
Breimfleck, Jos. 
Breitenstein, Fred 
Brosmer, John 
Buchner, Geo. 
Buck, Willibald 
Buechly, John 
Burgatzi, Sigmund 
Burschell, Hy. 
Conradi, John 


Daiss, Wm. 
Dalmer, Ben 
Danner, Leopold 
Detwyler, Jacpb 
Dewald, Nicolas 
Doering, Carl 
Durkes, Peter 
Durnbach, Louis 
Eggers, Christ 
Eggert, Hy. 
Eiss, Fred 
Erxleben, Chas. 
Fiege, Christian 
Finke, Jacob 
Fischer, Hy 
Fischer, John 
Forst, John 
Freyer, Hugo 
Fritsche, Fred 
Funk, Geo. 
Ganahl, Christian 
Ganahl, Conrad 
Ganahl, Joseph 
Geiger, Joseph 
Gerardi, Peter 
Godt, Chas. 
Goetze, Adolph 
Grote, Hy. 
Haacke, Ernst 

Hange, Hy. 
Hardinger, Lorenz 
Hanstein, John 
Hardwig, Aug. 
Hartle, Ignatz 
Hasewander, Elias 
Heinzmann, Jos. 
Henkhaus, Hy. 
Herzog, Dewald 
Heynauer, John 
Hilke, Wm.. 
Hoffman, Jacob 
Horman, Theodore 
Hunnicke, Johann 
Hunnicke, Julius 
Hunziker, John 
Iberger, Theo. 
Jacoby, Peter 
Kaiser, Jacob 
Kaldekiewitz, Franz 
Kast, Adolph 
Klein, John 
Kline, Hy. 
Klute, Fred 
Kollmeyer, Louis 
Kollmeyer, Theo. 
Kollmeyer, Wm. 
Kors, Nicolaus 
Kramm, Edward 

Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Krapp, George 
Kriel, Martin 
Kuhneman, Fritz 
Kunz, Fred 
Kunz, Jacob 
Kunz, Wm. 
Kunzler, Franz 
Kurr, Hy. 
Kusel, Friede 
Lampe, Carl 
Landsberger, Wolf 
Lauer, Chas. 
Lehman, Christ 
Leichsering, Chas. 
Lempke, Edw. 
Lenher, Anton 
Lenher, Edw. 
Leu, Peter 
Lisch, Jacob 
Lohrum, Peter 

Maier, Joseph 

Mainhardt, Robt. 

Marbeth, Jos. 

Melzdorf, Anton 

Miller, Albert 

Miller, John 

Mink, John 

Mohr, Anton 

Morris, Adolph 

Morsheimer, Franz 

Mueller, Bernhard 

Mueller, Chas. 

Mueller, Franz 


Mueller, John Fred 
Mussmann, Hy. 
Nagel, Conrad 
Ney, Peter 
Nordhaus, Bernhard 
Otto, Adolpn 
Peters, Chas. 
Petzhold, Chas. 
Popp, Geo. 
Rammelsdoerfer, Fr. 
Rehm, Geo. 
Reinhard, Valentin 
Reiser, Jos. 
Ricksner, Chas. 
Rink, Wm. 
Rodenwald, Edw. 
Roh, Jos. 
Rudolph, Ad. 
Rueckem, Wm. 
Ruppert, Gottlieb 
Rust, Fritz 
Salardin, Aug. 
Schalter, Adam 
Schellenberger, Christ 
Schirmer, Jos. 
Schlager, Jacob 
Schleer, Moritz 
Schmidt, Chas. 
Schmitter, Jacob 
Scholdt, John 
Schumacher, John 
Schulz, Louis 
Semmelbrogge, Chas. 

Sheby, Geo. 
Siebenmann, Ferd. 
Siebenmann, Chas. 
Spencer, Bernhard 
Steger, Franz 
Steils, Mathias 
Stockinger, Adam 
Strumph, Wm. 
Szwescke, Franz 
Teske, Aug. 
Tonnies, Aug. 
Trabant, John 
Voelkel, Nicolas 
Vollmer, John 
Wagner, Hy. 
Wagner, Hy. Wm. 
Wahl, Paul 
Weber, John 
Weckherlin, Fritz 
Wenzel, Walter 
Werley, John 
Wessner, Lorenz 
Wetke, Chas. 
Wiesian, Aug. 
Wilte, Wm. A. 
Wolf, Israel 
Wolfram, Carl 
Woodley, Fred 
Wuismer, Geo. 
Wuertele, Phil. 
Yennicke, Hy. 
Zimmerman, John 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- 


Herman Bendel, Captain 
Julius Sauer, 1st Lieutenant 
John F Wielandy, 2d Lieutenant 
Aug. Gramme, 1st Sergeant 
Chas. Doerge, Sergeant 
John Heitz, Sergeant 

Louis Leysaht, Sergeant 
Wm. Stucke, Sergeant 
Adolph Busse, Corporal 
John Hauck, Corporal 
Bdw. Hunt, Corporal 
Louis Mohr, Corporal 

Louis Knorr, Musician 

Adler, Fred 
Albrecht, Michael 
Ambeyer, Jacob 
Amsler, Jos. 
Anslyn, Jac. H. 
Arendt, Fred 
Bauer, Wendel 
Bechstein, Fred 
Beimbauer, Chas. 
Bergdorf, Ant. 
Bestmann, H. 
Bier, Gustav 
Biermann, Fred 
Biermann, Win. 
Blentz, Adam 
Braun, Fritz 
Braun, Jacob 
Brendel, Michel 
Bringer, Hy. 
Brueggemann, Hy. 
Bucheit, Michel 
Carstedt, Chas. 
Clement, Michel 
Dirnberger, Wm. 
Dude, Geo. 
Durolf, Hy. 
Eckhardt, Edw. 
Eickelmann, Martin 
England, John 
Finck, Wm. 
Flack, Peter 
Frey, Jos. 
Fricke, Christian 


Fruet, John 
Fuchs, Chas. 
Giese, Hy. 
Graff, Jacob 
Guenther, Jos. 
Hacke, Fred 
Haeper, Ferd. 
Hanhart, David 
Hehr, Geo. 
Heiness, John 
Heinze, Herman 
Hellner, Edw 
Hemmel, Wm. 
Herzog, Emil 
Heuer, Louis 
Hiller, Wm. 
Holliday, Edw 
Holtz, Herman 
Huffmann, Albert 
Huskamp, Aug. 
Jaenger, Wm. 
Juncker, Fritz 
Kemp, John 
Klein, John 
Koch, Christian 
Kuhs, Chas. 
Kreutz, Peter 
Laner, Anton 
Lannert; John 
Leibschuetz, Ad. 
Mann, John 
May, Martin 
Meyer, Chas. 

Meyer, Wm. 
Minder, Hy 
Nollmann, Fred 
Orth, Gustav 
Peters, Hy. 
Branil, Anton 
Rein, Anton 
Reinagel, Christian 
Rodeman, Chas. Dave 
Roeple, Michael 
Rohlflng, Hy 
Roth, Felix 
Schaefer, Hy. 
Schander, John 
Schanstein, Fred 
Scheuhenk, Dave 
Schlacht, Hy. 
Schmidt, John 
Schneider, John A. 
Schumann, Wm. 
Schwartz, Fritz 
Sevener, Martin 
Stabener, Michael 
Standenraus, Jos. 
Stucke, Wm. 
Tehmer, Aloys 
Trautmann, Chas. 
Trost, Leopold 
Vogt, George 
Wagner, Max 
Werner, Paul 
Weslhausen, Wm. 
Wilbese, Jos. 

Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Theo. Trauernicht, Captain 
Gustav Boernstein, 1st Lieutenant 
Herman Hartmann, 2d Lieutenant 
Wm. Bergen, 1st Sergeant 
Walther Hoppe, Sergeant 
Julius Most, Sergeant 

Albert Tomps, Sergeant 
Ferdinand Kuss, Corporal 
Louis Leisert, Corporal 
Wm. Staabs, Corporal 
Louis Wortmann, Corporal 
Wm. Stroemer, Musician 

Theo. Hemper, Musician 

Altgeier, Wm. 
Bauch, John 
Beck, Louis 
Beehler, Fred 
Beiser, Jos. 
Biedermann, J. B. 
Biedermann, j. R. 
Blum, Jos. 
Bornlitz, Fred 
Brecht, Otto 
Bullier, Michel 
Christmann, Andr. 
Conrades, Christian 
Diesing, Jacob 
Endres, Fred 
Fischer, Anton 
Prank, Chas. 
Preese, Hy. 
Frey, Jacob 
Fritz, Jacob 
Goesling, Wm. 
Gruhn, John 
Gusching, A. B. 
Hahn, Fred 
Hampe, Hy. 
Hannecke, Wm. 
Hansen, John 
Heidtmann, Albert 
Hellmert, Anton 
Hellwig, Louis 
Herkner, Christ 
Hesse, Herman 
Hoffmann, Oreo. 
Hoffman, John 
Illig, Gustav 


Illig, Wm. 
Jaeger, Hy 
Kansenbach, Wm. 
Kirchhoff, Christian 
Klarner, Julius 
Knappe, Chas. 
Koehle, Hy. 
Koehler, Hy. 
Koehnemann, Fred 
Kolb, Philip 
Kornbrink, Ebert 
Kramme, Wm. 
Krueger, Aug. 
Kuner, Jos. 
Kuelger, John 
Kuester, Emanuel 
Lob, Julius 
Lohmann, John 
Ludwig, Chas. 
Mennerich, Hy 
Meusching, Fred 
Mogle, Allen 
Mueller, John 
Niemeier, Ernst 
Ninas, Emil 
Noese, John 
Obermeier, Frank 
Obuch, Wm. 
Ossmann, Fred 
Ossmann, Wm. 
Pflster, Peter 
Pick, John 
Pick, Moritz 
Preis, Fred 

Rademacher, John 
Rader, Christ 
Ramakers, Hubert 
Rade, Hy. 
Reitz,. Jacob 
Roger, Jos. 
Rollers, Mathias 
Rollers, Chas. 
Rommelitz, Fred 
Rueter, Hy. 
Rupp, Chas. 
Schiebler, John C. 
Schlegel, Emil 
Schmidt, Fred 
Schmidt, John 
Schneider, Anton 
Schmitzius, Julius 
Schmitzius, Peter 
Schwab, John 
Schweninger, Stephen 
Spaeth, Aug. 
Strube, Hy. 
Tinke, Hy. 
Trauernicht, Hy. 
Trocke, Herman 
Tubke, Geo. H. 
Uedinger, Philip 
Vehrmann, Hy 
Wall, Jacob 
Wehrle, John 
Wiemann, Albert 
Winter, Herman 
Woltje, Wm. 
Zehren, Peter 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1601- 

John Jaeklin, Captain 

Ulrich Schwendener, 1st Lieutenant 

John B. Huber, 2d Lieutenant 

Math. Marschall, 1st Sergeant 

Archie B. Freeburn, Sergeant 

Geo. P. Kaiser, Sergeant 

John Hirz, Sergeant 


Barnhart Meier, Sergeant 
Geo. Constans, Corporal 
Adam Ranft, Corporal 
Chas. Thery, Corporal 
Julius Wagner, Corporal 
Louis Walter, Musician 
Chas. Lanz, Musician 

Ludwig Iselhardt, Musician 

Alfeld, Chas. 
Arendt, Fred 
Baltz, Fred 
Bange, Herman 
Bassart, Daniel 
Becker, Philipp 
Behringer, Ernst 
Berg, Frederick 
Berkemeier, Herman 
Bernhard, Peter 
Bertheimer, H. 
Beyer, Louis 
Blesing, Godfred 
Bohn, Chas. 
Bolliger, Rud. 
Bremer, Christ 
Brueggeman, Hy. 
Carstens, Alex 
Doernberger, Wm. 
Ebert, Adolph 
Erne, Adam 
Eikelman, Michel 
Eiseler, Vincenz 
Feldman, Hy. 
Fleck, Peter 
Flink, Joseph 
Geiser, Samuel 
Gerber, Christian 
Graff, Jacob 
Greiner, Conrad 
Gubser, John 
Halweis, Herman 
Hambach, Jacob 
Hanhard, David 
Hark, Wm. 
Haupt, Guenther 
Hellner, Fred 


Heser, Fred 
Hesse, Christian 
Hitzing, Wm. 
Hoffman, Geo. 
Hoffman, Herman 
Indemark, Hy. 
Jenner, John 
Kahn, Bernhard 
Kamdri, Fritz 
Keller, John 
Klein, John Martin 
Kohler, Richard 
Kreider, Andreas 
Kremer, Hy. 
Krety, Ferdinand 
Krieg, Joseph 
Lebbing, Herman 
Leupp, Jacob 
Leuthold, Valentin 
Mannebach, Geo. 
Meier, Aug. 
Meinhold, Hy. 
Mettbach, Albert 
Meyer, Wm. 
Mogge, Conrad 
Mueller, Julius 
Nemenich, J. D. 
Noll, Wendelin 
Pfalzgraff, Geo. 
Pohlmann, Wm. 
Posshardt, Daniel 
Praseel, Anthony 
Proske. John Julius 
Proske, Louis 
Ramther, Fritz 
Reiner, Christoph 
Reiner, David 

Remer, Gottlieb 
Reusch, Fred 
Ried, John 
Roeder, John 
Rotty, Anthony 
Sallenbach, John 
Schauenberg, Ferd. 
Scheven, Adolph 
Schlichter, John 
Schmidt, Edward 
Schmitt, Wm. 
Schmitt, Frank 
Schneider, John 
Schroeder, Wm. 
Seewald, Franz 
Seligman, Valentine 
Semper, August 
Siebke, Wm. 
Sohn, Conrad 
Spriesterbach, Wm. 
Stabenow, Fred 
Stender, Fred 
Sterner, Chas. 
Stockhammer, Ferd. 
Stopp, Peter 
Strassburger, Jacob 
Tonnelly, Franz 
Uhlig, Geo. 
Walsh, Daniel 
Weiffenbach, Wm. 
Wiesinger, John 
Willeboorse, Jac. 
Winkeler, Bernhard 
Wittmer, John 
Wunsch, Joseph 

Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri J'olunteers.. 



Emil Rebhan, Captain 
Jacob Straub, 1st Lieutenant 
Gustav Lueckelmann, 2d Lieutenant 
Chas Eichler, Sergeant 
Conrad Soehlmann, Sergeant 
Gottlieb Stoermer, Sergeant 

Fred Thomas, Sergeant 
Hy. Brown, Corporal 
Geo. Ingold, Corporal 
Wm. Rapp, Corporal 
Martin' Schroeder, Corporal 
Chas. Lanz, Musician 

Adam, John 
Acker, Fred 
Bauer, Christian 
Beck, Friedrich 
Becker, John Wm. 
Bernhardt, Christian 
Bloenaker, Hy. 
Bock, Carl 
Brendel, Michael 
Brockmeyer, Hy. 
Brucker, Albert 
Buchenau, John 
Cort, Gotthold 
Dohmer, Alois 
Ebert, Fred 
Ehrler, Fred 
Ellmerich, Peter 
Etter, John 
Fausel, Chas. 
Feuerstein, Jacob 
Ficker, Gustav Adolph 
Fischer, Hy. 
Foltag, John 
Frasch, Fred 
Freiberg, Hy. 
Frohs, Michael 
Gaertner, Phil 
Gautenbein, Christ 
Grassmuck, Conrad 
Grether, Wm. 
Haffner, John 
Hannan, John 


Hartman, Geo. 
Hartnecker, Hy. 
Hesse, Hy. 
Ittel, John 
Jecko, Peter 
Kahn, Isidor 
Kaesehagen, Aug. 
Kempf, Hy. 
Klein, Louis 
Klose, Chas. 
Kniffel, Robt. 
Krumholtz, Mathias 
Kuhn, Francis Jos. 
Kumpf, Louis 
Langenbecker, Fred 
Leach, Aug. 
Leeker, Aug. 
Leussler, Robt. 
Linde, John 
Loehle, Chas. 
Lorenz, Hy. 
Luhr, Fred 
Metzger, Hy. 
Miller, Daniel 
Morris, Wm. 
Otto, Heinrich 
Pausch, Geo. 
Peterson, Wm. 
Pfauentz, Chas. 
Rattemeyer, Hy. 
Ratz, John 
Rhein, Daniel 

Robins, Rufus 
Rose, Wm. 
Ruf, John 
Ruf, Stephan 
Ryan, Edmund 
Scherman, Wm. 
Schlittenhardt, Louis 
Schmidt, Aloys 
Schneider, Anton 
Schnelle, Diedrich 
Schopp, Philip 
Steiner, Joseph 
Stenzel, Otto 
Strubbe, Fred 
Struckmann, Otto 
Stuhahn, Aug. 
Suiter, Sigismund 
Sybertz, Joseph 
Thoermer, G. B. 
Triner, Jos. 
Volz, Philip 
Voss, John 
Walldorf, Jacob 
Wetzel, Frank 
Wich, John 
Wilbert, Suberturn 
Wilson, Chas. 
Wimesdorfer, Jos. 
Wissing, George 
Worms, Christian 
Zobel, Chas. 


The I irion Cause in St. Louis in lbdl 


Ernst Pfaff, Captain 

Fred Wm. Weber, 1st Lieutenant 

Clemens Landgraeber, 2d Lieutenant 

Fritz Dinkelmann, 1st Sergeant 

John Klein, Sergeant 

Hy. Kraemer, Sergeant 

John Shipper, Sergeant 
Hy Drees, Corporal 
S. Hirlinger, Corporal 
Chas. Lieder, Corporal 
Theo. Wunderlich, Corporal 
Christoph Oblinger, Musician 

Alberstadt, Fritz 
Althof, Fritz 
Alwer, Phil 
Beckmann, Gottlieb 
Bender, Peter 
Berberich, Chas. 
Berg, Jacob 
Bockhof, Theo. 
Boone, Frank 
Bosh, Aug. 
Bredemaier, Fritz 
Bree, Simon 
Bremser, Phil 
Dahmke, Chas. 
Deglow, Robt 
Dettwiller, Herman 
Fell, Michael 
Feuerbacher, Michael 
Flaick, Mathew 
Foerster, John M. 
Fuehrer, Fritz 
Gabler, Alexander 
Gaebler, Chas. 
Gehrke, Bernhard 
Grothaus, Chas. 
Gueltemaier, Chas. 


Hager, Fritz 
Hahn, Hy 
Haimann, Hermann 
Harrer, Geo. 
Hase, Peter 
Heil, Louis 
Henkelbein, John 
Hildebrandt, Peter 
Kelling, Fred 
Kempt, Andrew 
Kenz, Andrew 
Kenz, Chas. 
Kling, Fritz 
Koehler, John 
Koenig, Gallus 
Kraft, Phil 
Kreuter, Edw. 
Kreuter, Hy 
Kuhn, Michael 
Lips, Anton 
Lohmer, Peter 
Lorenz, Pius 
Lutz, Jacob 
Miller, Herman 
Miller, Peter 
Moeller, John 

Odrich, Chas. 
Ott, Ferdinand 
Priesmaier, Fritz 
Schaaf, John 
Schainemann, Aug. 
Schmidt, Norman J. 
Schubert, Christian 
Schuette, Fritz 
Schueler, Balthasar 
Schwarz, Emil 
Selig, Sam. S. 
Swertmann, Herman 
Spilker, Hermann 
Struebing, Chas. 
Schwab, Michael 
Tempelmann, Sam. 
Toebbe, Hy 
Vollert, Peter 
Wagenbrett, Chas. 
Walter, Jacob 
Werner, Chas. 
Werner, Edw. 
Wiere, Fred 
Wolf, Chas. 
Worheide, John 
Ziegler, Jacob 

Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 

>i i 


Hy. Landfried, Captain 
Philip Wild, 1st Lieutenant 
Chas. Mueller, 2d Lieutenant 
Fred Jaensch, 1st Sergeant 
Cas. Deyhle, Sergeant 
Chas. Mueller, Sergeant 

Wm. Sachse, Sergeant 
Michael Deger, Corporal 
Hy. Hutzfeld, Corporal 
Fred Lenderking, Corporal 
Jacob Schiess, Corporal 
Valentin Deigler, Musician 

Bamberger, Jos. 
Bartels, Anthony 
Bartmann, Anthony 
Berger, Fred 
Berges, George 
Bertrand, Peter 
Beyer, Albert 
Born, Wm. 
Burkhart, Jac. 
Dechler, Herman 
Demorest, Cornelius 
Dinges, Geo. 
Dremeyer, Geo. 
Eggemann, Herman 
Enderle, David 
Ettling, Werner 
Fauth, Jacob 
Figlang, Jacob 
Fritz, Jos. 
Fuchs, Lewis 
Gahle, Hy. 
Gaus, John 
Gaus, Nicolas 
Gebert, Theo. 
Graentzenberg, Herman 
Gritzmann, Edw. 
Hammel, Fred 
Hanf, Edw. 
Hart, Sam. 
Hauser, Julius 


Haverkamp, Fred 
Haverkamp, Hy. 
Hecht, Martin 
Heeman, Aug. 
Heilman, Moritz 
Henley, Steven 
Hennel, John 
Herbes, Theo. 
Hinkelbein, Phil. 
Hoffman, Conrad 
Hull, Bernard 
Ihms, Hy. 
Kaebel, Jacob 
Kaminsky, Jos. 
Kehlenbring, Herman 
Kessler, Gustav 
Kleemann, Aug. 
Koch, Herman 
Kossmann, Isidor 
Kunth, Leopold 
Langlot, Daniel 
Lubking, Peter 
Luibold, Martin 
Maurer, Jacob 
Meyer, Hy. 
Meyer, John 
Moes, Jos. 
Obrecht, Valentin 
Offenhaeuser, John 
Pauli, Wm. 

Pestrup, Hy. 
Ploen, Marcus 
Rader, Bernard 
Raum, Louis 
Riebel, Andrew 
Rollberg, John 
Rudolf, Ferdinand 
Sachse, Chas. 
Sand, George 
Scheuerman, Vollrath 
Schleider, Alfred 
Schleifarth, Paul 
Schmidt, Gottfried 
Schnatz, Adam 
Schuchardt, Wm. 
Schwab, Hy 
Seager, Wm. 
Seymour, Jos. 
Speiser, Jacob 
Spohn, Aug. 
Surubert, John 
Ulrich, Hy 
Valter, John 
Wehrfritz, Hugo 
Weibert, John Chas. 
Weigel, Andreas 
Weiger, Joseph 
Weiss, Gottfried 
Werborn, Fred 
Zoll, John 


The Union (_'<nise in >Y. Lmtis in 1st; J 


Benedict Schultz, Captain 
Hy. Klurek, 1st Lieutenant 
Christian Burkhard, 2d Lieutenant 
Adolph Meyer, 1st Sergeant 
Leopold Arndt, Sergeant 

Wm. Meier, Sergeant 
Aug. Schuler, Sergeant 
John Bencel, Corporal 
Martin Eberle, Corporal 
Jacob Wagner, Corporal 

Fred Wetzel, Corporal 

Bassinsky, Hy 
Benneke, Theo. 
Benz, Wm. 
Bichler, Alex 
Blum, Geo. 
Bolding, John 
Brandler, Chas. 
Brunkhaus, Hy. 
De Werf, Hy. 
Doran, Patrick 
Eb, Prank 
Fehrenbach, John 
Felix, John 
Fischer, John 
Fischer, Wm. 
Fricker, Christ. 
Frombach, John 
Gositer, Herman 
Graf, Stephan 
Grotz, Stephan 
Gurius, Fritz 
Haffner, Christ. 
Heim, Aug. 
Hertzog, Paul 


Hirsch, Anton 
Hirdt, Valentin 
Huhn, John 
Humpke, Leopold 
Jung, Peter 
Junger, Wm. 
Kadel, Nicolas 
Klaeges, Hy. 
Kracker, Andrew 
Kracker, Anton 
Lohrum, John 
Luhban, Christian 
Malter, John B. 
Mischler, Peter 
Moritz, Peter 
Mueller, Christian 
Ochs, Anton 
Oberle, John 
Rau, Nicolas 
Reed, Wm. 
Reinagel, Martin 
Reinhard, Hy. 
Riedel, Phil. 
Roos, Jacob 

Roteck, Ferdinand 
Schaefer, Aug. 
Schaerer, Andrew 
Schlaf, Peter 
Schmalz, Geo. 
Schmidt, Chas. I. 
Schmidt, Chas. II. 
Schmidt, Chas. III. 
Schoen, Chas. 
Schonewoll, Wm. 
Schrodt, Adam 
Schweitzer, Martin 
Sommers, Valentin 
Sommers, Wm. 
Sorber, Fred 
Stein, Bernhard 
Strobel, Chas. 
Ulmer, Gottlieb 
Walter, Fred 
Walter, John 
Wetzel, Theo. 
Wittenberg, Hy 
Wittmer, Hy 

Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Voluntee 




Otto Stelzleny, Captain 
Erich Hoppe, 1st Lieutenant 
Nicholas Krone, 2d Lieutenant 
Walter Hoppe, 1st Sergeant 
Adolph Faber, Sergeant 
John Hartman, Sergeant 
Louis Inertel, Sergeant 

Gottlieb Rose, Sergeant 
Edm. Falkenstein, Corporal 
Hy Gieseker, Corporal 
Aug. Kirchner, Corporal 
Fred Seebach, Corporal 
Andreas Schnell, Musician 
Chas. Keller, Musician 

Abeln, Bernard 
Althoff, Casper 
Aselage, Wm. 
Beckhardt, Edw. 
Boeke, Aug. 
Brandenburg, Ant. 
Brenning, Hy. 
Brockmeyer, Win. 
Buchholz, Hy. 
Caspary, Wm. 
Denkert, Christ. 
Dettmering, Fred 
Dungelt, John 
Ebeling, j^ouis 
Ehninger, Aug. 
Ehninger, Aug. 
Eikmann, Wm. 
Eilers, Adam 
Fessler, Benedict 
Fiegemeyer, Anton 
Fisher, Geo. 
Flapp, Fred 
Freistein, Hy. 
Frey, Geo. 
Froehlich, John 
Fuller, Chas. 
Gall, Chas. 
Garrells, Hy. 


Griffith, Wm. 
Haehling, Chas. 
Halzenberg, Fred 
Hans, Peter 
Hans, Wm. 
Heberle, John 
Heisser, John 
Heitzmann, Wendelin 
Henn, Ernest 
Hirner, Fred 
Hoefer, Paul 
Hoelzke, Hy. 
Huter, Geo. 
Jasper, Hy. 
Kell, Chas. 
Kirst, Aug. 
Koch, Friederich 
Kraemer, Chas. 
Krome, Louis 
Krumwiede, Wm. 
Leber, Jacob 
Link, Hy. 
Linkeman, Anton 
Loehr, Adolph 
Loehr, Hy. 
Lunghausen, Peter 
Meyer, Bernhard 
Meyer, Henry 

Meyer, John 
Mohrman, John 
Morse, John 
Mueller, Hy. 
Priece, Louis 
Rabenek, Aug. 
Rader, Christian 
Roepke, Christian 
Roth, Chas. 
Samm, Phil 
Samm, Wm. 
Schoenstoke, Christ. 
Schulz, Casper 
Sellerhoff, Hy. 
Sohler, Jos. 
Steininger, John 
Stroke, Chas. 
Struwe, Fred 
Stuewe, Fred 
Suttmann, Casper 
Trampenau, Theo. 
Waltbillig, Nic. 
Waters, Geo. 
Weishardt, Frank 
Weyland, Anton 
Wieck, Joseph 
Willin, Wm. 



was completed towards the end of April by electing Francis Si 
(\>loml. It took part in the capture of Camp Jackson, protected 
the Pacific & Southwest Branch (present Frisco) Railroads, and 
took up. June 12, the expedition to the Southwest, via Rolla, 
Lebanon, Springfield, Neosho; turning thence northward, to join 
Lyon, its rear guard of two Companies was surrounded and cap- 
tured. The Third and Fifth Regiments, under command of Colonel 
Sigel. met a large force of the enemy ten miles north of Carthage. 
and. after a spirited engagement, made a successful retreat, via. 
Carthage. Sarcoxie and Mount Vernon, to Springfield. From here 
a portion of the Regiment returned to St. Louis on the 25th of 
July, under command of Lieutenant Colonel Bischoff, to be mus- 
tered out on account of expiration of term of service. The other 
portion of the Regiment took part in the scouts and skirmishes to the 
Southwest and formed, with other troops, Sigel's Column in the 
battle of Wilson's Creek. The Regiment returned to St. Louis 
August 25. Some Companies reorganized immediately, and were. 
on January S. LSlj'2, consolidated for the three years' service under 
Colonel Isaac V Shepard. 

The three months' Regiment had twelve Companies, two of which 
hailed chiefly from Belleville. 111. 

The Third Missouri Volunteers was almost completely ( ierman. It 
listed 1,455 men. 


Francis Sigel, Colonel Ferdinand Haeussler, Surgeon 

Francis Hassendeubel, Lt. -Colonel Charles Ludwig, Asst. Surgeon 

Albert Anselm, Lt. -Colonel John Woss, Sergeant Major 

Henry Bischoff, Major Hauck. Lieutenant, Special Aide de 

Gustave Heinrich, Adjutant Camp 

Sebastian Engert, Quartermaster 


Third. Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



John Fred Cramer. Captain 
Wm. Osterhorn, 1st Lieutenant 
Chas. Wustney, 2d Lieutenant 
Chas. Schweizer, 1st Sergeant 
Chas. G. Hausman, Sergeant 
John Deckelman. Sergeant 
Gustav Cramer, Sergeant 

John Sehweig, Corporal 
James Haevens, Corporal 
Hy. Siepp, Corporal 
Fred Kossmann, Drummer 
Albert Weber, Drummer 
Hy. Mueller. Fifer 
Adolph Koster, Fifer 

Ahles, Louis 
Arnibruster, Wm. 
Baielke, Frederick 
Bamberger, Phillip 
Bartels, August 
Bauer, Alexander 
Behlke, Gottlieb 
Behncy, Charles 
Beiser, Anton 
Bender, Rudolph 
Berger, Frank Paul 
Bints, Jacob 
Bissenger, Stephan 
Bock, Theodor 
Boedelbraun, Fred 
Brandt, William 
Brede, Jacob 
Bremer, Frederick 
Bugel, John 
Buhrman, Chas. 
Bunginer, Christ. 
Cole, Frank 
Collinner, Chas. 
Diehl, Conrad 
Dreifuss, Fred 
Drialyn, Adolphus 
Ellersick, Charles 
Faeger, William 
Farber, John 
Farber, Philip 
Glaser, August 
Glock, Daniel 1st 
Glock, Daniel 2d 
Glock, Joseph 
Gossen, John 


Grether, John 
Gronenger, George 
Gunthly, John 
Guthes, August 
Guthman, Charles 
Gutjahr, John 
Hanz, Joseph 
Harloff, Charles 
Hassenbehler, Nic. 
Hausserman, Nic. 
HaverstocK, John 
Heick, Claus 
Hemgmann, Hy. 
Henkel, Fred 
Herzog, Bernard 
Hodston, McCauly 
Hoffmann, Christ. 
Hoffmann, John 
Hofle, Michael 
Honer, Hy. 
Hoppe, Ernst 
Huebner, Edward 
Jeffley, Joseph 
Kadisch, Christ. 
Kallmeier, Gotthold 
Kans, Macholas 
Kloth, Joseph 
Koch, Anton 
Kreiter, Wm. 
Laschigk, Aug. 
Lath, Stephen 
Lehmann, Ernst Simon 
Leithold, Gebhardt 
Lilly, Andreas 
Loeffler, Henry 

Lorenz, Jacob 
Lucker, Jacob 
Lugenbothe, Wm. 
Mass, John 
Meyer, Christ 
Michael, Frederick 
Michl, Adam 
Miesche, Fred 
Miller, Ernst 
Mueller, August 
Neumann, Fred 
Noll, Jacob 
Olbert, Jacob 
Oriane, Fred 
Petus, Fred 
Quillisch, Wm. 
Reichard, Chas. 
Roecklein, Hy 
Roedgin, Fred 
Roeffel, Adam 
Rohman, Phil 
Roth, John 
Rumpf, Daniel 
Rumpf, Hy 
Schaffer, Peter 
Schick, Wendelin 
Schlegel, Trista M. 
Schmidt, Chas. 
Schmidt, Jacob 
Schnieder, Geo. Peter 
Schocht, Fred 
Schoerl, Christian 
Schumacher, Geo. 
Schwarz, Theodor 
Schwenk, Nicolas 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1^01- 

Simons, Fred. 
Sligo, Hy. 

Spohr, Herman Hy. 
Stautem, Fred 
Steinenger, Frank 
Stereiner, Caspar 
Strobel, Caspar 

COMPANY A.—Con't. 

Sturzenberg, Gustav 
Tacke, John 
Tacke, Joseph 
Trostorff, Fred. 
Uellmer, John 
TJilrich, August 
Vorholz, Fred. 

Wartha, George 
Weber, Peter 
Wigand, Jacob 
Wellers, Nicolas 
Williams, Chas. 
Woell, Peter 
Zerwes, John 


Joseph Indest, Captain 
Leopold Helmle, 1st Lieutenant 
William Roemer, 2d Lieutenant 
Fred Wolf, 1st Sergeant 
August Neufang, Sergeant 
Anton Blanke, Sergeant 

John Steiger, Sergeant 
Geo. Schills, Corporal 
Wm. Stark, Corporal 
John Kaiser, Corporal 
Fred Benkerk, Corporal 
Gustav Hug, Drummer 

Hy. Dietrich, Bugler 

Albitz, Fritz 
Albrecht, Henry 
Arensmann, Geo. 
Arensmann, Wm. 
Badena, Anton 
Batterman, Gustav 
Bede, John 
Bieclebe, Theodor 
Bieland, Samuel 
Bieleck, Adam 
Bierwirth, August 
Bleish, Christian 
Blickensdorfer, Hy. 
Borocsi, Hy. 
Burger, David 
Burger, John 
Burri, Jacob 
Bussow, Chas. 
Dahlmann, Jacob 
Danner, Chas. 
Diffany, Lorenz 
Diprebris, John 
Dreibus, Jacob 
Ealer, Adam 
Ebert, Fred 


Eissele, Louis 
Engasser, Herman 
Engert, Sebastian 
Federle, Gustav 
Federle, Moss 
Ferman, John 
Fuhrmann, Andreas 
Gerner, Geo. 
Geschwend, Albert 
Gramb, Hy 
Greber, Michael 
Gresehbach, Aug. 
Grelter, Geo. 
Guenzius, Christ. 
Guhlner, Wm. 
Hammel, Martin 
Hanisch, Christ 
Hartmann, Fred. 
Hauck, Louis 
Hebeler, Henry 
Heder, Phillip 
Heine, Henry 
Henning, H. K. 
Hennings, Otto 
Herke, Paul 

Herzig, Charles 
Herzog, Jacob 
Herzog, John 
Heyer, Joseph 
Jehle, Leopold 
Jericho, Louis 
Johler, Louis 
Joos, Jacob 
Kaiser, Peter 
Karsch, August 
Kassamer, Mainhold 
Keller, Rudolph 
Kessler, John 
Kellerer, George 
Knoblauch, Gustav 
Kribs, John 
Kuehner, Alexander 
Kurtz, Stephan 
Leefeld, Henry 
Maes, Robert 
May, John 
Meier, Fred. 
Mueller, Frank 
Mueller, John 
Nebel, John 

Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 


Nehung, Fred. 
Neucomme, Wm. 
Oelfken, Wilhelm 
Pauly, Joseph 
Reckenbach, John 
Reckenbach, M. 
Reichenroth, Ferd. 
Retz, Chas. 
Regemueller, Fred. 
Ritter, Henry 
Roemer, Henry 
Rose, Henry 
Rosenbach, Peter 
Salzman, Fred. 
Schaper, Hy. 
Schaub, Conrad 
Schreiner, Fred. 

Schmaiden, John 
Schmidt, Louis 
Schmidt, W H. 
Schultz, John 
Schwarz, John 
Schwenkner, Julius 
Segely, Mathias 
Stefany, Julius 
Sellenstein, Adolph 
Sengenberger, Geo. 
Steitz, Louis 
Soil, Henry 
Spengler, Fred. 
Spengler, Gottfried 
Springeman, Hy. 
Stockes, Barthold 
Tannhaeuser, Hy. 

Tailleur, Christ. 
Thill, Martin 
Thon, Henry 
Uphof, Hy. 
Vogel, Fred. 
Walkenfoldt, John 
Walz, Joseph 
Weber, Otto 
Weisshaupt, Chas. 
Wender, Christoph 
Weren, Samuel 
Wittemberg, Chas. 
Wollshagen, Louis 
Worth, Jacob 
Woyder, John 
Zumsteg, Jacob 


Joseph Conrad, Captain 
Wm. Mettman, 1st Lieutenant 
Geo. Dambde, 2d Lieutenant 
John A. Fischer, 1st Sergeant 
John Mueller, Sergeant 
Fred Manker, Sergeant 
John G. Brossmer, Sergeant 
Wm. M. Harper, Sergeant 

Phillip Biermann, Corporal 
Herman Flock, Corporal 
August Keepart, Corporal 
Fr. August Schmidt, Corporal 
August Kurris, Corporal 
Chas. Winkler, Drummer 
('has. Grad, Fifer 
Andreas Trulleib, Fifer 

Ackermann, Peter 
Anheuser, Adolph 
Arneker, Jacob 
Baumeier, Hy 
Bayer, John 
Betz, Albert 
Blank, Louis 
Boehmer, Heinrich 
Brandson, Theodor 
Braun, Leopold 
Brown, Ludwig 
Brunswerman, Geo. 
Dauer, Geo. 


Delos, Charles 
Ellsasser, Conrad 
Engal, Stephan 
Fiege, Edward 
Fischer, Jacob 
Frei, Carl 
Fuss, Ludwig 
Ganter, Hugo 
Geier, .Martin 
Gent, Henry 
Gerhardt, John 
Geske, Gottfried 
Glaser, Wm. 

Glente, Hyacinth 
Godehart, Moritz 
Gotze, Edward 
Grad, Charles 
Haefle, Adolph 
Hammerstadt, Val. 
Hansgen, Hy. 
Hardigar, Adrian 
Heldmann, Wm. 
Heifer, Herman 
Hoesde, Carl 
Hoffarth, Franz 
Hoffman, August 


The Union Cmixc in St. Louis in 1861. 

Hoffman, Peter 
Hoffmann, Phil. 
Holyworth, Rudolph 
Hoppeler, James 
Hubold, George 
Jenger, John 
Kaeppe, August 
Kafner, Caspar 
Keistner, Hyeronim 
Kemb, Fred 
Kintorp, John 
Kleine, Fred. 
Kleinschmidt, Wm. 
Klen, Fred. 1 
Klen, Fred. 2 
Klentz, Wm. 1 
Klentz, Wm. 2 
Koch, John 1 
Koch, John 2 
Kress, Nicolaus 
Kromer, Michael 
Kruse, JacoD 
Kurrus, Herman 
Kulten, John 
Kuttler, Herman 
Lang, George 
Lange, Conrad 
Lange, Fritz A. 
Langewieschke, Jul. 
Law, Gottfried 
Maesch," Fred. 
Mahr, Markins 

COMPANY B.—Con't. 

Mathias, Henry 
May, Jacob 
Meyer, Fred. 
Meyer, Henry 
Meyer, Thomas 
Michel, Charles 
Mische, Fred. 
Moi, Nicolas 
Mueller, Adolph 
Mueller, Carl 
Mueller, Ernst 
Mueller, Rudolph 
Neubert, Hy 
Nickels, Wm. 
Niemann, Geo. 
Otto, John 
Paffman, Geo. 
Pfeiffer, Gottlieb 
Phillip, Edw 
Rapp, Carl- 
Reuter, Charles 
Rickert, John 
Riegel, John 
Rodemeier, Peter 
Rotermund, Fred. 
Runnemeln, Jos. 
Rust, Herman 
Schalick, August 
Schlefke, Gustav 
Schlit'zberger, Louis 
Schmidt, Hy. 1 
Schmidt, Hy. 2 

Schmidt, Hy W. 
Schmidt, John 
Schoffer, Peter 
Schuetzel, Andreas 
Schultz, Wm. Jos. 
Schulze, Robert 
Seewald, John 
Sellinter, Andreas 
Soil, Henry 
Speck, Jacob 
Stabler,' Peter 
Stern, Joseph 
Stoffler, John 
Stricke, Hy. 
Studer, Jos. 
Thene, Geo. 
Thomas, Fred. 
Tischer, Herman 
Trandrupp, Hy. 
Volk, Conrad 
Wallback, Albert 
Waldweiler, John 
Walkenfordt, Herman 
Wasthus, Theodor 
Weber, Henry 
Wernse, Albert 
Welts, John 
Wetzel, August 
Wetzel, Wm. 
Winkler, Jos. 
Wittenberg, Chas. 
Zindel, Franz 


Henry Zeis, Captain 
Joseph Fries, 1st Lieutenant 
Peter Stever, 2d Lieutenant 
Gustav Vohlman, 1st Sergeant 
John Meyer, Sergeant 
Phillip Kemp, Sergeant 

Henry Schwarnaider, Sergeant 
Joseph Hell, Corporal 
Henry Hartman, Corporal 
Gustav Ulrich, Corporal 
Frederick Beck, Corporal 
Michael Beschel, Musician 

Ernest Hokel, Musician 

Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Ackermann, John 
Altschuh, Phil 
Bangar, Jos. 
Bangen, Ambrose 
Bauer, Louis 
Baumann, John 
Beir, Henry 
Berneck, John 
Bertz, Hy. 
Birkenhbltz, Franz 
Bohne, Martin 
Borgemann, Martin 
Brasch, Henry 1 
Brasch, Henry 2 
Breitbeil, Caspar 
Brynn, August 
Bugler, Jacob 
Busche, Fer. 
Damot, Herman 
Diedrich, Caspar 
Dieterman, Jacob 
Dietrich, Phillip 
Drevis, Casimir 
Dritschler, Phil. 
Dude, Moritz 
Eisenberger, Caspar 
Fess, John 
Fischer, August 
Fischer, Henry 
Fischer, Frederick 
Flitsch, Jacob 
Flitsch, John 
Franke, Herman 
Feuerstein, Geo. 
Frey, Joseph 
Friederich, Paul 
Fuchs, Adam 
Gatz, Francis 
Geiger, Jean 
Geisgen, Fred. 
Goeher, Jacob 
Grebe, Adam 
Haack, Edward 
Haas, Max 
Hae-merle, Caspar 
Haeser, Lorenz 



Hammer, Anton 
Hammer, Nicolas 
Hardalein, Hy. 
Harr, Jacob 
Hensler, Michael 
Herter, Jacob 
Hoffarth, George 
Hoffmann, Francis 
Hoffman, Jacob 
Hohn, Phillip 
Hoof, Phillip 
Hubrecht, Jean 
Huck, Ferd. 
Infeld, Christ. 
Kahn, Wm. 
Kehle, Christ. 
Kelle, Caspar 
Kempf, John 
Kleine, Adam 
Klung, Daniel 
Knaupper, Geo. 
Knopp, William 
Koch, Frederick 
Koch, Henry 
Koch, Kelom 
Krein, Peter 
Kuettler, Herman 
Laib, John 
Lamperman, B. 
Lang, Louis 
Lohrenzen, Xavier 
Lorane, Jean 
Lortz, John 
Ludwig, Francis 
McCabe, Patrick 
Manger, Jacob 
Marks, John 
Marks, Levi 
Markwart, Herman 
May, Charles 
Mayer, Francis 
Mayer, Joseph 
Miller, Wm. 
Mueller, Conrad 
Nebb, Phillip 
Neisen, John 

Redman, Wm. 
Reimer, August 
Reinschmidt, Chas. 
Reiter, John 
Remmert, Albert 
Reppich, Christ. 
Roos, Lorenz 
Roth, George 
Salfeld, Louis 
Sander, Emanuel 
Santo, Otto 
Schaefler, Francis 
Scheppert, Aug. 
Schiller, Julius 
Schilling, John 1 
Schilling, John 2 
Schlusselez, Elmo 
Schmidt, John 
Schmidt, Julius 
Schmidt, Valentin 
Schmidt, Wm. 
Schneider, Samuel 
Schreiber, Henry 
Seifert, Moritz 
Sickenzen, John 
Simon, Bernhardt 
Stork, Henry 
Stengele, Marcy 
Streits, Thomas 
Surmann, Henry 
Templer, Jacob 
Thomas, Henry 
Vochel, Conrad 
Wachtel, John 
Wachter, John 
Wagener, Louis 
Walter, Conrad 
Walter, John 
Walton, Theodor 
Weir, Adolph 
Woehrle, Henry 
Wolf, George 
Wullupp, Jacob 
Zerbach, Joseph 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861 

Jacob Hartmann, Captain Frank Hedjergott, Corporal 

Henry Bischoff, 1st Lieutenant Hy. Heidermayer, Corporal 

Zacharias Heckenlauer, 2d Lieutenant Andreas Wachter, Corporal 
Christopher Mayer, 1st Sergeant Henry Busching, Corporal 

George Buschman, Sergeant John Engelhardt, Musician 

Henry Dietrich, Sergeant Carl Weil, Musician 

Anschuetz, Aug. 

Backhaus, Caspar 

Baronovsky, Frank 

Barth, Robert 

Baumgartner, Theo. 

Baumeyer, Henry 

Beck, John 

Beckman, Henry 

Berger, Charles 

Bernal, Michael 

Beumer, Caspar 

Bischoff, Louis 

Blank, Joseph 
Blank, Louis 
Brandt, Hy. 
Brasse, Hy 
Brinker, Louis 
Brinkman, Hy. 
Butler, John 
Denkler, Wm. 
Doepke, Wm. 
Dressier, Fred. 
Ebeler, Albert 
Bngel, Fred. 
Engelbrecht, Wm. 
Engelman, Chas. 
Frein, John 
Gizizky, Fred. Wm. 
Glaser, Frederick 
Goelpke, George 
Greenekl, Louis 
Hagenbach, Fred 
Hansgen, Hy. 
Hartung, John 
Hartzig, Franz 
Hasselbrink, John 
Hartman, Albert 
Heiligendorf, John 
Heilmann, Hy. 


Heinrich, Wm. 
Heitz, Jacob 
Hoppe, Henry 
Hucknerkoff, Geo. 
Hudsmann, Conrad 
Kase, Henry 
Kaspohl, Louis 
Kins, John 
Kipp, Phillip 
Kliffman, Hy. 
Knipper, Edward 
Koener, Herman 
Koos, Conrad 
Krause, John 
Kruger, Henry 
Kuhl, William 
Leiber, Christian 
Leiner, Samuel 
Lohman, August 
Lohmeyer, Chas. 
Ludes, Nicolas 
Magrath, Martin 
Maisch, Hubert 
Mathias, Fritz 
Matzer, Peter 
Meltzon, August 
Meyer, Henry 
Meyer, John Fred 
Mochster, Henry 
Moritz, Henry 
Mueller, August 
Niekomm, Frank 
Niewassner, Chas. 
Nonnenkamp, Hy. 
Obershelp, Phillip 
Offer, Henry 
Osemeyer, Fred. 
Overthelp, Herman 

Paern, Christian 

Paulus, Peter 

Pellmann, Wm. 

Pepmeyer, Hy. 

Plegge, Edward 

Postman, Caspar 

Rabunz, John 

Rammers, Theodor 

Regel, Hy. 

Regenhard, Louis 

Reinel, Fred. 

Riepe, Fred. 

Roskow, Fred. 

Salzmann, Adolph 

Schaeperkotter, Louis 

Schartelmann, Hy. 

Schmidt, Louis 

Schmiz, John 
Sellmayer, John 

Spezig, Wm. 

Strieker, Hy. 

Tossea, Rudolph 

Trentrup, Louis 
Vasterling, Henry 
Vollrath, Michael 
Wacker, Henry 
Wagemann, Louis 
Wagner, John 
Waismund, Chas. 
Wassner, Henry 
Welpot, Wm. 
Woestendick, Louis 
Wetzel, Louis 
Wiese, William 
Wiman, Simpn 
Wipking, John 
Zahn, William 
Zipp, Nicolas 

Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



August Hackman, Captain 
Liberath Danner, 1st Lieutenant 
Stephen Jehle, 2d Lieutenant 
Charles Hager, 1st Sergeant 
Wm. Schneeweis, Sergeant 

John Botz, Sergeant 
Charles Gieseler, Corporal 
William Winkelmayer, Corporal 
Frederick Simon, Corporal 
Herman Flock, Corporal 

Leopold Borger, Fifer 

Antony, Jacob 
Baethke, Fred. 
Bager, Benno 
Berg, Ernst 
Bohle, Hy Wm. 
Braun, Hy. 
Brillhauer, Chas. 
Conrath, Wm. 
Depenbrock, Aug. 
Diehl, Conrad 
Elsasser, Conrad 
Fischer, Jacob 
Friedrich, Adam 
Fruehlingsdorf, Julius 
Geesler, Fred. 
Gonser, Christian 
Gotthard, Moritz 
Grasse, Dietrich 
Hager, Frank 
Hassenflug, John 
Heck, Phillip 
Helmerich, Edw. 
Helmke, Ludwig 
Holz, John 
Homan, Christofer 


Hoppler, James 
Hubaer, Edw. 
Kauth, Nicolas 
Kleeman, Peter 
Koch, Jacob 
Koneman, Frank 
Kremer, Wm. 
Kufner, Louis 
Kuhlman, Edw. 
Lang, George 
Law, Gottfried 
Mueller, Bader 
Olp, Charles 
Ott, John 

Ottomayer, Christian 
Pfaff, Jacob 
Pulver, William 
Reckort, John 
Reichert, Charles 
Reinschuter, Ch. 
Rohrman, Phil. 
Schaetzle, Martin 
Scharz, Theodor 
Schmidt, Herman 
Schmidt, John 

Schmidt, Wm. 
Schollmeyer, Hy. 
Schonek, John 
Schwertzler, Geo. 
Seifried, Chas. 
Seifried, Wm. 
Spring, August 
Stadler, Charles 
Stark, Louis 
Stern, Leopold 
Thieden, Michael 
Thomas, Fred. 
Tiney, Thomas Alb. 
Tischer, Herman 
Tonnor, Pierre 
Ulrich, August 
Wagner, Fred. 
Wansch, Max 
Weber, Geo. 
Weber, Hy. 
Weidner, Jacob 
Werkmeister, Albert 
Zenner, Martin 
Zens, Andreas 
Zieres, Henry 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 

John B. Strodtkamp, Captain 
E. H. Poten, 1st Lieutenant 
Charles Schaerff, 2d Lieutenant 
Gottlieb Schmidt, 1st Sergeant 
Charles Stiesmeier, Sergeant 
William Kossack, Sergeant 
Wm. H. Godfrey, Sergeant 
Christian Koemer, Sergeant 


Otto C. Lademann, Sergeant 
Frederick Hansen, Corporal 
Fred Moltz, Corporal 
Wm. Goetz, Corporal 
Rdbert B. Fischer, Corporal 
John Zeller, Corporal 
Louis Hoffner, Musician 
Andreas Weitzel, Musician 

Beier, Michael 
Bemelberg, Edw. 
Benecke, August 
Bender, Jacob 
Bihrle, Henry 
Boeringer, Chas. 
Borg, Jacob 
Borstel, Geo. E. 
Brandle, Louis 
Brechtel, Martin 
Burger, Charles 
Danner, Anton 
Deppe, August 
Foerster, Michael 
Foester, John 
Fremer, Jacob 
Gambs, Hy. F. 
Gebhard, Andrew 
Gelzleichter, Chas. 
Geske, Gottfried 
Gessner, John 
Graff, William 
Granar, Michael 
Grase, Fred 
Greb, Wm. 
Harlman, Louis 
Heinbach, Herman 
Hemans, Henry 


Hensen, Valentin 
Hetzel, Chas. 
Hieppert, Phil. 
Hodepp, Sebastian 
Hoever, August 
Hogan, Edward • 
Hovert, Wm. 
Ittman, Chas. 
Jacobs, John 
Jung, Peter 
Kaegi, John 
Kampmann, Chas. 
Keller, Jacob 
Kirchhoffer, Mathias 
Klein, Rudolph 
Knollhoff, Louis 
Kortmann, Louis 
Krese, Nicolas 
Loew, Fred George 
Mauer, Fred R. 
Meier, Fred 
Meier, Henry 
Meier, Joseph 
Metier, Martin 
Merrem, Fred 
Metzger, Wm. 
Meur, George" 
Mick, Charles 

Mick, Henry 
Miller, Wm. 
Mueller, Alex B. 
Mussing, Chas. 
Neimer, Martin 
Pauly, Wm. 
Preissle, Frank P. 
Rake, John 
Renn, Ambrose 
Rodgers, Bernard 
Rohlfing, Wm. 
Rudolph, Julius 
Rush, Thomas H. 
Scheiner, Herman 
Schmidt, Charles 
Schmidt, John 
Schneider, Frank 
Schoenderfer, Christ 
Schulte, Bernard 
Schwertfeger, Wm. 
Seibert, Phillip 
Spanholz, Chas. 
Starke, Rudolph 
Strelow, Fred Wm. 
Tomacz, Kieweiz 
Westphal, Hy. 
Zeerburg, Hy. 

Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Constantin Blandovski, Captain 

Hugo Gollmer, Captain 

August Win. Busche, 1st Lieutenant 

John Fred Hohlfeld, 2d Lieutenant 

Fred Hartenstein, 1st Sergeant 

Ernst Hohlfeld, Sergeant 

John Henning, Sergeant 

Henry Sontag, Sergeant 
Henry Lambert, Corporal 
John Woelfert, Corporal 
Adolph Baumann, Corporal 
Geo. Elwerth, Corporal 
Dietrich Fohrbaeh, Musician 
Remigens Leber, Musician 

Arnold, Wm. 
Bachmann, Gottlieb 
Bauer, Henry 
Baumeyer, Charles 
Becker, Adam 
Becker, John 
Bender, George 
Bentrop, Fred 
Beser, Jacob 
Betz, John 
Beumer, Hy. 
Bohns, John F. 
Bolender, Jos. 
Brawner, Emanuel 
Brockmann, Wm. 
Christ, Valentin 
Cramer, John 
Eichholtz, Hy 
Enderlein, Ernst 
Engelhard, Martin 
Festge, Herman 
Feuerhalin, Valentin 
Florch, Jacob 
Florke, David 
Fritz, Jacob 
Gardee, Henry 
Gerlach, Ferdinand 
Geschwend, Francis 
Grahl, Charles 
Gronemeyer, Wm. 


Gubser, Charles 
Hauweg, Bernhard 
Heitzman, Franz H. 
Heller, Ernst 
Hilkebaumer, Hy 
Hotches, John 
Kaseman, John 
Kastner, Erasmus 
Kempter, Joseph 
Koch, Henry 
Koch, William 
Kolzenberg, Wm. 
Kulkebach, Fred 
Kulkebach, Hy. 
Kunz, Hy. 

Lehmann, Fred. Chas. 
Loebig, Michael 
Lunigkorner, Hy, 
Malmistrom, Chas. 
Mauch, Chas. 
Maus, George 
Mueller, Herman 
Munsch, Mathias 
Neunzerling, Jacob 
Niehaus, William 
Perez, William 
Pfeiffer, Fred 
Pfister, Peter 
Potthast, Fred 
Puis, Christian 

Reinhard, George 
Ries, Henry 
Rose, Adam 
Roterman, Fred 
Roth, Charles 
Roth, Henry 
Roth, Wm. 
Saum, Adam 
Schaarschek, Jas. 
Schlee, Joseph 
Schlosser, Henry 
Schmidt, Jacob 
Silberer, Lovemore 
Silbermann, John 
Simon, John 
Stallmann, Jacob 
Stange, Rudolph 
Stangre, Otto Franz 
Stumpe, Dietrich 
Tallhaber, Jos. 
Trulleib, Andreas 
Waldweiler, John 
Weig, Jacob 
Weiss, Charles 
Wenz, Gottfried 
Werder, John 
Westreider, Fred 
Wetzel, August 
Wilbermann, J. Hy. 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


Adolph Dengler, Captain 
Charles Hoeny, 1st Lieutenant 
Edward Krebe, 2d Lieutenant 
John Lendroth, 1st Sergeant 
Theodore Schneider, Sergeant 
Charles Doll, Sergeant 

Charles Duisenberg, Sergeant 
Henry Meier, Corporal 
Ernst Scheidig, Corporal 
Louis Rauch, Corporal 
Charles Zierath, Corporal 
Fred Schuchmann, Drummer 

Wilhelm Grill, Fifer 

Abel, John 
Auer, Fred 
Bastian, Joseph 
Beck, John 
Becker, John 
Betzer, Fred 
Bierwirth, Fred 
Bonneberger, M. 
Brod, Julius 
Bruner, Joseph 
Christen, Francis 
Diesel, John 
Esig, Michael 
Faller, Lazarus 
Fehrenbach, Sebastian 
Fidler, Hy. 
Fischer, Chas. 
Fischer, August 
Flug, Balthazar 
.Fricker, John 
Gebhard, John 
Geiger, Mathias 
Gemund, Anton 
Graff, Geo. P 
Grossmann, Jacob 
Hahn, Henry 
Hammer, Phillip 
Heilig, John 
Hess, Louis 
Hockert, Samuel 
Hoffman, Peter 
Hofmeister, Wm. 


Holdener, Joseph 
Jung, Wilhelm 
Junghaus, Herman 
Kaiser, Fred 
Keller, Hieronymus 
Kesselring, Conrad 
Kimmerl, Franz 
Klaus, Franz 
Klingenpis, Jonathan 
Koppmann, Franz 
Kremer, Hy. 
Krim, John 
Kuhn, Andreas 
Kuhnl, Michael 
Lammert, Louis 
Leppert, Geo. 
Lorenz, John 
Ludescher, Franz 
Martin, Geo. 
Meier, Benjamin 
Meinhardt, John B. 
Metzger, Raimond 
Missbach, Leopold 
Mueller, Charles 
Pfeifer, Peter 
Rake, Fred 
Rampenthold, Fred 
Salterbach, Christian 
Schibert, Wm. 
Schlohmann, Fred 
Schmitt, Carl 
Schmitt, Carl Aug. 

Schopp, Leonhard 
Schroeder, Henry 
Schuchard, Hy. 
Schuekel, Anton 
Seeman, John 
Sendelbach, John 
Siegrist, Charles 
Siering, Jacob 
Sueger, Fred 
Sohn, Michael 
Spatzer, Francis 
Spiro, Simon 
Steimel, Rupert 
Strauss, Charles 
Strittmatter, Jacob 
Stutzel, Henry 
Sutter, Rudolph 
Tober, Joseph 
Toepfer, Fred 
Tritchler, Theo. 
Waechter, Jacob 
Wahl, Henry 
Wallerman, John 
Wand, John 
Wangelin, Gustav 
Wannemacher, Sebastian 
Weber, Benjamin 
Wiebel, Wm. 
Wiegand, Herman 
Winterwerl, Phil. 
Wool, John 
Zaumseil, Henry 

Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri J'olunteei 



George D. Friedlein, Captain 
Geo. Marschall, 1st Lieutenant 
John Kaegi, 2d Lieutenant 
Chas Hayemann, 1st Sergeant 
Christ. Trautman, Sergeant 
Wm. Eisermann, Sergeant 

Hugo Ropiquet, Sergeant 
Phillip Scherer, Corporal 
Wm. Ollomann, Corporal 
Edward Thees, Corporal 
Wendelin Burkhardt, Corporal 
Wm. Richter, Fifer 

Chas. Siebrecht, Drummer 

Adamski, Anton 
Amberg, Michael 
Angermann, Hy. 
Armbruster, John 
Auerswald, Herman 
Bader, August 
Baners, John 
Behler, Franz 
Behringhof, Max 
Bering, John 
Bertsch, Louis 
Becks, Fred 
Biehler, John 
Bruder, Joseph 
Butscher, Henry- 
Carl, Edward 
Crepen, Joseph 
Diebel, Louis 
Ehrhard, Fred 
Elkner, Edward 
Emil, Joseph 
Engelhardt, Martin 
Faes, John 
Findies, Louis 
Funkhouser, Andrew 
Fuderer, John 
Furder, John 
Gebensleben, Rudolph 
Gemp, Ely 
Genz, Friedolin 
Goeschel, Albert 
Gollez, John 
Heeger, Wendelin 
Helm, Julius 
Hoffman, Phillip 


Hoppman, Martin 
Jung, John 
Kackler, Emil 
Kaes, Fred 
Kahn, Fred 
Kambert, William 
Kapp, Phillip 
Kappers, Valentin 
Kapps, Rudolph 
Kasten, Daniel 
Koch, Bruno 
Koerner, Herman 
Kohle, Louis 
Kohlmann, Fred 
Koser, Fred 
Kracht, John 
Krause, August 
Kunz, Fred 
Ledermann, Jacob 
Lempke, Charles 
Lipps, Christian 
Loesoher, Jacob 
Lohner, John 
Lohrer, Michael 
Loosen, Gottfried 
Lott, John 
Lubzeier, Joseph 
Mathias, Henry 
Mayforth, Fred 
Meyer, Jacob 
Meyer, Michael 
Meyer, Stephen 
Molitor, Jacob 
Mueller, Andreas 
Mueller, Anton 

Mueller, Michael 
Niedringhaus, Fred 
Null, John 
Nutzener, Chas. 
Oster, Theodor 
Pall, William 
Plotscher, Frank 
Ratz, Henry 
Riegel, John 
Roesch, Louis 
Rohr, Robert 
Rose, Gustav 
Ruedlinger, Frank 
Schaller, Valentin 
Scliaub, Jacob No. 1 
Schaub, Jacob No. 2 
Schavang, Rudolph 
Schitting, John 
Schoeppe, George 
Schnitzler, Martin 
Schutzler, Sebastian 
Schwarz, Otto 
Seiler, Jacob 
Tupple, Sebastian 
Ulrich, Albert 
Vogel, Gottlieb 
Volm, Wendelin 
Voltz, Bernhard 
Voss, Adrian 
Weigmand, Phil. 
Wenzel, Rudolph 
Wiedmar, John 
Wilde, Rudolph 
Winder, John 
Ziegler, Fred 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in IStil. 


Chas. H. Mannhardt, Captain 
H. Klostermann, 1st Lieutenant 
Joseph Priesner, 2d Lieutenant 
Julius Gemruer, 1st Sergeant 
Louis Gaurain, Sergeant 
Wilhelm Kramer, Sergeant 

Alexander Schrader, Sergeant 
John Koegg, Corporal 
Adolph Mallinkrodt, Corporal 
Peter Quickert, Corporal 
Ferd. Schrader, Corporal 
Charles Derr, Drummer 

Richard Schuchmann, Fifer 

Anike, Jacob 
Baunneberg, John 
Blinkensdorfer, Wm. 
Bohn, Henry 
Bomm, Conrad 
Brand, John 
Brockmann, Ernst 
Brommelmeyer, Geo. 
Bunn, Ludwig 
Buetler, Andreas 
Dannmann, Herman 
Dantz, Peter 
Dickmann, Herman 
Dietz, Charles 
Frontrup, Hy. 
Geier, Martin 
Glock, Peter 
Goetz, Edward 
Hassenritter, Herman 
Heidemann, Albert 
Heltmann, Wm. 
Hensick, Caspar H. 
Hensler, Frantz 
Herman, Adolph 
Herman, Charles 
Heydt, Adolph 
Heydt, John G. 
Hoffarth, Franz 
Hofner, Caspar 
Just, -Edward 
Jensen, John C. 


Kaegg, John 
Kessler, Charles 
Kessler, Herman 
Kirchner, Albert 
Kissing, Wm. 
Klein, Fred 
Koch, Ernst 
Koch, Gustav 
Koch, Otto 
Koch, Wm. 
Kruse, Jacob 
Kuntz, Christian 
Kittner, Herman 
Lange, Frank 
Leisler, Wm. 
Limmert, Louis 
Lohmann, Louis 
Louis, Joseph 
Mathias, Henry 
Mathias, Herman 
Maurer, Charles 
May, Jacob 
Meyer, Andreas 
Meyer, John M. 
Molitor, Jacob 
Mueller, Geo. E. 
Mukin, Adolph 
Munch, Albert 
Munch, Berthold 
Munch, Ferdinand 
Munding, Conrad 

Munk, Henry 
Otto, John C. 
Pappenhauser, Hy. 
Pflster, Christian 
Pfund, Gottfried 
Probst, Edward 
Ruebling, Paul 
Rupert, Wm. 
Rust, Herman 
Ryan, Patrick 
Schaebert, August 
Schaerf, Joseph 
Schaub, Jacob 
Schoeder, Louis 
Schluter, Henry 
Schmidt, Leonhardt 
Schraeder, Adolph 
Schroeder, Fritz 
Schwarz, Otto 
Seewald, Chas. 
Spannaus, Henry 
Steininger, Jacob 
Steitz, Louis 
Stern, Joseph 
Stopping, Michael 
Stuebler, Peter 
Theene, George 
Thiehlmann, Hy. 
Thiehlmann, John F. 
Wenker, Henry 
Wetzel, Wm. 

Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Theodor Meumann, Captain 
Theodor Henck, 1st Lieutenant 
George Schuster, 2d Lieutenant 
William Wolf, 1st Sergeant 
Charles Tillenger, Sergeant 
Henry Beneke, Sergeant 

Louis Coloman Lucas, Corporal 
Fred Kolwatz, Corporal 
Gustav Ritter, Corporal 
Fred Krueger, Corporal 
Christian R. Riebel, Corporal 
Peter Hartman, Musician 

Christian Helnier, Musician 

Abel, Geo. Alex 
Allgier, Michael 
Andree, Charles 
Autenrieth, Herman 
Becherer, Xavier 
Beka, Benjamin 
Beman, Phillip 
Bemis, Chas. Aug. 
Benzon, Andrew 
Block, Rudolph 
Blume, Franz 
Bracke, William 
Bruns, Henry 
Danvil, William 
Debusman, Chas. 
Dietrich, Caspar 
Dieu, John 
Dozer, Edward 
Dreinhoefer, Edw. 
Dutsch, John 
Eggus, Chas. Aug. 
Eich, Wm. 
Eiserman, Hy. 
Elgars, Herman 
Engfer, John 
Faist, William 
Faller, Edward 
Fassler, Leopold 
Fassler, William 
Fencel, William 
Fischer, Phillip 
Fischer, Hugo 


Flack, Richard 
Frank, John 
Freble, Jacob 
Gebelein, John 
Guedemann, Bethline 
Hammer, Isaac 
Happenberg, Gustav 
Hecker, Arthur 
Held, George 
Heller, John 
Henscheil, Bernhard 
Herneise, Gottlieb 
Hipp, Charles 
Hoffman, Leonhard 
Holzwarth, John 
Horstbrink, Ludwig 
Jobs, Jacob 
Jungst, Henry 
Kauffman, Wm. 
Keelenberg, Charles 
Kessler, Charles 
Koch, Adam 
Koster, Henry 
Kowalsky, Theodore 
Krette, Phillip 
Lenze, Chas. 
Macbeth, Jos. 
Mark, Otto 
May, Julius 
Mayenberg, Fred 
Mohr, Wm. 

Mueller, Andreas 
Nelgne, August 
Olfers, Herman 
Panse, Herman 
Pretorius, Wm. 
Pritzel, John 
Reifurth, August 
Reuss, Chas. Albert 
Roeslein, Anton 
Schamburger, Fred 
Schell, George 
Schlesp, John 
Schmidt, Berne 
Schmith, Louis 
Schroeder, Anton 
Schurmann, Fred 
Seidler, Charles 
Spridler, Julius 
Stein, Charles 
Steiner, Charles 
Tending, Christopher 
Todt, Charles 
Twelbeck, John 
Vielhack, August 1 
Vielhack, August 2 
Walter, Fred 
Walthmann, Chas. 
Wenze, Rudolph 
Wuestner, Edmund 
Zack, Wenzel 
Zott, Arnim 


The Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, was or- 
ganized with twelve Companies towards the end of April, 1861, by 
electing Nicolaus Schuettner Colonel. It was originally a hunting 
society of longer standing called "Die Schwarzen Jaeger," equipped 
with the usual outfit of a hunting society. This and the Schuetzen 
Section of the St. Louis Turnverein were the first armed Union 
volunteer bodies in St. Louis, even before President Lincoln's call 
for 75,000 men. 

The Regiment took part in the capture of Camp Jackson and 
was soon thereafter sent down to protect Cairo and Birds Point. 
It made a fortified camp at the latter place and carried on a success- 
ful scouting in Southeast Missouri. On returning to St. Louis the 
Regiment was sent on a larger expedition to Callaway County, while 
two of its Companies were on detached service guarding the Pacific 
Railroad. The Regiment was mustered out at the expiration of its 
term of service on July 30, 1861, and those of its members who re- 
enlisted joined different Regiments and Companies, but the original 
organization was not continued. Of its 1,037 members, 88 per cent 
were Germans 8 per cent Bohemians, the balance Americans. 


Nicholas Schuettner, Colonel Christ. Grison, Quartermaster 

Adam Hammer, Lt.-Colonel Chas. Gus Louis Beck, Surgeon 

Fred Niegemann, Major Adolph Rosch, Asst. Surgeon 

Sigmund Homburg, Adjutant Gus R. Spannagel, Sergt.-Major 

Aug. Boettcher, Quartermaster Sergt. 

Ferdinand Knecht, Drum Major Casper Herget, Fife Major 


Fourth Regiment Infantry. Missouri 1'olanteers. 



Geo. Dahruer, Captain 
Jacob Kiburz, 1st Lieutenant 
Frank Guide, 2d Lieutenant 
Geo. Mueller, 1st Sergeant 
ffm. Hagen, Sergeant 
Daniel Kaesten, Sergeant 

Wm. Volmar, Sergeant 
Louis Chouteau, Corporal 
Julius Lachs, Corporal 
John Schaub, Corporal 
Robt. Venn, Corporal 
Dietrich Wehrmann, Drummer 

Jos. Dammermuth, Bugler 

Adam, August 
Albrecht, John 
Berg, Henry 
Bischoff, Wm. 
Brockmann, Hy 
Bucker, John 
Busch, Jacob 
Carroll, Louis Davis 
Dreher, Henry 
Drinker, George 
Emmler, John 
Erdsmannsdorfer, Chas. 
Gebraetz, Aug. 
Goetz, Anton 
Goetz, John 
Green, Geo. M. 
Green, Hy. 
Hauck, Alex 
Hauck, Jacob 
Heier, George 
Heinze, Charles 
Heitzmann, Jos. 
Held, Christian 
Helwig, Christian 


Herwig, Wm. 
Hettler, Joseph 
Hofer, Conrad 
Kaester, Edward 
Keischt, Conrad 
Koch, Henry 
Krimenau, Henry 
Metzerock, Albert 
.Meyer, Frederick 
Meyer, John Rudolph 
Meyer, Michael 
Meyer, Phillipp 
Muellerbach, Cornelius 
Obrecht, Ferd. 
Obrist, Rudolph 
Poetting, Fred 
Pries, Henry 
Reinhardt, Fritz 
Richard, Jacob 
Riedel, Wm. 
Ruedi, Wieland 
Ruppol, Simon 
Sand, John 
Schaedler, Wm. 

Schauble, Michael Jacob 
Schlecht, Jacob 
Schlumpf, Wm. 
Schmidt, Ernst 
Schnell, Reinhold 
Schuler, Albert 
Seibel, Nicolaus 
Spindler, Andrew 
Stroh, Ludwig 
Sybolsky, John 
Tamm, Henry 
Tuchof, Friederich 
Ulrich, Theodore 
Vaulhaber, Val. 
Voigt, Bernhardt 
Wagner, Gottlieb 
Walther, Henry 
Walther, Michael 
Weber, Joseph 
Weigel, John 
Widmann, Hy. 
Wittig, Edward 
Zinglin, Peter 
Zipf, John 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


George Rieman, Captain, April 24 
Ludwig Hofstedter, 1st Lieutenant 
Conrad Grenzebach, 2d Lieutenant 
Louis Holland, 1st Sergeant 
Wm. Albrecht, Sergeant 
Ferd. Hahn, Sergeant 
Carl Kunst, Sergeant 

Anton Thebus, Sergeant 
Geo. Anschuetz, Corporal 
John Guntber, Corporal 
Wm. Ruge, Corporal 
John Stemler, Corporal 
Fred Weinig, Musician 
Aug. Jones, Musician 

Ackermann, Paul 
Ascherer, F. C. 
Berlach or Burbach.E.H. 
Berner, Louis 
Besse, Hy. 
Bindbeutel, Charles 
Bisser, Conrad 
Bisser, Rudolph 
Blase, Wm. 
Bock, Emil 
Bohly, Wm. 
Candle, Mathew 
Christmann, John 
Dahmer, Henry 
Dewein, Michael 
Doyn H. Van 
Ebenhok or Ebenhaz, 

Ellenberger, Jacob 
Engel, Jesse 
Engel, John 
Ernst, Chas. 
Fahler, Adolph 
Fahning, Harry 
Fohrkolb, John 


Gasche, Alois 
Ginz, Louis 
Glunk, Alois 
Guenther, Hannibal 
Gruenewald, Andrew 
Gutting, Anton 
Halter, Arnold 
Halter, John 
Hegeschweiler, F. 
Hoffling, Anton 
Kaufman, Peter 
Kautz, Peter 
Kellner, Charley 
Kettelkamp, Hy. 
Klein, Mich. 
Kurtzeborn, Jacob 
Lielig, Henry 
Lotter, Ad 
Maat, John Van 
Marschall, G. A. 
Menke, Frank 
Mueller, Frank 
Niederer, Gustav 
Nyhouse, Wm. 
Otto, Emil 

Otzinger, Jacob 
Preis, Justus 
Raschel, Wm. 
Reinert, Jacob 
Reinecke, Ludwig 
Ried, Julius 
Rohrbach, John 
Rotty, Ignatz 
Rusterholz, John 
Sauerwein, Adam 
Schira, Conrad 
Schoeneberg, Dan 
Schull, Sam 
Schulz, Chas. 
Schwartz, Wm. 
Stork, Andrew 
Vander Maat, John 
Vogel, Christoph 
Walter, Wm. 
Weber, Wm. 
Weigand, Hy. 
Weigel, Aug. 
Wieneck, Andrew 
Winter, John 

Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Fred Schueddig, Captain Gottlieb Stossberg, Sergeant 

Ferdinand Schueddig, 1st Lieutenant Jacob Blatz, Corporal 

Anton Wald, 2d Lieutenant Julius Conrades, Corporal 

Julius Hertz, 1st Sergeant John Gutgemann, Corporal 

Carl Court, Sergeant John Hoefeler, Corporal 

Carl Luttgens, Sergeant Carl Geldmacher, Bugler 

Aug. Bredemeyer, Drummer 


Adrian, Ludwig 
Andermadt, Geo. 
Arns, Carl 
Arnst, John 
Bergert, Engelbert 
Biek, Bernhardt 
Brockmann, Hy. 
Buntenbach, Samuel 
Carle, Wm. 
Court, Wm. 
Demper, Philip 
Ernzen, John 
Evertz, Carl 
Evertz, Fred 
Falkenrath, Gottlieb 
Fluegel, Jacob 
Friederich, Hy 
Freiner, Fred 
Geldmacher, Fred 
Giebe, Fred 
Gosker, Hy. 
Graf. Carl 
Graf, Paul 
Gross, Andrew 
Hack, John 

Hamm, Joseph 
Hartkopf, Julius 
Hillerscheidt, Carl 
Hinterschitt, John M. 
Hunnius, Carl 
Jannot, John 
Jansen, Henry 
Justus, Christian 
Kasten, C. L. 
Klarenbach, Gustav 
Klee, Daniel 
Klein, Albert 
Kuhn, Valentin 
Langenohl, Aug. 
Leindecker, Johfl 
Lutz, Edward 
Meier, Wm. 
Melcher, Gustav 
Memmler, Jos. 
Metz, August 
Mielke, Emil 
Mueller, Ernst 
Nack, Jacob 
Paffrath, Caspar 

Peter, Conrad 
Rothenbucher, Conrad 
Rumler, Peter 
Sann, John 
Schmidt, Gustav 
Schmidt, Louis 
Schroeder, Theo. 
Schuddig, Ferd. 
Siemens, Aug. 
Simon, John 
Simon, Peter 
Sommer, Carl 
Spohr, Christian 
Stocker, Friederich 
Stocker, Robert 
Stossberg, Gottlieb 
Teuber, Aug. 
Tiegel, Fred. 
Van Dawen, Ad. 
Weber, John 
Wirtz, Anton 
Wittkorn, Theo. 
Witzel, Magnus 
Zepf, Franz 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 18b 1. 


George Hassfurther, Captain 
John Donertfort, 1st Lieutenant 
John Rifer, 2d Lieutenant 
Julius Zesch, 1st Sergeant 
Francis Unger, Sergeant 
Christian Wolf, Sergeant 

Fred Arnold, Corporal 
John Muckstadt, Corporal 
August Obst, Corporal 
Peter Spahn, Corporal 
Blasius Schatz, Drummer 
Aug. Puhlan, Bugler 

Andrew, Anton 
Behrens, Henry 
Bertsch, John 
Blattner, Hy. 
Borcherding, Christ. 
Braun, Wm. 
Caspary, Caspar 
Clemens, Geo. 
Conzelmann, Chas. 
Doerr, Henry 
Doersch, John 
Eichele, Chas. 
Erg, Wm. 
Ernst, George 
Fischbach, Francis 
Gast, Andres 
Gehauf, Christian- 
Goerthelman, Geo. Phil. 
Gribke, Hy. 
Grund, Adam 
Hampe, Francis 
Hechinger, Ignatz 
Heil, Wm. 
Hogarth, John 
Holtzwarth, Daniel 
Horcher, Louis 


Horst, Charles 
Hugelman, Bernard 
Kern, John 
Kornberger, Rudolph 
Kulli, Charles 
Kunzmann, Andreas 
Leiman, John 
Lieblanger, Nicolaus 
Lielich, Conrad 
Luecksfeld, Jacob 
Muelhaus, Hy. 
Mahrs, August 
Matt, Jacob 
Meier, Charles 
Meier, Hermann 
Meirer,' Mathias 
Meirer, Nicolaus 
Messmer, Mathias 
Mueller, Clemens 
Mueller, Conrad 
Mueller, Henry 
Nax, Philip 
Ohl, Wm. 
Peter, Gottlieb 
Probst, Aug. 
Rolli, Peter 

Rudolph, Fred. 
Schadt, Phil. 
Schatz, Marcus 
Schenk, Frederich 
Schilling, John 
Schilling, Wm. 
Schmidt, Adam 
Scholl, Philip 
Schummacher, Anton 
Soloman, Hermann 
Stall, Gustave 
Steer, Jacob 
Steiner, Jacob 
Stoeber, George 
Stoeber, Hy. 
Stroh, Frederich 
Ufen, Albert 
Weiss, Michael 
Weissbrod, Peter 
Wetzel, Sebastian 
Wolf, John 

Wuertenbecher, Jacob 
Zellweger, John 
Zesch, Maurice 
Zoore, Herman 
Zuengler, Geo. 

Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Theo. Fisehbach, Captain 
Ignatz Hunditzka, 1st Lieutenant 
John Wildberger, 2d Lieutenant 
Casper Sperber, 1st Sergeant 
Claus Voege, Sergeant 
Charles Weiss, Sergeant 

Emanuel Wessely, Sergeant 
Gustav Brhard, Corporal 
Wenzel Moschna, Corporal 
Wenzel (Henry) Schery, Corporal 
Christoph Schwier, Corporal 
Chas. Pelican, Musician 

Frank Janot, Musician 


Andes, Conrad 
Bruder, Wenzel 
Bicha, Jacob 
Buehler, John 
Buehly, Lorenz 
Bruner, Albert 
Doerner, Hy. 
Doerner, Jacob 
Dollar, Frank 
Eisenhuth, John 
Entsehelmeyer. Herman 
Erchinger, Simon 
Friedrich, Wm. 
Gubser, Boniface 
Hahn, John 
Hayek, Vincent 
Heilby. Joseph 
Hildeberger, John 
Hornbach, Nic. 
Huhn, John 
Hurka, Jacob 
Icha, John 
Jedicka, Frank 
Karl, John 
Kessle, Frank 

Kletzan, Wenzel 
Koran, Jack 
Korel, Wenzel 
Kram, Hy. 
Krause, Aug. 
Kubik, John 
Kuerr, Michael 
Kutschera, Mathias 
Leber, John 
.ilacha, .Martin 
.Merkel, Andreas 
.Meyer, Wenzel (Henry) 
Michael, John 
Mrasik, Jos. 
Nikola, Wm. 
Obermeyer, Jos. 
Peliowitz, John 
Poenesch, Mathias 
Priester, Michael 
Rak, John 
Rayek, Will 
Riha, Martin 
Riha, Mathias 
Rosipal, Joseph 

Scherny, John 
Sthub, John 
Schwegla, Wenzel 
Schymany, Walter 
Stauh, Joseph 
Stauh, Thomas 
Stein, John 
Stodola, Jos. 
Stodola, Wenzel 
Stromberger, Louis 
Stroslick, Frank 
Suda, Wenzel 
Swazina, Jos. 
Ulman, Peter 
Viata, Frank 
Walter, Andreas 
Wenger, Christ. 
Wenzlick, Peter 
Werdich, John 
Wetzel, Erhard 
Woita, Tom 
Worrel, John 
Zerelin, Ignatz 
Zingula, Joseph 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


George Berg, Captain 

John Mockenhaupt, 1st Lieutenant 

Edward Koenig, 2d Lieutenant 

John Simon, 1st Sergeant 

Louis Eisleben, Sergeant 

Hy, Schulte, Sergeant 

Hy. Wallman, Sergeant 
Wm. Engel, Corporal 
John Graf, Corporal 
John Helgoth, Corporal 
Jos. Vorst, Corporal 
Leonard Fasshauer, Bugler 

John Berg, Drummer 

Adam, Rudolph 
Becherer, Joseph 
Becker, Hy. 
Broder, Conrad 
Brodhack, Jacob 
Buchle, Jacob 
Buchlein, Hy. 
Cahen, Ferdinand 
Dallmeyer, Ferdinand 
Deberle, Gottlieb 
Eberts, Jacob 
Fehl, George 
Fluhler, Michael 
Forster, Wm. 

Goebe, John 

Graseck, Ernest 

Griesecker, Jos. 

Grosch, Casper 

Haller, Julius 

Hercke or Herge, Hy. 

Hoffman, George 

Hyden, Louis 

Hyer, Hy. I. 

Hyer, Hy. II. 


Jaeger, August 
Kautz, Charles 
Kuhne, Ernst 
Lannert, Phil. 
Laux, Louis 
Meyer, John I. 
Meyer, John II. 
Moebus, Wm. 
Mueller, Andrew 
Mueller, Louis 
Mund, Albert 
Niemeyer, Wm. 
Nueffer, Bernhard 
Obermeyer, Bernhard 
Otto, George 
Preussgen, Robt. 
Renn, Jacob 
Rische, Aug. 
Sauer, Edward 
Schellkopf, Fred. 
Schroeder, John 
Schroeder, Robert 
Schnermann, Wm. 
Seehausen, Gittlieb 

Siebel, August 

Smalenberger, Fred. 

Smith, Hy. 

Spies, Hy. 

Spies, Jacob 

Stahlhut, Wm. 

Steinberg, Chas. 

Stocker, Ferd. 

Templer Wm. 

Viehring, Wm. 

V\ eiler, Wm. 
Wcinhagen, Edw. 
Weinrich, John 
Weiss, Conrad 
Wilde, Jacob 
Witt, Leonhard 
Wolff, Valentin 
Wolney, Rudolph 
Weichner, John 
Wunsch, Hy. 
Wurst, Jos. 
Zerlgett, Aug 
Zulich, Hy. 

Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Chas. Demny, Captain 
Chas. Kutischauser, 1st Lieutenant 
Wm. Fred Faust, 2d Lieutenant 
Herman Tuerk, 1st Sergeant 
Hy. Hagermann, Sergeant 
Ferd Hasner, Sergeant 

Jacob Metzger, Sergeant 
Fred Havendick, Corporal 
John Keis, Corporal 
Christ Luckfield, Corporal 
Herman Schierholz, Corporal 
Emil Dosenbach, Musician 

John Bear, Musician 

Ackermann, Edw. 
Ahrens, Bernhard 
Altzenz Chas. 
Andrae, Aug. 
Angele, Wm. 
Bauer, John 
Baumgard, Gottlieb 
Bender, John 
Bernst, John 
Bieckelberg, Fred. 
Bietlingmeyer, John 
Boullige, John 
Bucher, Jos. 
Diezel, Adam 
Diezel, Hermann 
Elbe, Gottlieb 
Ester, Christian 
Franke, Hy. 
Franke, Wm. 
Freese, Henry 
Freyte, Alex. 
Geers, Herman 
Gerber, Henry 
Gerdes, Herman 


Giebel, Hy. 
Greemann, Casper 
Hartmann, Chas. 
Herdt, Chas. 
Hering, Peter 
Hirschberger, Peter 
Kayser, Chas. 
Koester, Wm. 
Lahmann, Wm. 
Lapp, Louis 
.Meyer, Wm. 
Mueller, Leonard 
Nischwitz, Philip 
Offel, Joseph 
Pietz, Herman 
Potthof, Hy. 
Racky, Jos. 
Rasmuo, John 
Riegelman, Conrad 
Rohr, Casper 
Rotter, Adolph 
Russ, Ignatz 
Saltenberger, John 

Sandhoff, John 
Schaeffer, Gottlieb 
Schlenker, Jacob 
Schmelzer, Wm. 
Schmidt, George 
Schmidt, Fred 
Schneider, John 
Schneiderwind, Hy. 
Schott, Wm. 
Schutz, Fred 
Seeck, Claus 
Speckmann, Fred 
Spoerl, Christian 
Stoffregen, Wm. 
Tanner, Jos. 
Ulrich, John 
Weimann, Hy 
Wegener, Chas. 
Wittig, Alexander 
Wittig, Edward 
Woehle, Louis 
Wolf, Henry 
Zurcher, Louis 



The Union Cause in St Louis in 1861. 


Philip Frank, Captain 

John Jos. Petri, 1st Lieutenant 

Francis Jac Botz, 2d Lieutenant 

Fred Bornefeld, 1st Sergeant 

Paul Achenbach, Sergeant 

T. Adam Fink, Sergeant 

Louis Schweitzer, Sergeant 
Chas. Butzinger, Corporal 
Francis Hartmann, Corporal 
John Huegerich, Corporal 
Chas. Schoetz, Corporal 
Chas. Schmidt, Musician 

John A. Maier, Musician 

Algeier, Michael 
Arzt, Wm. 
Bauer, Phil. 
Benshing, Wm. 
Berkel, Michael 
Bien, John 
Bilger, Mary 
Brandau, Adam 
Brandau, Wm. 
Busley, Fred. 
Demuth, Wendelin 
Ebel, Martin 
Egener, Phil 
Frank, Hy. 
Frank, Lorenz 
Freeh, Hubert 
Frey, Adam 
Frey, Fred 
Fridrickson, Fred 
Gleich, Jacob 
Gronemeyer, Dietrich 
Hammer, John 
Harst, Peter 
Herzog, Adolph 
Horn, Hy. 


Huller, John 
Jacob, Peter 
Kaub, Francis 
Keim, John 
Kettel, Hubert 
Kissling, Michael 
Kilbs, Peter 
Kloes, Nicolaus 
Kraehe, Hy. 
Krueger, Chas. 
Kuepferle, Nicolas 
Kuntz, Michael 
Kutcher, Ferdinand 
Leindecker, Michael 
Leu, Balthazar 
Licht, Jos. 
Lohman, Wm. 
Maag, Philip 
Menzemer, Christ 
Meuzemer, Geo. 
Menzemer, Jacob 
Meyer, Aug. 
Nast, Chas. 
Nees, Peter 

Otte, George 
Rahtert, Wm. 
Remmert, John 
Rinker, Andreas 
Roffmann, Frederick 
Scheibel, John 
Schmahl, Gottfried 
Schwend, Alois 
Seiler, Gregory 
Seitrig, Hy 
Siegrist, Chas. 
Sievers, Geo. 
Sondermann, Gottlieb 
Stadler, Martin 
Stauffer, Jacob 
Stoll, Hy. 
Stutz, Pius 
Uhl, Michael 
Wagner, Lorenz 
Weber, Julius 
Wengender, Jos. 
Werner, Basil 
Wunsch, Max 
Zeiger, Louis 

Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Louis B. Hubbel, Captain 
Chas. H. Warrens, 1st Lieutenant 
Wm. P Cousley, 2d Lieutenant 
Jas. H. Chancey, Sergeant 
John M. Hays, Sergeant 
Sam N. Sluter, Sergeant 
Martin Welfley, Sergeant 

Frederic Davis, Corporal 

Wm. Cordes, Corporal 

Chas. Humpert, Corporal 

John Speck, Corporal 

Wm. Catts, or Cutts, Drummer 

Nicolas Ambrose, Musician 

Peter Decker, Bugler 

Alexander, Motley 
Ash, Wm. 
Ashburn, Jefferson 
Bear, Wm. 
Becker, John 
Beem, Martin 
Beiser, Nicolaus 
Bell, James 
Benzen, Christian 
Bilger, John 
Bollinger, John 
Borden, Conrad 
Chamberlain, Albert 
Connell, Jefries 
Corra or Conrett, Louis 
Crossman, Robt. 
Dummeborn, Frank 
Ebka, Louis 
Elstrow, Frederick 
Farrires, John 
Ferdinand, Chas. 
Fink, Aug. 
Gill, Wm. W 


Hahn, Andrew 
Hassler, Louis 
Hood, Andrew 
Horran, K. 
Huston, Ben. 
Kaiser, Robt. 
Kerl, Silas 
King, Ernst 
Konning, Hy 
Kulber, Gustav 
Laudenschlaeger, Ernst 
Leuman, Sam. P 
McCabe, James 
Merritt, Peter H. 
Miller, Chas. 
Millis, Michael 
Morlan, Chas. 
Myers, Wm. 
Nay, Peter 
Perrin, Thomas H. 
Pearce, Hy. P 
Pfiffner, Jos. 
Pogue, Hy. 
Polack, Louis 

Read, Chas. 
Reaves, Aquilla 
Reed, Chas. F. 
Remer, John 
Rodenburg, Christ 
Roehrich, Herman 
Ross, Conrad 
Routcliffe, Wm. 
Ruisia, Alex. 
Rundel, Horace 
Schriner, Herman 
Schulte, Anton F. 
Slater, Jas. 
Smith, Francis 
Stamps, Jas. B. 
Stamps, John C. 
Stillwell, John 
Strickler, John H. 
Sueter, John 
Sullivan, Cornelius 
Thompson, John 
Vaupel, Louis 
Wildermuth, David 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


Louis Rohrer, Captain 
Geo. Glassner, 1st Lieutenant 
Emil Luedecke, 2d Lieutenant 
Andrew Wachtel, 1st Sergeant 
Adolph Gerisher, Sergeant 
Philipp Hohl, Sergeant 

Aug. Stiller, Sergeant 
Wm. Korsch, Corporal 
Fred Meier, Corporal 
Bdw. Neiske, Corporal 
Andrew Welsh, Corporal 
Chas. Wagner, Musician 

Xaver Hoferer, Musician 

Albrecht, Charles 
Bengard, Prosper 
Benz, Geo. 
Bergmann, Hy. 
Bergmann, Wm. 
Bieger, Jos. 
Bolchhoefner, Gustav 
Brockmeyer, Christian 
Bruening, Fred. 
Busch, George 
Dedeck, Paul 
Dietrichs, George 
Dreyer, Jacob 
Dzengolewsky, Edw. 
Bllersick, Hermann 
Endler, Frederick 
Fey, Justus 
Fielde, Hy 
Foesst, Wm. 
Fluri, Jacob 
Franz, Lorenz 
Fries, Albert 
Firey, Charles 
Gall, Anthony 
Gansmann, Jos. 


Goehns, Chas. 
Guenther, Fred. 
Habersaat, John 
Heiligensetzer, Frank 
Heim, Fred 
Hofmeister, George 
Jacob, Oswald 
Just, Christ 
Keck, John 
Koch, Frederick 
Koser, Hy. 
Kratz, Fred. 
Krebs, Chas. 
Krey, Wm. 
Kundinger, Theo. 
Kurns, Anthony 
Kurtz, Chas. 
Lange, John 
Langhoff, John 
Lenz, Simon 
Luhrmann, Hy. 
McGuire, Jas. 
McNeil, Hugh 
Mehler, Aug. 
Mueller, Ernst 

Munn, John 
Obenziske, Jos. 
Oster, John 
Prach, Peter 
Rabien, Hy 
Reis, Adam 
Ribsam, Gotthardt 
Schillinger, John 
Schlo, Wm. 
Schmelzer, Wm. 
Schmidt, Christoph 
Schmidt, Edward 
Schmidt, Gustav 
Schultze, Wm. 
Schulz, Christ. 
Schulz, John 
Schupp, Hy 
Thies, Hy. 
Vogt, Anthony 
Wedermeyer, John 
Weiss, Hy. 
Willauer, Peter 
Zick, Frank 
Zimmermann, Jos. 

Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



John Weber, Captain 
Frank Romer, 1st Lieutenant 
Chas. Kull, 2d Lieutenant 
Frank Jos. Widmer, 1st Sergeant 
Frank Fleischman, Sergeant 
Ferd. Hermle, Sergeant 

Christian Stieren, Sergeant 
Nicolas Kariger, Corporal 
Jos. Manhardt, Corporal 
Stephan Sutter, Corporal 
Mathew Willmann, Corporal 
Mathew Strassner, Musician 

Fridolin Meier, Musician 

Adolph, John 
Ambros, Nicolas 
Amsler, Samuel 
Baker, Christian 
Bakers, Nicolaus 
Baumann, Francis 
Baumgartner, Fred. 
Bendixen, Jacob 
Benot, Frederick 
Bieser, Hy. 
Bikel, Chas. 
Bleichman, Jos. 
Borsum, Hy. 
Christmann, Jacob 
Cook, John 
Damermuth, Jos. 
Dreher, Engelbert 
Durch, Frederick 
Durst, Anton 
Ehrman, Chas. 
Flamman, John 
Flittner, Frederick 
Frey, Henry 
Gardhofner, Math. 
Gardner, Christ. 


Grueny, Michael 
Gunther, Xavier 
Hedinger, John 
Heer, Jacob 
Hesti, John 
Hesti, Leonhardt 
Hinterberger, Christian 
Holdener, Melchoir 
Jobs, Jacob 
Kircher, Jacob 
Koch, Leonhard 
Koehler, Hy. 
Kramer, Anton 
Lang, Joseph 
Leich, Gottlieb 
Marbeth, Felix 
Massbost, Jos. 
Mellony, Jas. 
Meury, Gregory 
Moes, Andrew 
Muri, Casimir 
Nelson, Hy. 
Nesson, Vincenz 
Richter, Gustav 

Ripp, Charles 
Ruedi, Frank 
Rupp, Peter 
Rutz, Abraham 
Scheele, Edw. 
Scherrer, Christian 
Schleter, Henry 
Schmieder, Sebastian 
Schweizer, Henry 
Sendel, Aug. 
Sik, Peter 

Spengelman, Casper 
Troxler, Justin 
Trutman, Frank 
Vogtli, Jos. 
Wagner, Jacob 
Walter, Frank 
Waly, Fred. 
Widmer, Jos. 
Wuhrman, John 
Wumersdorf, Louis 
Ziegler, John 
Zik, Wm. 
Zimmerman, Nic. 
Zumsteg, John 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


Robt. M. Haney, Captain 

Ferd. Wagenfuhr, 1st Lieutenant 

Fred von Bodungen, 2d Lieutenant 

Anton Boekling, 1st Sergeant 

Philip Franklin, Sergeant 

Th. Heiss, Sergeant 

Chas. Frentel, Corporal 
Julius A. Harrach, Corporal 
Charles Notzel, Corporal 
Gottlieb Stossberg, Corporal 
Wm. Tell, Musician 
Jos. Bucher, Musician 

Andreas, Frederick 
Angst, Gebhardt 
Bauman, John 
Bender, Max 
Bergman, Martin 
Biermann, Anton 
Block, Jacob 
Blumeier, Herman 
Bornler, Geo. 
Boss, Caspar 
Brown, Charles 
Breitsche, Charles 
Diesel, Peter 
Eckhardt, Peter 
Eifler, Chas. 
Eisenhuth, John S. 
Falbush, Fred. Hy. 
Fischer, Christian 
Fuchs, Andreas 
Fuhrman, Hy. 
Gautner, Jacob 
Gardner, Hy 
Gieselman, John 
Harter, Jacob 


Hartroth, Louis 
Hattimer, Bernhard 
Heiss, Fred. 
Hermann, John 
Hugger, Max 
Hulle, George 
Imboden, Christian 
Kacherer, Bernhardt 
Kamleiter, Fred. 
Kehl, Christian 
Kleb, Christian 
Klopp, Hy. 
Knoche, George 
Konigung, Gottlieb 
Kumler, Fred. 
Kupferschmidt, Jos. 
Leitmeiler, Fred. 
Meinhaus, Bernhard . 
Mueller, Frank 
Nantz, Hy. 
Niederer, Otto 
Noll, Adam 
Orzokowsky, Jos. 
Osten, Geo. 

Ott, Fred. Wm. 
Price, Justus 
Ruemler, Chas. 
Rupertus, Peter 
Schmidt, Wm. 
Schmidt, Herman 
Seiber, Fred. 
Schiller, Julius 
Schirmer, Herman 
Schneider, Hy 
Schnider, John 
Spatz, Philip 
Stettin, Wm. 
Strickler, Victor 
Sassenguth, Aug. 
Thomas, Mathias 
Trummer, Wm. 
Walter, John 
Weavers, Bernhardt 
Weber, John 
Wettstein, Hy. 
York, Hy. 
Zwissler, Theo. 


The quota of Missouri under President Lincoln's call for 75,000 
men, had been filled by the first four Regiments of Volunteers, but, 
in anticipation that more troops would be accepted, Companies of 
the Fifth Missouri Volunteers were organized and mustered in, at 
the time, when the President's Order of April 30 authorized enlist- 
ments in St. Louis up to 10,000 men. The Regiment was com- 
pleted May 18 by electing C. E. Solomon Colonel. Companies of 
the Fifth Volunteers garrisoned the Arsenal on Camp Jackson Day. 

The Regiment left St. Louis June 16 and marched Southwest, via 
Rolla, leaving one Company at Lebanon and two at Springfield. It 
reached Dry Forks, ten miles north of Carthage, took part in that 
engagement and creditably held its ground in the battle of Wilson's 
Creek, although the time of the men had expired. 

Returning to St. Louis August 18, the Regiment was mustered out 
August 26, most of its members joining different organizations for 
the three years' service. 

The Missouri Adjutant General's Report for 1863 states relative 
the Fifth Volunteer Regiment: "'A' no company" Another 
office record states: "Company 'A,' Fifth Missouri Volunteers, 
went, under Captain Nelson Cole, with Companies A and B Rifles 
of the First Missouri Volunteers, to the southeast of the State," and 
in the Adjutant General's Office of Missouri are recorded transfers, 
amounting to nearly a full Company, from Company A, Fifth Vol- 
unteers, to Captain Cole's Company E, First Regiment Volunteers, 
three years ; service. To avoid duplication, the names are only re- 
ported in the latter list. 

In the United States Records of the Civil War the report appears 
from St. Louis Arsenal, May 16, 1861, that Captain Nelson Cole, 
Company A, Fifth Regiment, Missouri Infantry, and Company A, 
Rifle Battalion, First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, went to Potosi, 
captured lead and some prisoners, and returned to St. Louis, leav- 
ing Lieutenant Murphy with 30 men at De Soto. 

The Fifth Regiment had only 775 men, being reduced by Com- 



The Tin 




St. Lonis in 1SH1. 

pany "A v detachment. The nationality of its member* wa? <_>."> per 
cent ijorman, the balance American, Bohemian and Irish. 


Chas. E. Solomon, Colonel 
Christ D. Wolff, Lt.-Colonel 
Fred W Cronenbold, Major 
Edward C. Franklin, Surgeon 
Samuel H. Melcher, Asst. Surgeon 

Bernard Meissner, Quartermaster 
Wm. Gerlach, Adjutant 
Joseph Nemeth, 1st Lieut., ext. duty 
Fred Cassel, Quartermaster Sergt. 
John A. Pranger, Drum Major 

George Beck, Corporal 

Louis Gottschalk, Captain 
Emil Wachter, 1st Lieutenant 
Wm. Bang, 2d Lieutenant 
John C. Castelhuhn, 1st Sergeant 
Henry Bedecker, Sergeant 
Wm. Goetz, Sergeant 


Conrad Hahn, Sergeant 
Wm. Buchmer, Corporal 
John Machin, Corporal 
Peter Wirz, Corporal 
George Beck, Corporal 
Chas. Welker, Musician 

Alt, Charles 
Anslinger, John 
Baumhoeffner, Aug. 
Beckerle, Valentin 
Bergfeld, Frank 
Bernhardt, David 
Braun, Fred 
Broham, John 
Brown, Wm. F. 
Burckhardt, Robt. 
De Haas, Hy. Caspar 
Firx, Fred 
Frielingsdorf, Ewald 
Gallagher, John 
Gates, Hy 
Geimer, Fred. 
Glatz, George 
Grau, Rudolph 
Griffin, Michael 
Guenshoner, Anton 
Guth, Geo. John 
Halbrank, Hy. 
Hankes, Frank 
Hipp, Jacob 
Hirschmann, Wm. 
Hirzlin, Geo. 
Hoffman, Adam 
Horn, John 

Jenter, Michael 
Kaufman, John 
Kehler, Louis 
Klinge, Hy. 
Kull, Fred. 
Kunold, Hy. 
Kunst, Hy. 
Linnewirt, Christ. 
Lynnot, Thomas 
Markert, Chas. 
Marquart, Joachim 
Mayer, And. 
Merkel, Chas. 
Merz, John B. 
Meschke, Hy. 
Mueller, Jacob 
Nestel, Jos. 
Olte, Chas. 
Paetz, Peter 
Obrecht, Michael 
Paul, Jacob 
Paul, Louis 
Praegizer, John 
Reeg, Wm. 
Regg, Louis 
Reiter, Peter 
Richter, Ernst 

Rothfusz, John 
Saul, Adam 
Schauerte, Jos. 
Schlingemann, Wm. 
Schlosser, Jacob 
Schmidt, Chas. 
Schuller, Gustav 
Schwab, Anton 
Schweigler, Andrew 
Spikermann, Jacob 
Stadelmann, Geo. 
Stelling, Wm. 
Stohr, Louis 
Strassner, Leonhardt 
Trahant, Hy. 
Voelpel, Ad. Phil. 
Voelpel, Wm. 
Vogt, Chas. 
Vogt, Theodor 
Wagner, Peter 
Webers, Hy. 
Wendel, Conrad 
Wieners, Louis 
Wolff, Hy. 
Zeller, Hy 
Ziegler, Fred. 
Zimmermann, Fred. 

Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 


Fred Solomon, Captain 
Wm. Kossack, 1st Lieutenant 
Otto Venn, 2d Lieutenant 
Julius Uhlenhut, 1st Sergeant 
Victor Dehlinger, Sergeant 
E. A. Stephan, Sergeant 



Paul Andres, Sergeant 
Fred Hohmann, Corporal 
Otto Groeger, Corporal 
Hy. Held, Corporal 
Ferdinand Poettgen, Corporal 
Hy Phillips, Musician 
S. Phillips, Musician 

Abel, John 
Anders, Chas. 
Anselm, David 
Babureck, Jos. 
Berghofer, John 
Blaha, Martin 
Bollmann, Hy. 
Brinkop, Hy. 
Bruder, Nicolaus 
Dain, John 
Dierberger, John 
Drescelius, Adam 
Dewitz, Chas. 
Eckerle, Lorenz 
Ellerbeck, Fr. W. 
Fialla, Wenzel 
Gerwiner, Arnold 
Goetz, Jacob 
Grumm, Mathias 
Haake, Wm. 
Harsch, Phillip 
Hlawatzek, Wendel 
John, Frederick 


Jost, August 
Kristufest, Jacob 
Krug, Edward 
Kuhut, Herman 
Leonhart, Sam. 
Linhard, Ferd. 
Lohrum, Jacob 
Long, John 
Ludy, Andrew 
Mannwell, Aug. 
Mueller, Ignatz 
Nemetz, Wenzel 
Niematz, Jos. 
Nock, Nicolaus 
Pfister, Victor A. 
Punger, John 
Rappensecker, L. 
Rannowsky, John 
Rauck, Jno. Nic. 
Regiaz, Francis 
Rehberg, John 
Rice, Adam 
Rotermund, Fred. 

Rubi, John 
Rudolph, Chas. 
Rueckert, Phil. 
Rupel, Andreas 
Salatz, Anton 
Sandau, Martin 
Schmidt, Geo. 
Seider, Felix 
Siedler, Christ 
Skalla, Adolph 
Stuck, John 
Stuck, Wenzel 
Stevens, Theodor 
Sushank, Wenzel 
Tessary, Jos. 
Waechter, Louis 
Waterloo, Balthasar 
Welch, Mathias 
Welck, Francis 
Will, Hy. 
Wimer, Chas. 
Wurster, Fred 
Zauf, Joseph 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


Charles Mehl, Captain 

Gustav Seehold, 1st Lieutenant 

Christopher Stork, 2d Lieutenant' 

Wm. Kuhl, 1st Sergeant 

Moritz Schilling, Sergeant 

Peter Hufschmidt, Sergeant 
Charles Betz, Sergeant 
Valentin Knell, Corporal 
George Stier, Corporal 
Joseph Griener, Corporal 

August Hinterthier, Corporal 

Aulbach, Adam 
Bauer, Jos. 
Bergemann, Aug. 
Binder, Anton 
Brauer, Conrad 
Brauns, Aug. 
Brendle, Rud. 
Broring, Perd. 
Damni, Michael 
Day, Friedrich 
Eckhoff, Fred. 
Ehing, Sebastian 
Emig, Louis 
Engelmann, Anton 
Fischer, Chas. Fred. 
Foeger, Johann 
Foekle, Henry 
Pranke, Carl 
Freier, Gottiried 
Fuchs, Joseph 
Geilsdorf, Carl 
Greib, Andreas 
Greim, Hy. 
Greiner, Xavier 


Grieser, Franz 
Grundrich, Jos. 
Grundamer, Andr. 
Hambloch, Theo. 
Henzieck, Hy. 
Hesberg, Jacob 
Hoffmann, John 
Jost, Christoph 
Keanter, Fritz 
Kellikohl, Oswald 
Klappinger, Peter 
Kleibstein, Adolph 
Kling, Jacob 
Lammers, Hy. 
Lamert, Valentin 
List, Geo. 

Lochbuehler, Michel 
Meyer, Louis 
Mick, Jackes 
Mick, Jean 
Mohle, Charles 
Mohle, Wm. 
Mueller, Fritz 
Poppmeier, Mathias 

Rauer, Hy 
Ravonsky, Adolph 
Reming, Jean 
Rosemeier, Jos. 
Rothenbucher, Jac. 
Rothfuss, David 
Schaefer, Thos. 
Schaller, Jacob 
Schaller, Michael 
Schlinger, Franz 
Schmidt, Franz 
Scholz, Louis 
Schulz, Anton 
Schulz, Carl 
Spehn, Jacob 
Stadtmann, Bernhard 
Strobel, John 
Weidemueller, Hy. 
Wieland, Christ 
Woldung, Fritz 
Wonefahrt, John 
Zapf, Jean 
Zoller, Adolph 
Zumsteg, Jos. 

Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Carl Stephany, Captain 
Jos. Ballhaus, 1st Lieutenant 
Julius Nehrig, 2d Lieutenant 
John Martin, 1st Sergeant 
John Meurer, Sergeant 
Dietrich Meyer, Sergeant 

Christian Clement, Sergeant 
Guttman Conrad, Sergeant 
Phil Breiheuser, Corporal 
Charles Dietz, Corporal 
Franz Schiffeile, Corporal 
Louis Bergthold, Corporal 

Christ Leimonstahl, Musician 

Adam, Hy 
Bassmann, John 
Bechtler, Christ 
Bergmann, Hy. 
Bomes, Phillip 
Bock, John 
Bock, Ludwig 
Bornnosky, Christ 
Breitenbach, Gustav 
Burkhard, Phillip 
Burns, John 
Dankert, John 
Dolle, Wm. 
Edler, Charles 
Eisenlohr, Rudolph 
Parren, James 
Fleischhut, Fred. 
Frenk, Hy. 


Geier, Louis 
Geiser, James 
Grase, Christ 
Grunkemeyer, Chas. 
Guntensperger, Robt. 
Haffner, Ludwig 
Herr, Ferdinand 
Hoffner, John 
Holzapfel, Gottfried 
Jicha, John 
Koester, Fred. 
Krapf, Valentin 
Kuhl, Andreas 
Langenthal, Edw. 
Luhrs, Chas. 
Magers, Hy. 
Mansur, Carl 
Mersch, Chas. 

Meyer, George 
Munnig, Urban 
Oberbeck, Hy. 
Papenhagen, Fred. 
Peck, Charles 
Poekler, Wm. 
Saeger, Hy 
Schaefer, Mathias 
Schanz, Christian 
Schirmer, Edw. 
Schulte, Chas. 
Schwade, Adolph 
Sewing, Fred. 
Stark, Balthasar 
Temsch, Alois 
Volz, Alexander 
Wenzel, Adam 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1SG1 


Alfred Arnaud, Captain 
Rudolph Schneider, 1st Lieutenant 
Emil Thomas, 2d Lieutenant 
John Etling, 1st Sergeant 
Alex Lamouroux, Sergeant 
Jacob Peters, Sergeant 
Caspar Zimmermann, Sergeant 

Andrew Hoffmann, Sergeant 
Henry Erbe, Corporal 
Anton Constant, Corporal 
Peter Kerth, Corporal 
John Vinchard, Corporal 
Edw. Curtois, Corporal 
Michael Meyer, Musician 

Beckman, John G. 
Behrley, Fred. 
Bloomer, John 
Boncher, Ambrose 
Boncher, Joseph 
Bonnet, Pierre 
Briard, David O. 
Brothers, Nicolas 
Coats, John 
Collerant, Aug. 
Dehler, Anthony 
Dihner, Adolph 
Dorn, Emil 
Drost, G. H. 
Eckerly, Lorenz 
Enge, Joseph 
Erdman, John 
Forman, Jacob 
Gehner, Philip 
Geis, Francis 
Geisthing, Fred. 
German, John P. 
Grasse, Michael 
Gye, Joseph 
Harding, Gottlieb 


Hayet, Jno. 
Herzog, Wm. 
Hoesly, Hy. 
Hook, Louis 
Hossman, A. 
Joseph, Andre 
Kastens, Harvey 
Klingler, Chas. 
Koch, Gottfried 
Lamotte, John P. 
Laternicht, John 
Lanvert, Hy. 
Lauday, John 
Lenhard, Ferd. 
Leonhard, Melchoir 
Mattern, George 
Matthieu, Jos. 
Meyer, Chas. 
Miller, John 
Opel, Edward 
Park, Dan A. 
Pastor, Michael 
Prack, Jno. 
Prevot, Louis 

Raisch, Jos. 
Renaud, John 
Robade, Jos. 
Rothenberger, Robert 
Rothenthaler, Fred. 
Rudolph, B. 
Schaad, Jno. 
Schoenstein, Bert 
Schoen, Henry 
Sihonette, Wm. 
Schulz, John 
Schwalby, Fred. 
Seliere, Victor 
Sip, Gideon 
Sweeney, Martin 
Sweeney, Wm. 
Thieling, Pierre 
Thily, Phillip 
Ushers, Robert 
Verlay, Christ. 
Vinchard, Chas. 
Weigly, Jacob 
Wohloch, John Jac. 
Zimmerman, Frank 

Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 



Chas. E. Stark, Captain 
Nicolaus Fuester, 1st Lieutenant 
Charles Weiss, 2d Lieutenant 
Geo. Niebauer, 1st Sergeant 
Conrad Beck, Sergeant 
Peter Hellmuth, Sergeant 

Frank Paschen, Sergeant 
Henry Neuer, Sergeant 
Chas. Critzmann, Corporal 
Leopold Kingelbach, Corporal 
Wm. Braun, Corporal 
Edward Kroll, Corporal 

Hy. Egbers, Musician 

Adolph, Henry 
Barthel, Mathias 
Bauer, Michael 
Baumann, Jno. 
Brerkle, Phil 
Breuninger, Leonhard 
Brey, Julius 
Buermann, Win. 
Chase, Henry 
Drenz, A. 
Fischer, August 
Plemm, Chas. 
Pasmer, Wm. 
Ganter, Wendelin 
Gerber, Henry 
Grimm, Jacob 
Grundreich, Christ 
Heimberger, Chas. 
Heinz, Jno. 
Hemp, Hy. 
Huber, Aloys 
Humbrecht, Aloys 


Junger, Adam 
Kaemerer, Anton 
Kallhof, Theodor 
Kleeberg, Rudolph 
Knopp, Martin B. 
Koch, John 
Koch, Victor 
Koeb, Frank 
Lamp, Henry 
Lang, Nicolas 
Leingang, Peter 
Loesch, August 
Lohman, Jac. 
Mavinger, Peter 
Michelen, Mathias 
Moor, Henry 
Neubert, Caspar 
Neumann, Louis 
Olbert, Jacob 
Pott, Michel 
Purte, John 
Reuter, Nicolas 

Raesch, Frank 
Saarsmann, Wm. 
Schlatter, Jac. 
Schmidt, Chas. 1 
Schmidt, Chas. 2 
Schmidt, George 
Schmidt, John 
Schmitz, Hermann 
Schneider, Fred. 
Schulenburg, Fred. 
Steinle, Rudolph 
Stock, Benedict 
Sudbeck, Franz H. 
Wehrle, Xavier 
Weidner, Chas. 
Weisbeck, Michael 
Wildhaber, Meinrad 
Wirth, John 
Witte, Gerhard 
Wolff, Anton 
Zobelei, Stephan 
Zoeller, Andrew 


The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 


Wm. J. Chester, Captain 
John Coleman, 1st Lieutenant 
Samuel Morris, 2d Lieutenant 
John L. Eager, 1st Sergeant 
Wm. Boker, Sergeant 

Wyman Vonbeck, Sergeant 
Jos. B. Ashton, Sergeant 
Mathew Grover, Corporal 
Jas. Healey, Corporal 
Sam I. Brown, Corporal 

Timothy Kinney, Corporal 

Armbrust, Bernard 
Anderson, Brestby 
Barber, Chas. E. 
Bauer, Stephan 
Becker, Fred. 
Brenard, Henry 
Bridgeford, Frank 
Brogan, Patrick 
Burner, Patrick 
Burow, John 
Bushby, Josiah 
Carter, John 
Clarkson, Jas. 
Clas, Andreas 
Cody, William 
Connors, Daniel 
Cosmelia, Robert 
Curtis, John 
Davis, W W 
Dempsey, Andrew 
Develin, Chas. 
Dickson, Ison 
Dorman, John 
Douglas, Jos. W. 
Feaney, John 
Flatron, Louis J. 


Gallagher, Mike 
George, Mathew 
Gimbel, Chas. 
Goday, Chas. 
Gracey, John E. 
Gremtz, Louis 
Griffin, John 
Grimes, Richard 
Harbinson, Edward 
Handlen, Larry 
Harrison, Edward 
Hayeck, John 
Heinzelman, Valentin 
Irwine, Chas. 
Kelley, Daniel 
Kelley, Wm. 
Kerner, Leonard 
Kimbel, Chas. 
Kirea, Patrick 
Knowlan, John 
Laren, Hy. H. 
Lynch, Thomas 
McCartney, John 
McGrath, Wm. 
McKinney, Martin L. 
Matheson, Jas. 

Moog, Hy. 
Mueller, Fred. 
Murphy, Thomas 
Oliver, Chas. R. 
Owen, O. H. 
Pierce, John 
Preston, Wm. H. 
Raule, Frank W. 
Reid, Andrew J. 
Renard, Eugene 
Riley, Jos. J. 
Runyon, Fred 
Ruper, John 
Ryan, Andrew 
Ryan, Benjamin 
Ryan, John 
Shipley, Chas. 
Sniff, Jos. 
Vosse, Peter 
Walker, Edw. 
Weedon, John 
Wegler, Chas. 
Whiteside, Jas. 
Woods, Jas. 
Yoring, Jas. 

Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 




Wm. J. Hawkins, Captain 
Monroe Harrison, 2d Lieutenant 
Phil D. Foomer, 1st Sergeant 
Barton Dear, Sergeant 

Bowman, J. A. 
Campbell, Thos. J. 
Conners, Patrick 
Cowley, Cornelius 
Cussick, Mike 
Fairbanks, Hy. 
Fairbanks, Wni. 
Filbert, Sebastian 
Flinn, Ben F. 
Flynn, Daniel 
Frail, Francis 

James Butler, Sergeant 
Jas. McGoffin, Corporal 
Geo. Fairbanks, Corporal 
John R. Taylor, Musician 


Gan, Alex. 
Gilet, Martin L. 
Harper, Wm. H. 
Harris, James 
Hogan, James 
Kinney, Henry 
Knopp. Alvina E. 
Lesser, Byron 
McDonald, John 
Mclntyre, Thos. 
McXamara, Jas. 

Reams, Barthel 
Roberts, W. 
Rollins, Jos. 
Scott, John 
Smith, John 
Sullivan, Mike 
Terry, George 
White, Patrick 
Wills, Geo. N. 
Winchell, Daniel 
Wymer, Fred. 


Chas. P Meissner, Captain 
G. Adam Bauer, 1st Lieutenant 
Joseph Spiegelhalter, 2d Lieutenant 
Anton Michaelis, 1st Sergeant 
Franz Reichard, Sergeant 

John Rossart, Sergeant 
August Gottschalk, Sergeant 
Bernard Breitenbaoh, Corporal 
Herman Schafer, Corporal 
Andreas Xeimer, Corporal 

Bachmann, Louis 
Backlein, Hy. 
Bangert, Louis 
Becker, Franz 
Becker, Joseph 
Behland, Adam 
Bender, Rudolph 
Bertram, Mathias 
Besler, August 
Biermann, Frank 
Butz, Peter 
Dan, John 
Derbofen, Fred 
Dessienso, Louis 
Dieke, Lorenz 
Dulle, Henry 
Eckert, Otto 
Eilman, Herman 
Finke, Fred. 
Fish, Math. 

Flassack, Jos. 
Fortkamp, Hy. 
Foss, Charles 
Frank, .lac. 
Geister, Valentin 
Geneke, Ernst 
Hauberick, Jacob 
Heinrich, Gottlieb 
Hoeberle, Adam 
Hoffman, Fred.